TRANSNATIONAL RELIGION: A CASE STUDY OF THE TURKISH UNITED ISLAMIC CULTURAL CENTRE OF INDONESIA (UICCI)
A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Firdaus Wajdi
Principal Supervisor: Professor Dr. Julia Day Howell Co-Supervisors: Associate Professor Dr. Mary Hawkins Dr. Arskal Salim
RELIGION AND SOCIETY RESEARCH CENTRE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PSYCHOLOGY WESTERN SYDNEY UNIVERSITY 2015
Dedication
I dedicate this thesis to:
My mother, Suirat, and my wife, Indah Nuchaidah, two exceptional women in my life. Also to my son, Kayyis Makarim Wajdi, and my daughter, Afaaf
Mahestri Wajdi, for their patience and understanding.
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Acknowledgements
A number of people and institutions have supported me while I completed this thesis. My PhD program was made possible by Australian Leadership Awards Scholarships (ALAS), formerly managed by the AusAID and now administered by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), Australia, and was supported by the rector of Universitas Negeri Jakarta
(UNJ [State University of Jakarta]), who granted permission for my study leave. I am grateful to those institutions for their support.
Professor Dr Julia Day Howell, my principal supervisor, has devoted her time and insight, giving my work both theoretical and methodological guidance. In addition to being my academic guide, she has encouraged me to actively participate in a number of academic conferences and summer school through which I have learned a great deal. Associate Professor Dr Mary Hawkins and Dr Arskal Salim, my associate supervisors at the Religion and Society Research Centre (RSRC), University of Western Sydney, have given valuable feedback on my thesis drafts. Without their continuous support, encouragement and constructive criticism, I would not have been able to complete this thesis. I am therefore indebted to them all and I thank them sincerely.
I am also truly thankful to Terri Drage for her review and comments on my drafts. I am grateful for her valuable insights and encouragement. Also to Ms Vanessa Goldie-Scot for her patient assistance with my writing skills and Ms Elena Knox who carried out the tedious work of proofreading and correcting the language of this thesis. Scholars and staff of the RSRC and School of
Social Science and Psychology have helped me and made my study easier. Among them, Professor Dr Adam Possamai (the director of the Centre), and
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Ms Eva Gracia (Centre Coordinator), Mrs Vicki Fox and Ms Nutan Muckle have provided both academic and administrative support during my program. I would also like to thank Dr Steven Drakeley and Dr Jan Ali, and my colleagues Mas Zen, Mas Muttaqin, Faroque, Mas Godo, Mbak Juni, Mbak Rully, Mas Arif Budiman, and Ferhat Kopuz Abi for their friendship.
I am indebted to many people in Jakarta, Jogjakarta, Pangkalan Bun, Medan,
Aceh, Istanbul, Kayseri, Frankfurt, Auburn and Meadow Heights, for their permission and support while I carried out my fieldwork in the Süleymancı boarding schools, Gülen affiliated institutions, as well as Nurcu’s dershanes. I owe them much for both their hospitality and their valuable information. I could not have completed this thesis without their support.
Last, but not least, I offer both my thanks and apologies to those who have assisted me, but who are too numerous to be listed here.
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Presentations
Parts of an earlier draft of this thesis were presented at: 1. Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) 19th Biennial Conference, “Knowing Asia: Asian Studies in an Asian Century”, The University of Western Sydney, 11-13 July 2012. 2. Religion, Nation(alism) and Transnationalism Symposium, The University of Western Sydney, 9 July 2014. 3. DORISEA - CETREN Summer School 2014, “Cityscapes and New Religiosities in Asia, The University of Göttingen, 10–17 August 2014. 4. 2014 Society for the Scientific Study of Religion (SSSR) Annual Meeting, Indianapolis, Indiana, 31 October-2 November 2014. 5. 2014 CILIS Islamic Studies Postgraduate Conference, The University of Melbourne, 11-12 November 2014.
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Statement of Authentication
The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original except as acknowledged in the text. I hereby declare that I have not submitted this material, either in full or in part, for a degree at this or any other institution.
....
Firdaus Wajdi
25 August, 2015
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Table of Contents
Dedication ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iii Presentations ...... v Statement of Authentication ...... vi Table of Contents ...... vii List of Figures ...... xii Abstract ...... xiii Glossary and Abbreviations ...... xv
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 THESIS STATEMENT AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 1 1.1.1 Thesis Statement ...... 1 1.1.2 Research Questions ...... 6 1.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 7 1.2.1 Transnationalism and Transnational Religious Movements ...... 7 1.2.1.1 Foci of Transnationalism Studies ...... 8 1.2.1.2 History and Development of Transnational Religious Movements ...... 9 1.2.2 Opportunity Spaces ...... 14 1.2.2.1 The Development of Opportunity Spaces Theory ...... 15 1.2.2.2 Opportunity Spaces and the Historical Development of Three Turkish Muslim Social Movements ...... 18 1.2.3 Glocalization ...... 24 1.3 THE INDONESIAN CONTEXT: RECENT ISLAMIC REVIVAL AND TURKISH TRANSNATIONAL MOVEMENTS ...... 27 1.3.1 Islamic Revivalism in Indonesia ...... 27 1.3.2 Turkish Transnational Islamic Movements in Indonesia ...... 31 1.4 METHODOLOGY ...... 35 1.5 THESIS STRUCTURE ...... 41
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CHAPTER II: ISLAM IN TURKEY AND THE RISE OF SÜLEYMANCIS ...46 2.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 46 2.2 ISLAM IN MODERN TURKEY ...... 48 2.2.1 Islam Distanced from the State (1923–1950) ...... 49 2.2.2 Integration into the State (1950s) ...... 50 2.2.3 Pluralization: 1980s ...... 51 2.2.4 Turkish Religious Movements of the Latter Twentieth Century ... 52 2.3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS MOVEMENT IN TURKEY AND ABROAD ...... 53 2.3.1 The Süleymancı’s Founding Father ...... 53 2.3.2 Developments of Süleymancıs ...... 56 2.3.2.1 Darul Arqam Period 1924–1950: Challenging Beginnings in a Loose Network ...... 56 2.3.2.2 The Medina Period 1950–1959: The Beginning of Public Süleymancı Schools ...... 58 2.3.2.3 The Formation of the Süleymancı Organization and Movement Abroad (1959–2000s) ...... 60 2.4 OVERSEAS BRANCHES OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS: GERMAN AND AUSTRALIAN EXAMPLES ...... 68 2.4.1 The Süleymancı in Germany ...... 68 2.4.2 The Süleymancı in Australia ...... 73 2.5 OPPORTUNITY SPACES FOR THE SÜLEYMANCIS ...... 76 2.6 CONCLUSION ...... 80
CHAPTER III: INDONESIAN SÜLEYMANCIS (THE UICCI) ...... 81 3.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 81 3.2 HISTORY OF THE UICCI ...... 83 3.3 THE BRANCHES OF UICCI ...... 90 3.3.1 The History of the Establishment of the UICCI Branches ...... 90 3.3.1.1 Asrama SMP-Jati Padang, Jakarta ...... 90 3.3.1.2 Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten, Jakarta ...... 92
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3.3.1.3 Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah-Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 94 3.3.1.4 Asrama Süleyman Halis-Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan ...... 97 3.3.1.5 Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre - Blang Bintang, Aceh ...... 99 3.3.1.6 Asrama SMP-Aceh (Kota Banda) ...... 101 3.3.1.7 Pondok Pesantren Syarif, Medan ...... 102 3.3.2 City not Village ...... 103 3.3.3 The Pattern ...... 105 3.4 FREE HIGH QUALITY TURKISH-STYLE ISLAMIC BOARDING SCHOOLS ... 106 3.5 CURRICULUM OF UICCI SCHOOLS ...... 114 3.6 MANAGEMENT OF THE UICCI ...... 118 3.6.1 National Branch Management ...... 118 3.6.2 Transnational Management ...... 122 3.7 RESPONSES TO THE UICCI ...... 123 3.7.1 Response of the Government ...... 123 3.7.2 Response of the Community ...... 127 3.8 THE UICCI AND ‘OPPORTUNITY SPACES’ IN INDONESIA ...... 129 3.8.1 Private Islamic Education as an ‘Opportunity Space’ ...... 129 3.8.2 Other Facilitating Factors ...... 130 3.8.2.1 The Indonesian Government, Democracy ...... 130 3.8.2.2 Economic Neoliberalization ...... 131 3.9 GLOCALIZATION: ADOPTION OF THE TERM ‘PONDOK PESANTREN’ ...... 131 3.10 CONCLUSION ...... 133
CHAPTER IV: THE QUR’AN MEMORIZATION AND THE QURBAN DISTRIBUTION: SULEYMANCI HIZMET IN INDONESIA ...... 139 4.1 INTRODUCTION...... 139 4.2 UICCI AND ITS HIZMET IN INDONESIA ...... 140 4.3 HIZMET OF THE QUR’AN ...... 141 4.3.1 The Growing Popularity of Qur’an Recitation in Indonesia ...... 141 4.3.2 Süleymanıs View of Qur’an Hizmet ...... 145 4.3.3 The Ottoman Method of Teaching and Memorizing the Qur’an...... 149
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4.3.4 A Personal Experience of a Tahfidz of the Qur’an ...... 154 4.4 The Hizmet of the Qurban ...... 156 4.4.1 The Süleymancıs’ View of the Qurban ...... 156 4.4.2 Eid al-Adha Festival at the UICCI Boarding School ...... 159 4.4.3 Transnational Donors in the Sacrifice Festival ...... 163 4.4.4 Ritual and Social Functions of the Hizmet of the Qurban ...... 167 4.5 THE HIZMET MOVEMENT AND THE SÜLEYMANCI TYPOLOGY ...... 170 4.6 CONCLUSION ...... 172
CHAPTER V: NETWORKS, CIRCULATION AND FINANCE OF THE INDONESIAN SÜLEYMANCIS (UICCI) ...... 175 5.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 175 5.2 ORGANIZATION STRUCTURE AND NETWORKS ...... 176 5.2.1 The UICCI in the Global Süleymancı Bureaucratic Structure ...... 176 5.2.2 The Four Pillars of Süleymancı Organizational Life ...... 178 5.3 CIRCULATION OF THE SÜLEYMANCI PERSONNEL ...... 181 5.3.1 Transfers for Hizmet ...... 183 5.3.2 Movements for Education ...... 186 5.4 FINANCING THE UICCI ...... 195 5.4.1 Transnational Fundraising ...... 195 5.4.2 Local Fundraising ...... 199 5.4.3 Commission for Finance and Fundraising ...... 202 5.5 CONCLUSION...... 204
CHAPTER VI: SUFI ELEMENTS OF SÜLEYMANCI PRACTICE ...... 205 6.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 205 6.2 INDONESIAN SUFISM AND THE INFLUENCE OF OVERSEAS SUFIS ...... 208 6.2.1 The History of Indonesian Sufism ...... 208 6.2.2 Sufism, Islamization and Islamic Revival in Indonesia ...... 209 6.2.3 Pre-Modern Sufi Networks and Turkish Influence ...... 211 6.3 TURKISH SUFISM AND THE SÜLEYMANCIS ...... 212
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6.4 SUFI ELEMENTS IN THE THREE TURKISH MUSLIM MOVEMENTS ...... 213 6.4.1 Sufism in the Gülen Movement ...... 213 6.4.2 Sufism in the Nurcu Movement ...... 216 6.4.3 Sufism in the Süleymancı Movement ...... 217 6.5 THE SOURCES OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS’ CONCEPTION OF SUFISM ...... 218 6.6 THE SUFI SPIRITUAL HIERARCHY AND BROTHERLY SOLIDARITY IN THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT ...... 219 6.6.1 Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan as Mursyid Kamil ...... 219 6.7 SUFI RITUALS OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS ...... 222 6.7.1 Rabita: The Guru–Student Connection ...... 222 6.7.2 Khatim: Group Remembrance Ritual ...... 225 6.8 IDENTITY ...... 225 6.9 CONCLUSION: THE SÜLEYMANCIS AS A SUFI-ORIENTED PIETY MOVEMENT ...... 226
CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION ...... 228 7.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 228 7.2 THE SÜLEYMANCIS AS A TRANSNATIONAL RELIGIOUS REVIVAL ORGANIZATION IN INDONESIA ...... 229 7.3 THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT AND ‘OPPORTUNITY SPACES’ IN INDONESIA ...... 232 7.3.1 The Indonesian Government and Democracy ...... 234 7.3.2 Economic Neoliberalization ...... 234 7.4 ADAPTATION OF THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT IN THE INDONESIAN CONTEXT ...... 235 7.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RESEARCH ...... 237 7.6 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE WORK ...... 237
REFERENCES ...... 239
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan ...... 55 Figure 2: A mosque within Frankfrut branch of the Süleymancıs ...... 73 Figure 3: Australian Süleymancıs’ main branch ...... 75 Figure 4: Minister of Social Affairs during the PP Sulaimaniyah grand opening ceremony ...... 89 Figure 5: Official of the Ministry of Religious Affairs during the grand opening of the PP Sulaimaniyah, Jakarta ...... 89 Figure 6: Asrama SMP-Jati Padang, Jakarta ...... 92 Figure 7: Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten, Jakarta ...... 94 Figure 8: Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah-Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 96 Figure 9: Asrama Süleyman Halis-Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan ...... 98 Figure 10: Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre-Blang Bintang, Aceh ...... 100 Figure 11: Asrama SMP-Aceh ...... 101 Figure 12: Pondok Pesantren Syarif, Medan ...... 103 Figure 13: Front face of PP Sulaimaniyah building, Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 112 Figure 14: Reception point at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 113 Figure 15: Dining room at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 113 Figure 16: Study at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 114 Figure 17: Learning environment at UICCI Islamic boarding school, Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 115 Figure 18: Management of UICCI Rawamangun, Jakarta, 2012...... 119 Figure 19: The UICCI staff with the Minister of Religious Affairs during his visit to UICCI Rawamangun ...... 127 Figure 20: Indonesian tahfidz students, among others, at the Eyyup Kuran Kursu, Turkey...... 156 Figure 21: Qurban distribution at PP Sulaimaniyah Rawamangun, Jakarta ...... 162 Figure 22: Qurban distribution at Istiqlal mosque, Jakarta ...... 163 Figure 23: A typology of Islamic social movements by Hakan Yavuz (2007) ...... 171 Figure 24: Indonesian students in one of Süleymancı Kur’an Kursu, Turkey ...... 194 Figure 25: Indonesian students visiting graveyard of Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan at Kabri Şerif 194 Figure 26: Altun Silsile ...... 221
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Abstract
Globalization and the communications revolution have allowed vastly increased flows of ideas and people across the Islamic world, generating new social forms. As is well known, these include transnational social movements and organizations originating in the Middle East and now stretching across the globe, as far as East and Southeast Asia. Indonesia, as the country with the largest Muslim majority, has attracted Islamic activists from other parts of the world. What is little known is that some of the most active transnational Islamic movements in Indonesia in recent years originate from Turkey. Unlike Islamic revival movements of Arab and Persian origins, which since the 1970s have been predominantly fundamentalist, the new-comer Turkish-origin movements take a different approach to Islamic revival. They are more ‘moderate’ than many of the movements from the Middle East and are proving to be easily accepted in Southeast Asia, not only by Muslim communities there but by the governments of the region.
This thesis introduces one of the lesser known of the major Turkish transnational piety renewal movements that have recently reached Indonesia: the Süleymancıs. This case study of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, founded there in the form of an organization called the United Islamic Cultural Centre of Indonesia (UICCI), provides an example of how a Turkish Muslim transnational organization comes to project itself into a new cultural environment (a non-Turkish diaspora context) and adapts to that new context. The thesis is based on ethnographic research conducted in Indonesia over twelve months in 2012 and 2013 and on additional interviews conducted and observations made in Turkey over three weeks in 2013.
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The study undertakes the following tasks: (1) construction of a theoretical framework to study this movement from the perspective of the social sciences; (2) review, as background for the Indonesian case study, of the history of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey and its initial transformation into a transnational organization extending into Europe and other Turkish diaspora regions; (3) documentation of the arrival of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia and their progress over ten years since their establishment; (4) exposition of the way in which the Süleymancıs promote Islamic piety in Indonesia through study and memorization of the Qur’an and the practice of qurban (religiously prescribed sacrifice of farm animals for food distribution); (5) identification of Sufi elements within Süleymancı Islamic practice; and (6) examination of the Süleymancı movement as an alternative provider of free boarding school-based religious education.
Building on the work of Hakan Yavuz and others who have shown how the Süleymancı movement developed initially in Turkey by taking advantage of ‘opportunity spaces’ emerging in the 1950s within the secularist Kemalist state, this thesis shows how the movement spread outside Turkey and beyond regions with Turkish diaspora communities to Muslim majority Indonesia. In so doing it demonstrates the utility of the concept of ‘opportunity spaces’ for analysing the viability of a transnational Islamic movement in new cultural and social environments. Futher, it shows how the Süleymancıs entered Indonesia’s already crowded Islamic revival market via a particular type of ‘opportunity space’, offering low cost, modern, high quality religious education, and adapted that product to the local cultural environment of Indonesian Islam by modestly re-badging their dormitory- based education in local cultural terms, as ‘pesantren’.
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Glossary and Abbreviations
Abi: an abbreviation of ‘ağabey’, which means ‘big brother’. In Turkish culture, the word is used in the family as well as between friends and the usage shows the respect appropriate to the big brother of the family.
Al-Qur’an: Muslim Holy book.
Atun Silsile: means the Golden Chain refers to a genealogy of spiritual masters that goes back to the Prophet Muhammad.
Çamii: a great mosque.
Çemaat (A. Jama’at): is informal community of devotees, a type of social group that evolved in Turkey after the formation of the Republic.
Dakwah (A. ad-Da’wah): Islamic predication or propagation.
DDII: Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for Islamic Predication). An Islamic missionary organization founded in 1967 by M. Natsir, a former leader of Masyumi.
Dershane: comes from two Turkish words, ders which means study and hane which literally means room. A dershane is a house of flat which serves as private dormitory-like residency for student members of the Nurchu.
Dersiam: a lecturer in theology.
DİB: Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı (Directorate of Religious Affairs).
Dzikir (A. al-Dhikr): Remembrance of God, liturgies.
Hadith (A. al-Hadith): the Saying of the Prophet Muhammad.
Halaqah: literally means ‘circle’, or more specifically refers to a small religious gathering in which a teacher sits surrounded by five to ten students, known mostly among the Tarbiyah movement.
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Hizmet: is an Arabic word which found its root in Arabic (khidmah) is also known as [religious] service or altruism activities, to serve the community. It is a terms to refer to that the religion is encourage the practice of service (khidmah). Later, the word sometimes is used to refer to the Turkish organization who run the hizmet activities such as the Gülen affiliated organization. Although it is not exclusive, but the use of the terms is quite dominantly dominated by or to refer to the Gülen inspired organizations.
Hoca: teacher, equivalent to the word ‘ustadz’.
HÜRSAAD: Hür Sanayici ve İşadamları Derneği (Free Industrialists and Businessmen Foundation).
Ikhwan: is derived from Arabic, meaning ‘brother’, but it is then also used conversationally to mean ‘helper’. In the Süleymancıs’ role structure, ikhwan is one of four poles. It is mostly understood as graduates of the Süleymancıs who do not devote their time to teaching the students, but who instead help the hizmet from other means such as financial matters.
ISHAD: İş Hayatı Dayanışma Derneği (The Association for Solidarity in Business Life)
Işık evleri: literally means as houses of light—that is student residences for the Fethullan Gülen affiliated organizations.
Juz: literally meaning ‘part’ is one of thirty parts of equal length into which the Quran is sometimes divided.
Khatim: is systematic group dzikir among the Nakşibendi Sufi school which contains of recitation of wirid, ayat, and shalawat. In the Süleymancıs this wirid is performed in a group, three times in a week. Nonmembers of the tariat can join the khatim.
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Kuran kursu: a Qur’an seminary to study the Qur’an and to undertake other Islamic studies within the Islamic boarding school system among the Süleymancı movement.
Madrasa (A. madrasah, T. Medrese): is the Arabic word for any type of educational institution. The word is variously transliterated madrasah, madarasaa, medresa, madrassa, madraza, medrese, etc.
MORA: Ministry of Religious Affairs, known in Indonesia as Kementerian Agama Republik Indonesia.
Muhammadiyah: A modernist group association in Indonesia, founded in 1912.
Mursyid kamil: is perfect Sufi master, a true ulama of the highest level. For the Süleymancıs, syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan is the 33th mursyid kamil in the Altun Silsile.
Nakşibendi: also written Naqshibandi, an-Naqshbandiyyah, Nakşibendi, or Naksibendi, is a major Sunni spiritual order of Sufism. It traces its spiritual lineage to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, through Abu Bakr, the first Caliph and Prophet Muhammad's companion.
NU: Nahdlatul Ulama or Renaissance of Islamic Scholars. A mass organization associated to traditionalist group founded in 1926.
PASIAD: Pasifik Ülkeleri Sosyal Ve Iktısadı Dayanısma Derneği (Association of Pacific Countries in Economic and Social Solidarity).
Pesantren: Islamic boarding school.
Rabıtha: literally means a connection (between a Sufi master with his students). It is also is a Sufi pledge (sign of loyalty and obedience) of a person who want to admit or became a member of Sufi schools (tariqat). The practical application of this application within the Süleymancıs is given the
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page xvii dzikir to connect a student to the Sufi master, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan himself. In the other Sufi tradition, as in more popular Indonesian Sufi tradition, this terms is well known as Baiat (Ar. al-Bay’ah).
Risale-i Nur Külliyatı or Risale-i Nur is a collection of Islamic exegesis (tafsir) on the Qur'an written by Bediuzzaman Said Nursi between the 1910s and 1950s in Turkey. It is the magnum opus of Bediüzzaman and it is still very popular among (Turkish) Muslims.
Süleymancı Yurtları: Süleymancı residence or dormitory.
Tahfidz: Qur’an memorization.
Tarbiyah (A. al-Tarbiyyah): Education or training model of Jemaah Tarbiyah in disseminating its ideas.
