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The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
The History and Politics of Taiwan's February 28
The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of History © Yen-Kuang Kuo, 2020 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Zhongping Chen, Supervisor Department of History Dr. Gregory Blue, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. John Price, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. Andrew Marton, Outside Member Department of Pacific and Asian Studies iii Abstract Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. -
Today's News 18 May 2021
Today’s News 18 May 2021 (Tuesday) A. NAVY NEWS/COVID NEWS/PHOTOS Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL B. NATIONAL HEADLINES Title Writer Newspaper Page 1 ‘Pandemic response to boost admin bets’ A Romero P Star 1 urged: add more work sectors to jab M Cinco PDI A1 2 Gov’t list C. NATIONAL SECURITY Title Writer Newspaper Page 3 Roque says some Duterte language on A Romero P Star 1 WPS ‘no accurate’ 4 Palace: Nothing to retract in Du30 sea row J Aning PDI A4 remarks 5 Duterte snubbing WPS critics on Enrile’s M Blancaflor D Tribune A1 advice 6 Show of force D Tribune A5 7 Duterte tells US to leave PH alone R Arcilla M Times A4 8 Enrile’s insights on West PH Sea dispute G Kabiling M Bulletin A2 helpful to gov’t- Roque 9 Strategy to enforce the Arbitral Ruling J Lina M Bulletin 5 10 Enrile to Du30: Befriend China J Pañares MST A1 D. INDO-PACIFIC Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL E. AFP RELATED Title Writer Newspaper Page 11 New Army chief assumes post today M Punongbayan P Star 8 F. CPP-NPA-NDF-LCM Title Writer Newspaper Page 12 SC agrees to stop Esperon testimony M Ramos PDI A1 13 NPA committed 1,506 atrocities- AFP official D Reyes M Times A3 NPA committed 1,506 crimes, rights MST 14 A3 violations in past decades 15 28 bomba ng NPA natunton ng militar V Martin Ngayon 9 G. MNLF/MILF/BIFF/ASG Title Writer Newspaper Page A Romero P Star 4 16 ‘Congress OK needed to extend Bangsamoro transition’ 17 3 ASG bandits killed in 2 Basilan clashes L Jocson M Bulletin 8 18 3 ASG men dead in 2 Basilan clashes PNA Tempo 3 19 2 pang BIFF dedo sa sagupaan D Franche Ngayon 9 H. -
Taiwan's Indigenous Defense Industry: Centralized Control of Abundant
Taiwan’s Indigenous Defense Industry: Centralized Control of Abundant Suppliers David An, Matt Schrader, Ned Collins-Chase May 2018 About the Global Taiwan Institute GTI is a 501(c)(3) non-profit policy incubator dedicated to insightful, cutting-edge, and inclusive research on policy issues regarding Taiwan and the world. Our mission is to enhance the relationship between Taiwan and other countries, especially the United States, through policy research and programs that promote better public understanding about Taiwan and its people. www.globaltaiwan.org About the Authors David An is a senior research fellow at the Global Taiwan Institute. David was a political-military affairs officer covering the East Asia region at the U.S. State Department from 2009 to 2014. Mr. An received a State Department Superior Honor Award for initiating this series of political-military visits from senior Taiwan officials, and also for taking the lead on congressional notification of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. He received his M.A. from UCSD Graduate School of Global Policy and Strategy and his B.A. from UC Berkeley. Matt Schrader is the Editor-in-Chief of the China Brief at the Jamestown Foundation, MA candidate at Georgetown University, and previously an intern at GTI. Mr. Schrader has over six years of professional work experience in China. He received his BA from the George Washington University. Ned Collins-Chase is an MA candidate at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and previously an intern at GTI. He has worked in China, been a Peace Corps volunteer in Mo- zambique, and was also an intern at the US State Department. -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code RL30341 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Updated March 12, 2001 Shirley A. Kan Specialist in National Security Policy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress This CRS Report was initiated upon a request from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott in the 106th Congress. China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Summary On July 9, 1999, questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee Teng-hui, then-President of Taiwan, characterized cross-strait relations as “special state-to-state ties.” The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s statement was not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to “two Chinas.” Beijing, in February 2000, issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming its “peaceful unification” policy but with new warnings about the risk of conflict. There also have been questions about whether and how President Chen Shui-bian, inaugurated in May 2000, might adjust Taiwan’s policy toward the Mainland. In Part I, this CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the United States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of the “one China” principle as articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Despite apparently consistent statements over almost three decades, the critical “one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. -