Tarbiyah movement: The Tarbiyah movement was launched in 1979 at the
Masjid Salam (Salam Mosque) of Institute Teknologi Bandung (ITB [Bandung Technology Institute]) by Imaduddin Abdurrahim, a lecturer at the university.
Tariqah (A. al-Tariqah): Path, Sufi order.
Tasawwuf (A. al-Tasawwuf): Islamic mysticism.
The axial age is thought to have occurred between 800 and 200 BC, during a period of intellectual development in human history.
UICCI United Islamic Cultural Centre of Indonesia (Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesia)
VIKZ Verband der Islamischen Kulturzentren (Association of Islamic Cultural Centres) is Süleymancı German based organization which established since the 1970s and has its its headquarters in Cologne.
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CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
1.1 THESIS STATEMENT AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1.1.1 Thesis Statement
Indonesia is a Muslim majority country saturated with Islamic movements.
With a population of over 250 million, approximately 80 per cent of whom are Muslim, Indonesia represents a huge market for promoters of Islamic piety, not only from within the region, but from across the globe. Indonesia has long experienced Islamic influences originating from overseas, particularly from Saudi Arabia, where each year millions of Indonesian Muslims go to make the required religious pilgrimage to Mecca. In addition,
Muslims from Southeast Asia have, for centuries, travelled to the holy land, and to Al Azar University in Egypt, for religious studies.
However, religious influences from the Middle East have also reached Indonesia in other ways. From the mid-nineteenth century, the scriptualist and Salafist, as well as the Wahabi movements, have come into the country, and since the early twentieth century, Islamic reform movements from the
Middle East and South Asia—for example, from Haramayn (the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina) and India—have extended their influence into Southeast Asia through publications and Sufi movements (Azra, 2004, pp. 6-7; Laffan, 2011, pp. 24, 233). These reformists include Islamic modernists that inspired the formation of Indonesian second larget Muslim organization: the Muhammadiyah movement. That movement, in turn, prompted the formation of the traditionalist counter-movement, Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU).
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The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood was an important source of inspiration for the Tarbiyah movement that developed in the mid-1980s on Indonesian campuses, through small study groups called halaqah. Halaqah literally means ‘circle’, or more specifically refers to a small religious gathering in which a teacher sits surrounded by five to ten students. The Tarbiyah movement was launched in 1979 at the Masjid Salam (Salam Mosque) of Institute Teknologi Bandung (ITB [Bandung Technology Institute]) by
Imaduddin Abdurrahim, a lecturer at the university. It is said that Abdurahhim was influenced by the ideals of the Muslim Brotherhood while he was studying in the United States. The Tarbiyah movement was thus heavily influenced by Egyptian ideals of reformism (Bryner, 2013, pp. 101- 102; Machmudi, 2008, pp. 133-135).
In turn, the Tarbiyah movement provided an important source of ideological inspiration for Jaringan Sekolah Islam Terpadu (JIT [The Integrative Islamic Schools Network]). Beginning in the mid-1990s, the first integrated Islamic schools were established by activists linked to the Tarbiyah movement in several different cities. According to Bryner (2013, p. Abstract), “the promotes a transnational Islam, inspired by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and linked to the Indonesian Islamic political party”, Partai Keadilan (PK [Justice Party]), which later became Partai Keadilan Sejahtera
(PKS [Justice and Prosperous Party]). After the fall, in 1998, of Suharto’s New Order government, which had tried to suppress rival Islamic activism, the PKS became the most successful of the numerous established Islamic parties.
Islamic educational institutions have also been key sites for the projection of Middle Eastern influences into Indonesia. Indonesian students have received scholarships to study in Egypt (at Al Azhar University) and Saudi Arabia (at
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Ummul Qura University), and Middle Eastern influences can be found in the Indonesian education sector. One such example is Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesian Arab (LIPIA [Institute of Islamic Knowledge of Indonesia and Arabia]). Established in Jakarta in 1980, and affiliated with the Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University, this institution connects young Indonesian Muslims with Arab networks of Islamic knowledge in the form of educational institutions and key religious figures.
While global linkages between the Arab Middle East and Indonesia are well documented (see, for example, Bryner (2013); Hasan (2009); Machmudi (2008); Mandaville (2009a, 2009b); and Zulkifli (2013)), relatively little academic attention has been given to the Turkish-based movements established in Indonesia since the late 1990s. There are at least three Turkish movements now active in the field of Islamic education in Indonesia: the
Fethullah Gülen movement; the Süleymancı movement; and the Nurcu movement.
The Fethullah Gülen movement, established two organizations to support its activities: the Pasifik Ülkeleri Sosyal Ve Iktısadı Dayanısma Derneği (PASIAD [Association of Pacific Countries in Economic and Social Solidarity]) and Yayasan Yenbu Indonesia (The Indonesian Yenbu
Foundation). The Gülen movement in Indonesia offers primary, secondary and tertiary levels of education. The Sekolah Pribadi offers primary school education; Kharisma Bangsa offers high school-level education; and an NGO- like institution, the Fethullah Gülen Chair, works in cooperation with Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Jakarta (The State Islamic University of Jakarta) to provide some academic programs. The Süleymancı movement is represented in Indonesia by a foundation called the United Islamic Cultural
Centre of Indonesia (UICCI), founded in 2005. The UICCI focuses on Islamic
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 3 education and memorization of the Qur’an for primary and high school students. The Nurcu movement, established in 2007, disseminates the ideas of Bediüzzaman Said Nursî, the most prominent Turkish Muslim scholar of modern Turkey. In Indonesia, the activities and programs of the Nurcu are coordinated under the Yayasan Nur Semesta (Nur Semesta Foundation).
Although these Turkish organizations were only established in Indonesia in the late 1990s and early 2000s, they developed rapidly, establishing networks and branches throughout Indonesia. Having different characteristics from the previously mentioned scriptualist, Salafist and Islamist transnational movements and newly salient groups such as the Front Pembela Islam (FPI), the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), the Laskar Jihad (LJ) and the Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) (commonly identified as ‘fundamentalist’ and sometimes as ‘militant’), the newly arrived Turkish movements exhibit a more peaceful and accomodating approach to Islamic renewal and life in multi-religion societies. Their focus is on hizmet (altruistic service) to the Muslim community through providing general Islamic education. The Turkish organizations have attracted the attention and approval of growing numbers of Indonesians towards the Turkish-based transnational movements.
This thesis focuses on the Süleymancıs, little known as a transnational movement and previously unstudied in Indonesia. The establishment of the Süleymancı’s United Islamic Cultural Centre of Indonesia (UICCI) in Jakarta in 2005 signalled a widening of Turkish Muslim outreach to the most populous Muslim majority country in Asia (and indeed the world), Indonesia. It is distinctive among the Turkish transnational organizations in that it still maintains links with the Nakşibendi Sufi order in its homeland. This newcomer, with its distinct way of offering hizmet (services) and unique
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 4 cultural atmosphere adds a new colouration to the wide spectrum of Indonesian Islam.
While focusing on the Indonesian chapter of the Süleymancıs, the UICCI, this thesis seeks to understand that organization as part of a transnational movement. Religious communities are among the oldest transnational actors. They began centuries ago, with the proselytizing of universal or
‘world’ religions, even before the formation of nation states. However, scholarly studies of transnational religious movements only became significant in the 1990s, when a considerable number of academic studies began to focus on religious groups as key participants in transnationalism (Hopkins, Kong, & Olson, 2013, p. 23; Rudolph, 1997, p. 1). Nowadays, many religious organizations are transnational. They are particularly evident in diasporic communities that have resulted from globalization, the collapse of empires, and major wars. Moreover, the improvement in communications which accompanies and facilitates globalization increases the ability of religious organizations to find new audiences, both at home and abroad. Transnational Religious Movements (TRMs) are able to coordinate and integrate outposts across the world as never before and they are therefore likely to continue to develop and to play a significant role in global society (Vertovec, 2000, 2009).
This ethnographic study of the Turkish Süleymancı movement in Indonesia seeks to contribute to the growing understanding of religious movements projected through transnational organizations underpinned by electronic communications and other modern means of communication and travel. It also aims to understand the UICCI as a new development in global Islamic movements in the Indonesian context. Utilizing the framework of transnationalism, it will also draw on further concepts to explain the UICCI’s
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 5 development and adaptation, including the theory of ‘opportunity spaces’ developed by Hakan Yavuz (2003, 2004b), and that of ‘glocalization’, introduced by Roland Robertson and others (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2006, 2007; Robertson, 1995; Roudometof, 2003). The goals of this case study are thus to document the development of the UICCI in Indonesia and extend knowledge of Turkish transnational Islamic organizations by recognizing the UICCI in Indonesia as a distinctive element in the expanding array of transnational religious movements, and to contribute to a more comprehensive picture of transnational organizations in late modernity.
Following are the research questions that will be addressed in this thesis. This chapter is then divided into four sections. The first discusses the theoretical framework and provides a review of the literature on three key theoretical themes: transnational theory, opportunity space theory, and glocalization theory. The second section provides a review of the literature on two key analytical themes: Islamic revivalism in Indonesia, and Turkish transnational Islamic movements in Indonesia. The third section presents a discussion of the research methodology. The chapter concludes with an overview of subsequent thesis chapters.
1.1.2 Research Questions
In a structured way, this study will address the following research questions:
1. What is the nature of the UICCI Transnational Movement? 2. What are the opportunity spaces used by the UICCI in Indonesia? How has the UICCI utilized those opportunity spaces? 3. How has the UICCI adapted within those opportunity spaces? Does
this reflect any tension between the global movement’s characteristics
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(shaped initially by the culture of the Süleymancı’s place of origin in Turkey) and the local, Indonesian, culture?
1.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
1.2.1 Transnationalism and Transnational Religious Movements
An important development in the study of religion in society is the recognition that many religious movements are transnational, and transnational in a new way. This section presents a brief discussion of scholarly definitions of the term ‘transnationalism’ and examines transnationalism in relation to religious movements, with particular emphasis on Muslim transnational organizations. It then reviews the literature on two other theoretical approaches: opportunity space theory and glocalization theory.
Transnationalism has a broad meaning, refering to multiple ties and interactions that link people and institutions across the borders of nation states (Jackson, Crang, & Dwyer, 2004). Among its many definitions, transnationalism can be said to refer to “communities of outlook that include persons and organizations that share common world views, purposes, interests, and practices which they communicate and act across national borders and jurisdictions” (Juergensmeyer, 2005, p. 193). In addition to the above, Portes argues that “the concept of transnationalism provides new perspectives on contemporary migratory movements and offers hypotheses about the patterns of settlement and adaptation of immigrants in the new land” (Portes, 2001, p. 182).
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1.2.1.1 Foci of Transnationalism Studies
The study of transnationalism has attracted scholars from a wide range of disciplines, including sociology, anthropology, geography, political science, law, economics and history, as well as in interdisciplinary fields such as international relations, development studies, business studies, ethnic and racial studies, gender studies, religious studies, media and cultural studies.
Moreover, studies concerned with transnationalism have been increasing in number. Gustavo Cano (2005), who examined publications using the keywords ‘transnational’ or ‘transnationalism’ in the Social Science Abstracts Database, found an increasing usage of those terms between 1982 and 2003 (Cano, 2005; Vertovec, 2009, p. 1; 2010, p. 4).
Because transnationalism is such a vast field of study, it is useful to identify clusters of studies that focus on its different themes. In the table below, Vertovec (2009) classified the themes of transnationalism using four major headings and their sub-topics.
NEW APPROACHES TO SOCIETY AND ECONOMICS POLITICS MIGRATION CULTURE Social Forms and Comparative Diasporas Global Economic Networks Global Political Networks Institutions City, Regional, National Transnational Corporations Cultural Reproduction Transversal Migration and Supra-National [TNCs] and Consumption Policies Transnational Refugees and Transnational Household Gender, Communities and Religious Asylum Seekers Strategies Power Communities Table 1: Themes of Transnationalism Source: (Vertovec, 1999, pp. 457-459)
Vertovec’s schema of transnationalism features transnational religious communities as one example. He could also have included transnational religious networks and organizations stretching across communities and regions.
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A review of studies of transnational religious communities, with a particular focus on transnational Muslim communities, was conducted by Kegley and Blanton (2011). It shows the recent rapid development of transnational religious movements. These movements can be defined as “a set of beliefs, practices, and ideas administered politically by religious organizations to promote the worship of their conception of a transcendent deity and its principles for conduct” (Kegley & Blanton, 2011, p. 168). Transnational religious movements attract billions of adherents; more than 6.8 billion people are affiliated within them at some level (Kegley & Blanton, 2011, pp. 168-170). Not only have TRMs attracted individuals and groups, but they have also established relationships with civil authorities, indicating broader social and political significance.
1.2.1.2 History and Development of Transnational Religious Movements
Religion has played a significant role throughout history. Indeed, cultures and people have been transformed by religion. According to Carlton H. Tucker, “from the Palaeolithic to the Neolithic age, and from the Axial age to the New age, religion has been a key dimension of human societies” (Tucker, 1994, p. 449).
In relation to transnational religious movements, the first significant focus on global religion was stimulated by Karl Jaspers’ work on the ‘Axial age’ (1948, 1953). The axial age is thought to have occurred between 800 and 200 BC, during a period of intellectual development in human history (Jaspers, 1948, p. 430). Regions comprising of large multi-ethnic empires, whose peoples traded with other communities, saw the development of ‘universalist religions’ or ‘world religions’ which addressed questions of humanity and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 9 contained sophisticated theologies (Bellah, 1964; Gerth & Mills, 1991). Hinduism in India (South Asia), Confucianism and Buddhism in China (East Asia), and the Judeo-Christian-Islamic tradition in the Mediterranean (West Eurasia) have all contributed significantly to the history of human beings, from the axial age to the present day (Jaspers, 1948, p. 431). Notably, Bellah (1964) presents the schematic stages of religious evolution from ‘primitive religion’ to ‘modern religion’.
Certain religions deal only with the concerns of particular family and tribal communities. Bellah (1964) refers to these religions as ‘primitive religions’. They are ‘not for export’ and so have remained largely confined to one small geographic area. Others, which Max Weber called ‘universalistic religions’ and comparative religion text books commonly call ‘world religions’ (Gerth & Mills, 1991, p. 267), have spread from their communities of origin to many other parts of the world, introducing new practices, values, and worldviews (Tucker, 1994, p. 459).
Transnational religious activities therefore have a long history, going back well before the formation of nation states, which date only from the late eighteenth century (Duara, 2005, p. 1341; Hawkins, 2006, p. 83). It is now common for scholars and other commentators to refer to pre-modern, pre- nation state, supra-local religions as ‘transnational’. Thus Rudolph (1997, p. 1) observes:
“Religious communities are among the oldest of the transnationals: Sufi orders, Catholic missionaries, and Buddhist monks carried words and praxis across vast spaces before those places became nation-states. Such religious travellers were versions of civil society playing their roles across the borders”.
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There are at least three reasons, aside from their universalistic framing, why world religions continue to be so active across community and national boundaries. First, they have a tendency toward missionary expansion and intensive penetration of social life. Second, world religions always contain some competitive impulse. Thus, according to Juergensmeyer (2003, pp. 7- 8), “they are ‘religions of expansion’ despite their geographical and cultural roots being in one locality”. In addition, all world religions have traditions of pilgrimage to the sites of their historical origins or to places associated with figures and events of significance to believers, such as Shalosh Regalim for Jews and Hajj for Muslims (Kitiarsa, 2010).
The second major impetus to the study of transnational religion was post- World War II migration to North America and Western Europe. This was seen as a phenomenon of transnationalism (Roudometof, 2005, p. 115).
Indeed, migration in the post-war era has been a major subject of transnationalism studies in general. However, transnationalism is not limited to the movements of immigrants. It is a broad category that refers to a wide range of practices relating to the activities of migrants, their interactions with other people, and organizations linking their host lands and homelands (Portes, Escobar, & Radford, 2007; Vertovec, 2009, p. 13).
Although immigrants and refugees from predominantly Muslim countries have been migrating to and settling in Europe in substantial numbers since the end of World War II, their religious affiliations were not noted by scholars prior to the mid-1980s (Tiesler, 2009, p. 419). In the early post- World War II days, immigrants were seen in terms of their economic function (for example, as guest workers), their legal status (for example, as refugees) and above all, their ethnic-national category (as Turks, Pakistanis, Bangladeshi, Afghans and so on). One reason for this is that they did not
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 11 display many public signs of religiousness (Kettani, 1996, p. 14f). Another reason is that the public and those academics in post-war and post-colonial Europe who discussed the topic of immigrants did not see themselves as scholars of religious studies (Nielsen, 1992).
This situation changed significantly after the mid-1980s when religious activities became more obvious among the diaspora communities. In addition, at that time scholars began to introduce new academic topics, such as ‘the new Islamic presence in Europe’, ‘Muslims in Europe’, and ‘Islam in the West’, which appeared more frequently and so became recognized (Tiesler, 2009, p. 430). Immigrants’ religious affiliations came to be seen as a significant feature of their social adapatation.
The third advance in the study of transnationalism was in the 1990s, when the technical facilitators of globalization, such as electronic communication technology and rapid transportation, enabled diasporic communities to be more intensely involved with their countries of origin, and to develop ever more effective transnational networks supporting their religious groups (Brettell & Hollifield, 2000; Vertovec, 2009). This development helps to explain the contrast scholars have observed between older and younger or more recent immigrants.
Studies of older generations of immigrants in western countries showed that they quickly and successfully became integrated into their host communities. According to Safran (2009, pp. 75–76), they merged in such a way that they became part of the new society and did not overly concern themselves with their place of origin. However, there have been significant changes in recent decades, particularly in terms of connectedness to the homeland and involvement in its local issues, including religious activities. Nowadays,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 12 recent immigrants tend to remain connected to their former homeland and even play a significant role in developments there.
The most obvious reasons for this continuing connectedness are the development of cheap and rapid means of transport, worldwide communications, and global media coverage in real time. These developments have enabled people to be both more connected and more mobile and, at the same time, encourage emigration for many purposes, including the pursuit of a better life (Ben-Rafael, 2009, p. 644). Also, an increasing number of second generation immigrants receive a better education than their parents and go on to join the middle classes in their new societies (Tiesler, 2009, pp. 418, 430), thus creating new opportunities for themelves, including participation in the affairs of their ancestral homelands. Second generation immigrants can now contribute to developments in their ancestral homelands in many ways, not only through intellectual contributions, but also by making financial and personal contributions to the many religious movements. These factors have contributed to the substantial development of transnational religious movements and the significant social role which they continue to play.
In summary, studies show that religious movements have long been transnational. Now, in the modern era of globalization, with sophisticated communications, transport and bureaucratic structures, religions are manifesting this feature in new ways.
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1.2.2 Opportunity Spaces
As discussed above, one of the primary aims of this study is to understand how, after establishing itself in Turkey, the Süleymancı movement was able to develop overseas branches such as the UICCI, and thus establish itself as a transnational religious movement. To achieve this, the study will employ the new ‘opportunity space’ theory devised by Hakan Yavuz (2003, 2004b). By
‘opportunity space’ Yavuz means “a forum of social interaction that creates new possibilities for augmenting networks of shared meaning and associational life” (Yavuz, 2003, p. 24). Opportunity spaces, as he understands them, can take many forms, including civic and political forums, electronic and print media, cyberspace, cultural foundations, a private education system, and the economic market.
Yavuz first developed the ‘opportunity space’ approach while researching transnational Muslim movements in his home country, Turkey. He used the term to describe situations seized upon by political actors and leaders to expand their influence or organizations, initially domestically, but then, sometimes, internationally. After documenting the rise and development of Muslim social movements in Turkey in the post-World War II period, he developed the theory to understand how those movements found other forums of interaction in order to establish their own space, separate and free from the interference of government. According to Yavuz, “the new opportunity spaces transformed religiously shaped stocks of knowledge into a project and shared rules of cooperation and competition which then in these public spaces, identities and lifestyles are performed, contested, and implemented” (2003, p. 24).
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The ‘opportunity spaces’ theory allows us to understand the characteristics of Muslim movements through published works such as those by (Wiktorowicz, 2004; Yavuz, 1998, 2003, 2004b). ‘Opportunity space’ theory also has been adopted by higher degree research students such as Sehriban Sahin (2001), Emrullah Uslu (2009), Neslihan Kevser Cevik (2010), Igor Volzhanin (2011), and Omer Tekdemir (2013).
1.2.2.1 The Development of Opportunity Spaces Theory
In developing opportunity spaces theory, Yavuz built on the political science literature on ‘opportunity structures’. Opportunity structures, as studied by McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (1996, pp. 23-40) and Tarrow (1996, p. 61), allow and assist new social forces to shape public presences and sometimes to ascend to power. In a nation-state system, the state is the ultimate holder of legitimate force, used according to the laws it establishes and affecting most areas of social life. However, there are times when the state’s control weakens, making it vulnerable to hostile collective action. The social locations in which such vulnerability becomes evident, opening up opportunities for challengers seeking social expression without or against the political establishment, have been analysed as ‘opportunity structures’.
In her understanding of political ‘opportunity structures’, Tarrow has in mind “consistent—but not necessarily formal, permanent, or national— signals to social or political actors which either encourage or discourage them to use their internal resources to form social movements” (Tarrow, 1996, p. 54). She asserts that “the concept of political opportunity not only put emphasis on formal structures such as state institutions but also informal ones such as conflict and alliance structures which provide resources and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 15 oppose constraints external to the group” (Tarrow, 1996, p. 54). However, often a government or the state is so strongly entrenched, and works so effectively to control every arena of political contestation, that it does not provide opportunities for potentially challenging movements to grow. Yavuz (2003) analyses early Kemalist Turkey from this perspective. Kemalist Turkey vigorously restricted independent Islamic expression, ethnic groups, and other challengers. In his work on Turkey, Yavuz builds on the notion of
‘opportunity structures’ to form the idea of ‘opportunity spaces’, that is, social spaces within a highly regulated political environment, or newly opening up, which allow previously suppressed actors and movements arenas for public action.