The Divided China Problem: Conflict And
Hoover Press : EPP 101 DP5 HPEP01FM01 24-05-00 rev2 page i THE DIVIDED CHINA PROBLEM Conflict Avoidance and Resolution Linda Chao and Ramon H. Myers HOOVER INSTITUTION on War, Revolution and Peace Stanford University 2000 Hoover Press : EPP 101 DP5 HPEP01FM01 24-05-00 rev2 page ii The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, founded at Stanford University in 1919 by Herbert Hoover, who went on to become the thirty-first president of the United States, is an interdisciplinary research center for advanced study on domestic and international affairs. The views expressed in its publications are entirely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, officers, or Board of Overseers of the Hoover Institution. www.hoover.org Essays in Public Policy No. 101 Copyright 2000 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Material contained in this essay may be quoted with appropriate citation. First printing, 2000 Manufactured in the United States of America 050403020100987654321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chao, Linda. The divided China problem : conflict avoidance and resolution / Linda Chao and Ramon H. Myers ; Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. p. cm. — (Essays in public policy ; 101) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8179-4361-5 (paper : acid-free) 1. China—Foreign relations—Taiwan. 2. Taiwan—Foreign relations—China. 3. China—Foreign relations—1949– 4. Taiwan—Foreign relations—1945– 5. Chinese reunification question, 1949– 6. United States—Foreign relations—China. 7. China—Foreign relations—United States. 8. United States—Foreign relations— Taiwan. 9. Taiwan—Foreign relations—United States. -
The CCP Central Committee's Leading Small Groups Alice Miller
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No. 26 The CCP Central Committee’s Leading Small Groups Alice Miller For several decades, the Chinese leadership has used informal bodies called “leading small groups” to advise the Party Politburo on policy and to coordinate implementation of policy decisions made by the Politburo and supervised by the Secretariat. Because these groups deal with sensitive leadership processes, PRC media refer to them very rarely, and almost never publicize lists of their members on a current basis. Even the limited accessible view of these groups and their evolution, however, offers insight into the structure of power and working relationships of the top Party leadership under Hu Jintao. A listing of the Central Committee “leading groups” (lingdao xiaozu 领导小组), or just “small groups” (xiaozu 小组), that are directly subordinate to the Party Secretariat and report to the Politburo and its Standing Committee and their members is appended to this article. First created in 1958, these groups are never incorporated into publicly available charts or explanations of Party institutions on a current basis. PRC media occasionally refer to them in the course of reporting on leadership policy processes, and they sometimes mention a leader’s membership in one of them. The only instance in the entire post-Mao era in which PRC media listed the current members of any of these groups was on 2003, when the PRC-controlled Hong Kong newspaper Wen Wei Po publicized a membership list of the Central Committee Taiwan Work Leading Small Group. (Wen Wei Po, 26 December 2003) This has meant that even basic insight into these groups’ current roles and their membership requires painstaking compilation of the occasional references to them in PRC media. -
Northeast Asia Projects
Northeast Asia Projects Summary of the Third Roundtable on U.S.-China Policy and Cross-Strait Relations by Donald S. Zagoria July 13-15,1998 The July 1998 Roundtable on U.S.-China Policy and Cross-Strait Relations was the third in a projected series of five meetings sponsored by the National Committee on American Foreign Policy. The July meeting was attended by scholars from the United States, the People's Republic of China (PRC), and Taiwan. During the two-day Roundtable, the participants entered into candid talks about Cross-Strait issues. A summary of those discussions follows, according to the topics listed below: A. Recent Background B. Recent Taiwanese Perspectives C. Recent PRC Perspectives D. Recent Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Perspectives E. Recent U.S. Perspectives F. Cross-Strait Economic Relations G. Looking Ahead A. Recent Background 1. Since 1997 the situation in the Taiwan Strait has become more relaxed, and Cross-Strait relations have been moving in a positive direction. The turn for the better was greatly facilitated by the reciprocal state visits of President Jiang Zemin to Washington (October 26- November 3, 1997) and President William J. Clinton to China (June 25-July 3, 1998). 2. The vice chairman of the PRC's Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) and the deputy secretary general of Taiwan's Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) met in Beijing on May 23, 1998, and the two leaders of these semiofficial organizations, Wang Daohan and Koo Chenfu, have agreed to meet in the fall of 1998 in Beijing to prepare for the resumption of the Wang-Koo talks that were broken off in 1995. -
Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy Towards Taiwan Under Hu Jintao, In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 38, 3, 99-118
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China aktuell Chang, Wu-ueh and Chien-min Chao (2009), Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy towards Taiwan under Hu Jintao, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 38, 3, 99-118. ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print) The online version of this and the other articles can be found at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies in cooperation with the National Institute of Chinese Studies, White Rose East Asia Centre at the Universities of Leeds and Sheffield and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. To subscribe to the print edition: <[email protected]> For an e-mail alert please register at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is part of the GIGA Journal Family which includes: Africa Spectrum • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs • Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs • Journal of Politics in Latin America • <www.giga-journal-family.org> Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 3/2009: 99-118 Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy towards Taiwan under Hu Jintao Wu-ueh Chang and Chien-min Chao Abstract: China’s Taiwan policy has been one of coupling intimidation (the “stick” approach) with coercion (the “carrot” approach), a policy mix which, in the near term, is not likely to change, as is evidenced by the passage of the “Anti-Secession Law” in March, 2005. -
Military Aspects of the China-Taiwan Confrontation and Options for US
Dire Strait? Military Aspects of the China-Taiwan Confrontation and Options for U.S. Policy David A. Shlapak David T. Orletsky Barry A. Wilson Supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation National Security Research Division R The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation. The research was conducted within the International Security and Defense Policy Center of RAND’s National Security Research Division. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shlapak, David A. Dire strait? ; military aspects of the China–Taiwan confrontation and options for U.S. policy / David A. Shlapak, David T. Orletsky, Barry Wilson. p. cm. “MR-1217-SRF.” Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8330-2897-9 1. Taiwan—Military policy. 2. China—Military policy. 3. United States— Military policy. I. Orletsky, David T., 1963– II. Wilson, Barry, 1959– III. Title. UA853.T28 S55 2000 355'.03355124'9—dc21 00-062657 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 2000 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2000 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE Even a half century after the birth of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Taiwan Strait remains the locus of one of the most dan- gerous military confrontations in the world. -
NPR 1.3: Ballistic, Cruise Missile, and Missile Defense Systems: Trade
Missile Developments BALLISTIC, CRUISE MISSILE, AND MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEMS: TRADE AND SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENTS, SEPTEMBER 1993-JANUARY 1994 AFGHANISTAN WITH TAJIKISTAN 9/25/93 It is reported that Argentina's Condor- 1/9/94 2 missile installations might be used in AFGHANISTAN At 10:35 a.m., seven missiles are fired on a project to construct "Latin America's the 13th post of the Moskovskiy Border first satellite." Guard. Ann Schnittker, Proliferation Watch, 9/93, p. 3 (3600). Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). 11/29/93 9/30/93 1/11/94 The Argentine Foreign Ministry reveals that Argentina has become a member The rival Islamic factions of the Sunni Mus- The 12th post of the Russian Moskovskiy of the MTCR. The decision is partly a lim Ittehad-i-Islami Party of Rasul Sayyaf detachment guarding the Tajik border takes result of Argentine President Menem's and the Iranian-backed Shi'ite Hezb-i- missile fire from inside Afghanistan. cancellation of the Condor missile Wahdat fire about 200 rockets and mortar Galina Gridneva, Itar-Tass (Moscow), 1/12/94; in FBIS-SOV-94-008, 1/12/94, p. 76 (3634). project in early 1993. shells at each other in Kabul. Three people Buenos Aires Herald, 11/30/93, p. 1; in JPRS- are killed and seventeen are injured. TND-93-001, 1/6/94, p. 11 (3783). Washington Times, 10/1/93, p. A14 (3909). ARGENTINA ARGENTINA WITH EGYPT 11/93 The Argentine Defense Ministry con- INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS firms that factories in Iraq and Egypt The numbers listed in parenthesis following the were "twin sisters" of the Falda del biblographic references refer to the identification num- 1992 Carmen plant where the Condor-2 mis- ber of the document in the International Missile Pro- Argentina continues development of the sile was developed.