Yavuz defines ‘new opportunity spaces’ as “social sites and vehicles for activism and the dissemination of meaning, identity, and cultural codes”
(2003; 2004b, p. 272). Those ‘spaces’ are sites of social interaction that allow new possibilities for forming networks around shared meanings and enriching associational life. Such arenas can emerge among the array of political institutions, through electronic media communications (including those in cyberspace), and in the market. Yavuz argues that in Turkey, as elsewhere, economic growth starting in the 1980s fuelled by an export-driven market has led to the proliferation of opportunity spaces. These include
“market-oriented vehicles for the dissemination of meaning, like magazines, newspapers, television channels and the internet, and private education systems” (Yavuz, 2004b, p. 272).
Following on from this, Yavuz (2003) argues that such new ‘opportunity spaces’ are crucial factors that have enabled social movements, including
Islamic movements in Turkey, to grow in the twentieth century. During the Kemalist era, the Turkish government closed down many religious
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 16 institutions and limited religious expression in order to prevent rival bases of social power from operating freely. According to Yavuz, it was not until 1950, under Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, that ‘opportunity spaces’ were created for the resurgence of independent promoters of Islamic piety. He argues that “this new political opening has facilitated the dissemination of the message of raising religious consciousness” (Yavuz, 2003, p. 33).
Subsequently, several Islamic figures, and the movements developing around them, established what Yavuz (2004b, p. 270) calls “private vehicles”— private sector institutions with public voices—as alternative means to promote Islamic rededication. These ‘private vehicles’ included newspapers, television broadcasting, magazines, financial institutions, and private educational facilities. Many of those forums have been wholly initiated, and supported, by Muslim groups and Islamic movement members working in such a way that the state is unable to control them completely. They achieved this by packaging their activities in ways that were as normal as possible to avoid suspicion. In a sense, the emerging Islamic movements were distancing themselves from the state, which did not support them, even as it opened up alternative ‘spaces’ for their activism (Yavuz, 2003).
Moreover, as Yavuz shows, those ‘opportunity spaces’ were utilized by emerging Islamic social movements to shape “new lifestyles and identities” (Yavuz, 2003, p. 24). Through interactions in the new social spaces, new kinds of Muslim actors (intellectuals, businessmen, scholars and artists) emerged, contributing to the movement’s activism and becoming core participants in the formation and growth of independent Islamic movements. Members and helpers of the various new movements found new opportunities to express their religiosity through the religious projects of the movements.
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These new non-state Islamic initiatives and the interaction patterns they generated are instances of what Yavuz calls ‘opportunity spaces’. They are, in effect, new sites of Islamically-coloured sociability. Yavuz argues that ‘new opportunity spaces’ were sites for expressing privately shaped Islamic identities, commitments, and lifestyles, which the government had excised from the public sphere when it limited freedom of expression for Muslims in early Kemalist Turkey. For the first time in decades the new, mid-twentieth century Turkish ‘opportunity spaces’ allowed a younger generation of Muslim activists to express themselves publicly and show their commitment to the development of independent movements, as well as to adopt the religious lifestyles distinctive of their circles.
1.2.2.2 Opportunity Spaces and the Historical Development of Three Turkish Muslim Social Movements
To exemplify the concept of ‘opportunity spaces’ and provide background for understanding the Turkish movements that established themselves in Indonesia, this section will review the historical formation of the three principal indigenous revivalist movements in Turkey: the Nurcu, the Fethullah Gülen, and the Süleymancı movements.
The first revivalist movement, variously called the Nurcu, Nurculuk, Jamaat- un Nur, or thullab an-Nur, was named after the charismatic Turkish ulama, Bediüzzaman Said Nursî (1877–1960). For this thesis, the movement will be referred to as Nurcu. The movement relied predominantly on Nursî’s writings, particularly his magnum opus, Risale-i Nur Külliyatı, which became the basis of this faith movement (Yavuz, 2003, p. 151). Over the
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 18 years, Nurcu has evolved into the most powerful and influential Islamic movement in Turkey (Şahin, 2011, p. 226; Yavuz, 2003, p. 151).
Yavuz identified three major Nurcu splinter groups: the Fethullah Gülen affiliated movements, the Yeni Asyacì, and the Yeni Nesilciler, as well as dozens of other small groups (Yavuz, 2003, p. 170).
Said Nursî’s Risale-i Nur Külliyatı has been crucial to the Nurcu movement. Its popularity demonstrated the transition in Turkey from “an oral culture to a print culture” (Yavuz & Esposito, 2003, p. 13). The popularity of gatherings for the study of the Risale-i Nur Külliyatı has enabled the creation of ‘new mechanisms of sociability’ (Yavuz & Esposito, 2003, p. 13), which might also be called ‘new opportunity spaces’, among the followers of Said Nursî. In addition, public consciousness has been raised and intellectual exchange among Turkish Muslims increased through these gatherings.
The second major twentieth century Turkish revivalist movement is the Gülen movement, well known as the hizmet movement. It is also referred to as ‘Gülen affiliated organizations’, pointing to those institutions that were inspired by Fethullah Gülen, “the most influential charismatic religious leader in contemporary Turkey” (Barton, 2014, p. 292). This is the most successful of the Nurcu splinter movements and, therefore, the most powerful religious movement in Turkey.
At present, the Gülen hizmet movement is the most influential Turkish movement globally. Although the Gülen movement was inspired by, and can be considered part of, the Nurcu movement, the Gülen movement shows some distinct characteristics. As the name indicates, the founder of the movement was Hocaefendi Fethullah Gülen (b. 1938). The movement started
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 19 as one among a number of Said Nursî-inspired groups, but expanded the mission of Nursî. While Nursî focused on personal transformation, Fethullah Gülen focused on both personal and social transformation. While Nurcu used dershane as a place to study the ideas of Said Nursî, the Gülen movement established ışık evleri (houses of light—that is, student residences). Later it began offering general curriculum (secular) education, loosely underpinned by Islamic values (Yavuz & Esposito, 2003, pp. 19, 32-43). Greg Barton concludes that “Gülen took the ideas and outlook of Nursî and shaped them to the challenges of late-twentieth-century Turkey” (Barton, 2014, p. 290). Fethullah Gülen also enourages Muslims to apply the principle of teaching by example (temsil) instead of words (teblig) (Barton, 2006, p. 155). This is one of the reasons for the success of Hocaefendi Fethullah Gülen’s movement.
Since the time of Ataturk, in 1924, Turkey has been substantially secularized.
Successive Turkish governments strictly prohibited the teaching of religious subjects in schools. In line with this prohibition, Gülen stressed the role of education for the cultivation of the self rather than of a narrowly religious faith. Hence, Islamic subjects might not be found in the Gülen schools. However, the essence of Islamic teachings can be identified in Gülen’s teachings on Islamic morality and discipline of the self. Gülen did not see Islam as purely orthodox teachings of certain religious beliefs; rather he saw
Islam as a source of morality and identity. Accordingly, as long as Muslims practise Islamic morality, they are practising Islam. Notably, Gülen argues that there is “no identity without morality and no morality without Islam” (Yavuz, 2003, p. 192).
Gülen education became popular, in part by providing numerous scholarships and creating networks of dormitories all across Turkey. With good management and the support of Turkish businessmen who had gone to
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Gülen schools and remained committed to the movement, these schools became known for high quality education. The movement subsequently added college and university level education (Ebaugh, 2010).
The Gülen movement also extended its outreach through the media, using several types of media to disseminate the thought of its foundational figure, Fethullah Gülen, and to expand its influence. It established its own media programs, a radio station, and an online newspaper. These means of communication have facilitated the expansion of the movement throughout Anatolia, especially in the 1980s and 1990s (Yavuz, 2003, pp. 189-190).
Finally, many Gülen adherents are involved in business activities. In fact, according to Ebaugh (2010), Gülen inspired projects rely for their success on the numerous local circles of businessmen, professionals and workers in
Turkish cities, towns and rural areas. The local circles model arose within the cemaat, a type of social group that evolved in Turkey after the formation of the Republic, the outlawing of Sufi orders, and the abolition of madrasas (Ebaugh, 2010, p. 47). Gülen adherents collected Islamic charity funds and used them for their projects. They have also established many business organizations, such as İş Hayatı Dayanışma Derneği (ISHAD [The Association for Solidarity in Business Life]) and Hür Sanayici ve İşadamları
Derneği (HÜRSAAD [Free Industrialists and Businessmen Foundation]), which give significant support to business and other activities run by the Gülen followers (Yavuz, 2003).
Reflecting on the range of the Gülen movement’s activities and their importance in the spread of the movement, Yavuz (2003) identified education, the media and the market as the primary opportunity spaces for the Gülen movement.
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The third major Turkish revivalist movement of the twentieth century is the Süleymancı movement, named after its founding figure, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan (1888–1959). As already mentioned, the Nurcu and Gülen movements both drew their inspiration from the charismatic figure of Said Nursî. Whilst Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan and Bediüzzaman Said Nursî both lived in the same time period, they each had distinct characteristics, which are reflected in the respective movements. Notably, the Nurcu and Gülen movements do not wish to be labelled Sufi, whereas Sheikh Süleyman is a known Sufi Sheikh of the Nakşibendi order, and his followers preserve Sufi practices within the movement. Moreover, the Nurcu and Gülen movements have extended their roles into secular spheres, whereas the Süleymancı movement focuses solely on religious education and Muslims.
The Süleymancı movement started from an informal community whose members studied religion under their Sufi master, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, whose great intention was to preserve religion in modern Turkey. This group later established the Kuran kursu, a place to study the Qur’an and undertake other Islamic studies within the Islamic boarding school system. By focusing mainly on the establishment of such Qur’an seminaries, the Süleymancı movement has now become the most successful dormitory providing movement in Turkey.
Reviewing the growth of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey, Yavuz (2003) concentrated on their use of ‘political’ and ‘economic’ opportunity spaces which shaped the evolution of the movement. In terms of political opportunity spaces, the Süleymancıs applied a policy of engagement with the
Turkish Government, particularly after 1949 in the era of the multi-party system. In this period, the Turkish government began to accommodate
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 22 claims to religious identity and allowed the establishment of Qur’an seminaries. This policy enabled the Süleymancıs to engage with the government by educating preachers to work for the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı (DİB)). Consequently, Süleymancı preachers began to dominate this office in Turkey (Yavuz, 2003).
However, the situation later shifted. Following the military coup of 1971, secularist policies were re-established in Turkey and the Süleymancıs lost their close connection with the government, which also forced them to turn over some of their buildings to it. From then on, according to Yavuz, the Süleymancıs focused more on economic opportunity spaces, through gaining financial support from Turkish workers from whom they collected religious charity funds. This economic ‘opportunity space’ later helped to manage expenses and meet other needs, including the establishment of boarding houses and the provision of scholarships for university students (Yavuz, 2003, pp. 146–147).
Since the implementation of the New Directorate of Religious Affairs Law (1965) and the military coup of 1971 in Turkey, the Süleymancıs have looked abroad for their economic ‘opportunity spaces’. They built a distinctive Turkish Islamic community among Turkish workers in Germany, a secular country with a significant Turkish migrant worker population. The Süleymancıs have run the German wing of their organization under the name Verband der Islamischen Kulturzentren (VIKZ [Association of Islamic Cultural Centres]) since the 1970s. This organization has its headquarters in Cologne (Thielmann, 2008). Süleymancı devotees have established Islamic centres to provide Islamic education to Turkish workers. The Süleymancı imams also play significant roles in Muslim society generally in Germany. Notably, the Süleymancıs have distinguished themselves by earning a
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 23 reputation for running dormitories that are cleaner and more highly disciplined than those of the state, and equipped with up to date technology to meet the needs of the university students (Kamp, 2008; Yavuz, 2003, pp. 146–147).
In economically developed Germany, the Süleymancıs made productive use of economic ‘opportunity spaces’ among the Turkish workers, who were relatively free from the influences of the Turkish government and could provide religious charity funds to support the movement and its activities. Benefiting from this, the Süleymancıs were able to pursue their aim of protecting the new (second) generation against leftist-atheism and radical political Islam. The transnational movement also provided opportunities for expansion. Since the beginning of the 2000s, Süleymancıs have run the most successful dormitory networks in Turkey and have built the second largest mosque network in Germany.
1.2.3 Glocalization
Many studies on religion draw attention to the significant increase in transnational religious movements in the last century (Brettell & Hollifield, 2000; Vertovec, 2009). A number of scholars, notably Eliezer Ben-Rafael
(2009), Peter G. Mandaville (2009a) and Hakan Yavuz (2003), argue that this increase is due to the ability of the leaders of such movements both to search out and utilize opportunities in other parts of the world and to adapt to the new host countries, and so develop and expand their influence by establishing transnational branches or centres. This ability to adapt, linking local cultures with globally diffused understandings, has been characterized by Roland Robertson (1995) and Victor Roudometof (2003, 2005) as ‘glocalization’. In other words, at the same time as we are seeing a shift to
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 24 global forms of religion, new processes of local adaptation are taking place (Vertovec, 2009, p. 149).
The concept of ‘glocalization’ will be employed here to help in understanding the development of transnational religious movements in general, and the Süleymancı movement in particular. While the idea of ‘opportunity spaces’ helps us understand the social conditions that have enabled religious movements to extend into new places (including transnationally and even overseas), ‘glocalization’ directs attention to the processes through which foreign movements gain acceptance among local people in a new land.
The term ‘glocalization’ has its roots in the Japanese term ‘dochakuka’ (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2006). It first appeared in the late 1980s and originally referred to the adaptation of new farming techniques in different parts of the world. It was popularized and developed by Roland Robertson, according to whom glocalization points to ways local cultures may critically adapt to, or resist, global phenomena. In addition, glocalization “reveals the way in which the very creation of localities is a standard component of globalization” (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2006, p. 172; 2007, p. 134). The term was later used to refer to globally dispersed social and cultural change (Sharma, 2008).
Notably, Giulianotti and Robertson (2007) developed a four-part typology of glocalization strategies that relate particularly to migration and popular culture.
(1) Relativization: here, social actors seek to preserve their prior cultural institutions, practices and meanings within a new environment, thereby reflecting a commitment to differentiation from the host culture. (2) Accommodation: here, social actors absorb pragmatically the practices,
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institutions and meanings associated with other societies, in order to maintain key elements of the prior local culture. (3) Hybridization: here, social actors synthesize local and other cultural phenomena to produce distinctive, hybrid cultural practices, institutions and meanings. (4) Transformation: here, social actors come to favour the practices, institutions or meanings associated with other cultures. (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2007, pp. 134-135)
The term ‘glocalization’ is problematic since it may conflate global and local issues. Nevertheless, Sharma contends that it is able to capture the “essence of the emerging worldwide phenomenon where globalization and localization are simultaneously transforming the development landscape” (Sharma, 2008, p. 1).
The concept of glocalization can be used to understand the adaptation of transnational religious movements, including Muslim transnational movements. Mandaville (2009a) argues that transnational Islam is inevitably altered through its encounter with local cultural sensibilities and pre-existing religious conceptions and practices. Therefore, one can observe something much more akin to the ‘glocalization’ of Islam, with complex interplay between transnational organizations and influences and the societies and settings into which they enter (Mandaville, 2009a, pp. 14-15).
In my account of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, I will show that the concept of glocalization can be used to understand the establishment of a global standard, and the subsequent interaction between it and a local context, in Indonesia, through an examination of the UICCI. The Indonesian cultural and social context is different in many respects from that in the Süleymancıs’ country of origin, Turkey, and indeed from those in other places where
Süleymancıs have established their branches. Süleymancıs in Indonesia have
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 26 shown an ability to adapt in order to be more welcome. While the contexts of local Indonesian cultures and the nation’s social and political structures require some adaptations by the new global Turkish organizations, changes are also stimulated in Islamic culture there, locally, by other transnational Islamic revival movements. The following section will discuss transnational religious movements and Islamic revival in the Indonesian context, focusing specifically on the Süleymancı movement.
1.3 THE INDONESIAN CONTEXT: RECENT ISLAMIC REVIVAL AND TURKISH TRANSNATIONAL MOVEMENTS
1.3.1 Islamic Revivalism in Indonesia
Islamic revival is a term used to describe collective responses to a perceived decline in Islamic civilization which actors hope to reverse by correcting what they judge to be errors in prevalent Islamic understandings and practices. Jan Ali (2012, p. 30) proposes as a definition of Islamic revivalism:
“a process of purifying Islam from accretions and promoting its activism in a pristine form both in the public and private affairs of Muslim individuals in the pre-modern past and since the nineteenth century, when Western domination has provoked a variety of modernist and Salafist reform movements”.
In the pre-modern period, Islamic revivalism was implemented and endorsed by various figures and authorities, including the Almoravid and Almohad dynasties in the Maghreb and Spain (1042–1269), the Indian Nakşibendi revivalist Ahmad Sirhindi (~1564–1624), the nineteenth-century Indian Ahl-i Hadith movement, and preachers Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), Shah Waliullah (1702–1762), and Muhammad ibn Abd-al-Wahhab (d. 1792) (Ali,
2012).
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The goal of Islamic revivalists in any era is personal and social change. Ali (2012, p. 51) distinguishes spiritually oriented revivalists, who seek indirect transformation of society. These revivalists emphasize self-reformation, arguing that societal change depends on individual change. They take a bottom-up approach to changing society (Ali, 2012, p. 51). Many Sufi movements in Indonesia have exemplified this approach (Howell, 2001).
Conversely, politically oriented revivalists take a top-down approach, at least in part, seeking change by gaining state power to implement Islamic law. In the past, and in some movements like Hizbut Tahrir and Islamic State today, politically oriented Islamic revivalists aim at placing the ummah under a ‘pious caliph’ in order to restore justice, equality and humility, and promote public and private piety (Ali, 2012, p. 51)—although those ideals may not be achieved in practice. More commonly today, politically oriented Muslim revivalists form social movements and political parties aimed at gaining control of the state’s legislative powers. Such state-capture revivalists (including those wishing to replace a nation state with a caliphate) are referred to here as ‘Islamist’.
From the 1970s onward, a new wave of Islamic revivalism swept the Muslim world (Bustamam-Ahmad, 2015; Hafez, 1997; Hefner & Horvatich, 1997;
Howell, 2001, 2008; Liddle, 1996; Mahmood, 2005, p. 3), with Indonesia witnessing an increase in Islamic religiosity at the grassroots level and the rise of a number of Islamic groups promoting Islamic revivalism (Bustamam- Ahmad, 2015; Nash, 1983).
The early 1970s were years of disappointment for Indonesia’s politically involved Islamic organizations. Indonesia’s Islamic parties and organizations had played a significant role in supporting the rise of Suharto by helping
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 28 crush the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) after the purported leftist coup attempt of 1965. Islamic political parties therefore expected a new level of support from the Suharto regime, but this was not forthcoming. Instead, General Suharto, as head of the New Order government in the 1970s, sought to restrain them from becoming serious rivals to his power (Barton, 2010, p. 142). Masyumi was banned in 1960 and in 1973 the four surviving Islamic parties were amalgamated into one, the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP
[United Development Party]), whose name contained no reference to Islam (Hafez, 1997, p. 309). Muslim associations were forced to recognize the secular state ideology, the Pancasila (The Five Principles), as the sole basis of their organizations, and were required to renounce any intent to work towards the establishment of an Islamic state (Bryner, 2013; Hefner, 1991, pp. 208-209).
After the Islamic organizations’ failure in the political arena, Islamic revivalists focused on education and propagation activities. Some ex- Masyumi leaders, such as Mohammad Natsir, had established Dewan Da’wah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII [Board of Islamic Da’wah of Indonesia]) in 1967. From the 1970s, the DDII played an important role in transmitting revivalist ideas from Saudi Arabia and Egypt to Indonesia. This was done partly by sending Indonesian students to receive Islamic education in Saudi Arabia, through the Rabithah ‘Alam Islami which was funded by the Saudis. The DDII also established the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Arab (LIPIA [Institution of Islamic and Arabic Sciences]) in 1980, and has been active in translating and publishing the works of prominent Islamic revivalists, such as Hasan Al-Banna, Abul A’la Al Maududi and Sayyid Quthb (Rahmat, 2008, pp. 91-92). In Iran the propagation of Shia revivalism was sponsored through the works of Ali Syariati.
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In the 1980s the Suharto regime relaxed some restrictions on Islamic expression such as wearing the hijab, and allowed more Islamic elements to be integrated into the national school curriculum (Schwarz, 1994, p. 175). At the same time, Islamic revivalism through personal networks and grassroots movements became more common. During the 1980s, Indonesia’s university campuses became sites of Islamic revival—starting at the Salman Mosque of Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB [Bandung Institute of Technology]), with other universities across the country later following suit.
Majelis taklim and other informal study circles that grew in popularity from the 1980s were strongly influenced by the ideas of foreign Islamic revivalists from various backgrounds, but especially those of Egyptian Hasan al-Bana (d. 1949) and the Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood) which he founded. Other influential figures were Pakistani Abul A’la Al Maududi (d.
1979) of the Jama’at-i Islami, and Iranian Shi’as Ali Shari’ati and Murtada Mutahhari (Zulkifli, 2013, pp. 37-38). In addition, the LIPIA played a significant role in spreading Saudi Wahabism (Rahmat, 2008, p. 68). Thus Islamic revivalism swept across Indonesia in the 1980s.
Via the Tarbiyah movement, the ideas of the Ikhwanul Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood) later influenced the formation of Partai Keadilan (PK [Justice
Party]), which was formed in the period of democratic liberalization following the fall of Suharto in 1998. The Justice Party (PK) made a strong showing in the first elections of the new Reformasi period but was reconstituted as the Prosperous Justice Party in 2002 after failing in the 1999 election to meet the two per cent electoral threshold which was required to contest the 2004 election. Machmudi (2008) argues that the PKS is a kind of latter-day Masyumi (the Islamic party of the early Republican period, banned
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 30 by Sukarno in 1960), insofar as it promotes Sharia (strict adherence to Islamic law) in Indonesia through the political system.
The influence of Shi’a Islam also grew in Indonesia in the later Suharto period and in the Reformasi period that followed the fall of his New Order in 1998. Following the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979 interaction between its government and Indonesian Shi’a ulama has intensified, and in the 1980s and 1990s publications by leading Iranian thinkers like Ali Syariati and Murtadha Muthathhari were enthusiastically discussed at some of Indonesia’s leading Islamic tertiary institutions. A number of Indonesian students (most notably Jallaluddin Rachmat, now a member of the Indonesian parliament) even went to Qum to pursue higher education and spread Shi’a ideas in Indonesia on their return. Shi’ism became a kind of new, interesting brand of Islam, attracting a number of students and other intellectuals who not only studied it but also converted (Zulkifli, 2013, pp. 27-38). This current of Islamic revivalism has since continued in a modest way, but is mainly confined to Muslim urban elites.
1.3.2 Turkish Transnational Islamic Movements in Indonesia
While foreign Islamic revival influences in the 1970s and 1980s came almost entirely from Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Iran, in the 1990s a new kind of proselytizer, from Turkey, joined in promoting piety revival in Indonesia, coming mainly as private citizens without government backing. This Turkish wave of Islamic revival in Indonesia was propelled by three major movements: the Fethullah Gülen, the Nurcu, and the Süleymancıs. In contrast to earlier currents of foreign-sourced Islamic revivalism in
Indonesia, which commonly had political agendas and promoted scriptualist Islam (that is, narrow Islamic legalism, hostile to Islam’s Sufi heritage), the
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Turkish organizations mainly focused on what they called hizmet, religiously inspired service to the Islamic community. This hizmet was commonly in the form of education but in some cases also included health and other social and religious services. The Turkish piety movements that came to Indonesia were also sympathic to Sufi teachings and practices and some even promoted them.
The first of the Turkish movements to arrive in Indonesia was the Gülen movement, which began its outreach there in 1993, through the channels of business and education. Through PASIAD (Pasifik Ülkeleri Sosyal Ve Iktısadı Dayanısma Derneği) the Gülen Turks and their Indonesian supporters connected Indonesian and Turkish businessmen, for their mutual benefit. In addition to the above, PASIAD also played a role in education sector by establishing hizmet schools. Bussiness people who benefit from PASIAD also gave the schools their assistance (Barton, 2006, p. 157). In the field of education they established schools, first Pribadi School in Depok and, later, Kharisma Bangsa School in Pondok Cabe. Later, Gülen-affiliated groups also formed links with Islamic tertiary institutes and universities for collaboration in a variety of activities. For example, they established the Fethullah Gülen Chair in cooperation with the Jakarta State Islamic University (UIN Jakarta) and through that association worked to promote interfaith dialogue and sponsor cultural events. The Gülen movement actively disseminated the ideology of Fethullah Gülen through the production and publication of his translated books and magazines. They also formed dershanes, a kind of religious study circle common in Turkey.
In 2007 the second group, the Nurcu, originating from the Kayseri branch of the transnational Nurcu movement in Turkey, sent to Indonesia a volunteer (T. waqf) who established a Nurcu dershane and devoted his time and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 32 energy to it. As their activities expanded, the Nurcu promoters pulled their activities together under the umbrella of a formally constituted foundation, the Yayasan Nur Semesta (Foundation of the Light of the Universe). The Nurcu now have four dershanes in Indonesia (three in Jakarta and one in Makassar). As is true of other Nurcu movements elsewhere, the focus of the movement in Indonesia is on disseminating the thoughts of Bediüzzaman Said Nursî (1877–1960), a famous Turkish Sufi—and particularly on the ideas set out in his magnum opus, Risale-i Nur Külliyatı—through dershanes and book translation. The dershanes function as places of study and interaction for the tullab an nur (students of the Risale-i Nur).
The third group, the Süleymancıs, are followers of Sülyeman Hilmi Tunahan, the thirty-third Sufi master in a chain of initiation reaching back to the Prophet. The Süleymancı established the United Islamic Cultural Centre of
Indonesia (UICCI) in 2005 in Jakarta. Its main focus is to provide students, who live in its boarding schools, with Qur’an studies. The Süleymancıs are also well known for teaching the Ottoman method of Qur’an memorization which has attracted wide support, both from the local Muslims and from the Indonesian government (the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Social Affairs). Since the Süleymancıs started their hizmet (service) in Indonesia in 2005, they have established 18 branches across Indonesia.
There are several reasons why the Turkish Islamic movements have become popular in Indonesia and will contribute to the vibrancy of Islam in Indonesia. As suggested by Barton “The hizmet and NU share a similar traditional Sunni approach, strongly imbued with a Sufi sensibility, whereas Muhammadiyah is inspired by Islamic modernism. The hizmet [movements], seen from an Indonesian perspective, combine the modern organizational competency of Muhammadiyah and the spirituality of the NU” (Barton,
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2014). These principal characteristics are likely to prove attractive to many Indonesian Muslims as well as to be judged acceptable by the government of Indonesia.
More specifically, the Gülen, that is, hizmet-type, organizations offer an inclusive and pluralist Islam which is compatible with the NU approach. They also offer modern, high quality Islamic school facilities that are attractive to the Indonesian Muslim middle class societies. In addition, the Nurchu have been circulating among Indonesian Muslims Nursi’s magnum opus, the Risale-i Nur Külliyatı, which is proving inspirational to many Indonesian students and academics. The Nurchu also play a significant role in disseminating Nursi’s ideas by publishing his numerous translated works. Lastly, the Süleymancıs offers free, high quality Islamic boarding at their schools; they have a warm social atmosphere supported by bonds of Sufi attachment between students and teachers and among students, and they teach a new promising tahfidz method of Qur’an memorization.
Given the fact that all the Turkish organizations offer an enriched, modern Islamic education, with a Turkish colouration, they continue to attract Indonesians. Along with that popular demand among prospective students, sympathy from their fellow Indonesian Muslims (including from the followers of the two major Indonesian Islamic organization), and government support, they are thus likely to continue to be welcome in Indonesia.
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1.4 METHODOLOGY
My research on the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia is designed as an ethnographic case study. This approach is justified by the research aim, which is to study this contemporary social phenomenon in a real-life context. Typically, a case study entails the detailed and intensive analysis of a single case. The UICCI, its organization, and its activities across several regional branches in Indonesia, constitute the ‘case’ under investigation. In the classical anthropological tradition, the ethnographic case study method was developed for the study of a single, localized tribal group or peasant community. As explained by Bryman (Bryman, 2008, pp. 52-53), the case study research method has been extended from studying single communities, including smaller social units, such as a family, a person, or single event, to studying larger social units, such as schools and other organizations. Here, this method is extended to include organizations that span several regions and which form a part of larger, transnational organizations. Stake (1995, p. xi) argues that the study of the particularity and complexity of a single case helps us to understand its activity within a particular set of circumstances. When the choice of a case, as an example of a wider phenomenon, is clearly set out, the case findings can be generalized—with appropriate modifications according to context—to apply to similar phenomena. Moreover, the case study research method can be used to study a phenomenon and its context in order to provide evidence from a specific situation (Yin, 2002, pp. 13-14).
The ethnographic case study method is particularly useful for the study of transnational religious movements. It helps to capture the local specificity of the movement in a particular place. It also helps us to understand how local forms fit into, and are shaped by, the larger global organization. Framing transnational religious organizations as part of the wider revival movement,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 35 moreover, calls needed attention to the broader Islamic revival context as it unfolds in Indonesia and elsewhere.
It is evident, therefore, that the ethnographic case study method is a particularly helpful method for furthering an understanding of transnationalism. It provides sufficiently detailed information about the temporal and regional adaptations of a movement, together with interviews and document analysis on the local histories of the movement. This enables an investigation into the utility of particular theories of social movement change, such as the ‘opportunity space’ theory introduced by Hakan Yavuz (2003) and the ‘glocalization’ theory developed by Giulianotti and Robertson (2006). Both of these theories are examined in this thesis. Moreover, the ethnographic case study method is relevant to the research aims of this thesis, which are to strengthen previous understandings of social change brought about through religious movements, particularly transnational ones, and to modify or extend the theoretical frameworks employed.
Two methods of data collection were used in this research: ethnographic (participant observation) data collection, and in-depth interviews. First, ethnographic1 data
1 The terms ‘ethnography’ and ‘participant observation’, in reference to a research method, are very difficult to distinguish from each other. Both draw attention to the fact that the participant observer/ethnographer engages with a particular group for a significantly long period of time, observing group members’ behaviour, listening to what is said and asking questions. In this study, the researcher will use the term ‘ethnography’ for two reasons: First, choosing the ethnographic term can avoid the implication that ‘participant observation’ involves just observation, though in practice participant observers do more than simply observe. Second, ‘ethnography’ covers the participant observation method as well as the notion of ethnography as a written style of research, and so is suitable to this study.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 36 collection was undertaken in eight Süleymancı UICCI centres in Indonesia during the twelve month period of 2012 to 2013. Ethnographic data included the social setting and the day-to-day behaviour of the Süleymancıs. This provided a detailed picture of the activities of the movement in Indonesia. Moreover, with ‘opportunity space’ theory and the notion of ‘glocalization’ in mind, the ethnographic data collection method was directed towards understanding how the Süleymancıs utilized opportunities in Indonesia and adapted to local constraints.
Second, in-depth interviews were conducted. High-ranking Süleymancı management executives and teachers from eight UICCI branches across Indonesia were interviewed. This revealed how the Süleymancı movement was first established in Indonesia, and the key factors that helped it develop in the country. To protect the identities of the individuals who participated in the research, their real names have not been used.
In terms of sampling for these interviews, this research combined the purposive sampling method and the snowballing method. The purposive method was used to ensure that targeted categories of interviewees were captured. Targeted interviewees included branch directors, teachers at boarding schools, university-level students in the UICCI education system, members of the local community around UICCI centres, and relevant
In this regard, ethnography is defined as “a research method in which the researcher: (1) is emerged in a social setting for an extended period of time; (2) makes regular observations of the behaviour of members of that setting; (3) listens to and engages in conversations; (4) interviews informants on issues that are not directly amenable to observation or that the ethnographer is unclear about; (5) collects documents about the groups; (6) develops an understanding of the culture of the group and people’s behaviour within the content of that culture; (7) and writes up the detailed account of that setting” (Bryman, 2008, pp. 402–403).
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 37 academic figures in Indonesia who had observed the unfolding of the Süleymancı movement there in recent years.
In 2012, when this research was designed, there were only eight UICCI branches in Indonesia: Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah (Jakarta), Pondok Pesantren Habibi Centre (Aceh), Asrama Umraniyah (Jakarta), Ponpes Putri Badiah Sultan (Jakarta), Asrama SMA Aceh (Aceh), Asrama SMP Süleyman
Halis (Pangkalan Bun), Asrama SMP (Pasar Minggu), and Asrama Mahasiswa Camlica (Yogyakarta). Since that time, the UICCI has successfully established another ten branches across Indonesia. However, owing to constraints of time and resources, this research has been limited to the eight initial UICCI branches, as of 2012. It is argued that a study of these eight UICCI branches is adequate for indicative research into Indonesian Süleymancıs.
In this research, the detailed ethnographic study of Süleymancı UICCI branches in Indonesia was complemented with a micro-ethnographic2 study of Süleymancı branches in other parts of the world. This included the study of two Turkish branches in Istanbul (Yavuz Selim and Zeytinburnu), one in Frankfurt (Verband der Islamischen Kulturzentren e.V. Islam Kültür Merkezleri Birliği, Frankfurt Şubesi), and one in Melbourne (Meadow
Heights). This approach proved particularly important, and indeed crucial, for understanding how the Süleymancıs have adapted in different countries.
2 The term ‘micro-ethnography’ was developed by Wolcott (1990). It means a mini version of ethnography that aims not to study whole aspects of a subject of research but instead focuses on particular issues within the selected institution or community. Therefore, micro-ethnography will only require a relatively short period of time; a couple of weeks to a few months are suggested as sufficient amounts of time to spend within the organization (Bryman, 2008, p. 403).
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Turkey was chosen because it is the home of the Süleymancı movement. Germany is home to the oldest and largest late twentieth-century Turkish diaspora community. Australia is home to a smaller, and different, diaspora community within a multi-ethnic and multi-religious settler society. Both the German and Australian Süleymancı movements played significant roles in the establishment of the Indonesian Süleymancıs. Finally, Indonesia is home to a Muslim majority population with a limited Turkish diaspora community.
In combination, these micro-ethnographic case studies provide an important understanding of the ways in which host communities help shape the structure and activities of the Süleymancı movement. They also stimulate insight into the tensions that may develop between a global movement and local adaptive processes. In addition, the interviews that were conducted at the UICCA branch in Melbourne (Australia) have provided understandings of the historical relationship between the Süleymancı outreach to Australia and to Indonesia.
Between December 2011 and February 2012, prior to the fieldwork, I made an informal visit to the UICCI branch in Rawamangun (Jakarta) and the UICCI branch in Jogjakarta. At the UICCI Rawamangun branch in Jakarta, I introduced myself and initiated preliminary talks with participants. These talks helped identify ‘key informants’ (Bryman, 2004) from among instructors and students across all eight of the UICCI branches in Indonesia. The key informants were: Abi Zoltan (Head of UICCI), Abi Emre (Head of UICCI Rawamangun), Abi Aydin (UICCI teacher), and Ibnu Rusyd (UICCI student).
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First, interviews with senior UICCI officials yielded preliminary insider information on the history of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey to supplement accounts in secondary sources. The interviews also revealed what senior Süleymancı leaders in Turkey originally thought about the establishment of branches in Indonesia. In addition, the interviews provided important information concerning how Süleymancı branches adapted to Indonesian conditions, as well as the factors that assisted in their development and what made it difficult. This was important, given that Indonesia is a Muslim majority country, and many organizations were already active in the field of piety revitalization. Second, interviews with
UICCI abi3 (teachers) revealed information regarding the changes or modifications they needed to make in terms of organizational structure and presentation in order to be accepted by the wider community in Indonesia. In this, the abi were a valuable source of information because they had studied in Indonesian Süleymancı centres as well as in higher or tertiary-level Turkish schools. Third, interviews with IUCCI students provided useful information pertaining to their study experience, social backgrounds, and reasons for choosing to study at the UICCI boarding schools. Fourth, interviews with Indonesian academics produced information about the Turkish diaspora in Indonesia. Professor Komaruddin Hidayat and Professor Amin Abdullah were both selected for interviews owing to their detailed background understanding of Turkish culture in Indonesia.
3 ‘Abi’ is an abbreviation of ‘ağabey’, which means ‘big brother’. In Turkish culture, the word is used in the family as well as between friends and the usage shows the respect appropriate to the big brother of the family. In Turkish organizations such as the Süleymancıs, the term is also used for the teachers who are ‘big brother’ of the students.
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Finally, it is appropriate say something about the factors that may have affected the objectivity of this thesis. I am an Indonesian Muslim. I was educated in the pesantren system. I attended Darul Arqam Muhammadiyah Boarding School, La Tansa Boarding School, and Darus Sunnah higher boarding school. At tertiary level, I studied at the State Islamic University of Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta. During my research I gained valuable experience in conducting impartial academic interviews. I do not belong to the UICCI community or to any branch of the Süleymancı movement. I therefore believe I have been able to maintain researcher objectivity.
1.5 THESIS STRUCTURE
This thesis investigates religious transnational movements through a case study of a regional brancy of the Süleymancı movement, specifically the UICCI, in Indonesia. The research uses ‘opportunity space’ theory as the primary framework for understanding how and why Süleymancı organizations operate in Indonesia. In addition, transnational theory and glocalization theory will be employed as analytical tools. To give an overview of the thesis, a discussion of each of the chapters follows.
Chapter I, Introduction, has provided a discussion of the thesis statement, research questions, theoretical framework, and methodology. As mentioned, the primary aim of this thesis is to understand the Süleymancı UICCI as a new development in global Islamic movements in the Indonesian context through the lens of ‘transnational’ theory and ‘opportunity spaces’ theory. This chapter has provided a detailed discussion of these two theories, and also an explanation of ‘glocalization’. This last concept helps us to understand
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 41 how the Süleymancıs have adapted to local Islamic cultures, making the movement more acceptable in the Indonesian context.
Chapter II, Islam in Turkey and the Rise of the Süleymancıs, explores how the Süleymancı movement emerged and expanded in its place of origin and later became a transnational organization. This trajectory is analysed through the lens of ‘opportunity space’ theory, which provides an understanding of how and when the Süleymancı movement became a major actor in the public sphere in Turkey. The chapter then describes how the Süleymancı movement became transnational, extending outwards to reach people from the wider Turkish Muslim diaspora, and how the Süleymancı movement continues to be shaped and transformed.
Chapter III, Indonesian Süleymancıs: The UICCI, explores the arrival of the
Süleymancı movement in Indonesia. It addresses how this specifically Turkish Islamic movement was able to successfully establish several branches in Indonesia, a nation that is home to a Muslim majority population but which has only a very small Turkish diaspora community. The chapter argues that the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia was able to develop for two reasons. First, it was able to find and effectively exploit ‘new opportunity spaces’ in the form of a distinctive type of private Islamic boarding school. Second, it was able to find ways to work with the Indonesian government in order to be accepted both by the government and by Indonesian Muslims. This chapter demonstrates that ‘opportunity space’ theory can be effectively used to examine transnational Muslim movements beyond Turkey and the Turkish diaspora communities in Europe.
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Chapter IV, The Qur’an and the Qurban: Two Main Hizmet of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, explores the two main hizmet of the Süleymancı movement. These are its Qur’an teaching and memorization program, and its qurban distribution program. These two hizmet programs have enabled the movement to attract Indonesian Muslims and gain support from the Indonesian government. Notably, the UICCI has been successful, to a certain extent, because of the support it received from the Directorate of Diniyyah
Education and Pesantren in theMinistry of Religious Affairs. First, this chapter addresses the question of how the UICCI pesantren placed itself within the wider context of Islamic education institutions in Indonesia. An important aspect of this contextualization was the transformation from ‘asrama’ (I. dormitory) to ‘pesantren’ (I. Islamic boarding school). In Indonesia, the pesantren are dedicated to helping Muslims memorize the Qur’an and do other classical Islamic studies. Qur’an recitation is an important, and now very popular, way of cultivating piety. Thus, by positioning itself as Pesantren Tahfidz, the UICCI was able to ‘glocalize’ ‘opportunity spaces’ to gain support from the Indonesian government. Second, this chapter addresses the question of how the UICCI distinguished itself from other pesantren. In Indonesia, the UICCI focussed on the tahfidz (memorization) program, which has become increasingly popular among Indonesian Muslims in the last twenty years, and introduces their own quick learning method.
Chapter V, Networks, Circulation and Finance of the Indonesian Süleymancıs (the UICCI), analyses the Süleymancı financial system in the Indonesian organization, addressing the question of how the UICCI was able to provide free ‘luxurious’ dormitory accommodation and conduct its various activities.
The chapter argues that the UICCI has successfully identified and taken advantage of a particular market niche for Islamic education in Indonesia.
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Specifically, its primary focus was the low and lower middle social classes of Indonesian Muslims eager to study Islam. The chapter notes, however, that to provide free education to Muslims from these social classes, the Süleymancıs rely heavily on donations of money and service from overseas. Further, even though the UICCI provides free Islamic education, there is an expectation that Indonesians who become abis assist in the future development of the UICCI in particular and of the Süleymancı movement in general.
Chapter VI, Sufi Elements of the Süleymancıs, explores how the Süleymancı movement was able to effectively optimize and strengthen the function of its Islamic education institutions through Sufi teachings and rituals. Sufi teachings and rituals promote religious piety and, as mentioned, Indonesia represents a large market for promoters of Islamic piety. This chapter shows that the Süleymancı movement met the sizeable demand for piety in Indonesia by promoting a transnational Sufi brotherhood, which provided forms of Islamic ritual and moral habitualization loosely familiar to Indonesians, especially those from traditionalist Islamic backgrounds. UICCI members do not claim affiliation with any particular Sufi order. Nevertheless, UICCI members and Süleymancıs are considered ‘Sufi’ for the purposes of this thesis, first, because they are followers of the Sufi master Süleyman
Hilmi Tunahan, and second, because they practise tasawwuf (Sufism as presented in classical Islamic studies). Sufi rituals linkingstudents with the master, together with the cultivation of a Sufi identity, have fostered spiritual bonds that built social cohesion amongst Süleymancıs (as in other Sufi orders). This has aided the development of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia.
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Chapter VII, Conclusion, summarizes the thesis findings and underlines the significance of using ‘opportunity space’ theory to analyse transnational movements in different places, such as Turkey and Indonesia. Importantly, ‘opportunity space’ theory is useful in explaining how a Turkish movement was able to establish branches in Indonesia. Moreover, it reveals how, in only ten years, these branches were able to progress to the point of playing a significant role in the contestation of Indonesian Islam. These findings help
Indonesian Muslims to understand the increasing diversity of transnational movements operating in their country.
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CHAPTER II: ISLAM IN TURKEY AND THE RISE OF SÜLEYMANCIS
2.1 INTRODUCTION
A new wave of Islamic revival has swept across the Muslim world since the 1970s. Two countries are well known to have played significant roles in this revival: Saudi Arabia and Iran—the first supporting the Salafi movement among Sunnis, the latter supporting Shi’a universalism. Accounts of this global revival, however, fail to capture the influence of Turkish Islamic movements; if mentioned at all it is only in connection with the Gülen movement and it is most unlikely to be noted in a Western context. One reason for this could be that Turkish Islamic outreach began later than that of the other two countries. With its rapid increase overseas however, Turkish influence in global Islamic revival is now starting to attract attention. This chapter contributes to the documentation of Turkish overseas revival initiatives, introducing the Süleymancı movement and its role in promoting Islamic revivalism throughout the Muslim world.
The chapter begins by exploring Turkish Islam and surveying the social history of Islam in ‘modern’ post-Ottoman Turkey. It then shows how that context shaped the rise of the Süleymancı movement. It will explain how the Süleymancıs struggled with the secularist regime introduced by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1924, and the institutional changes the movement underwent as Kemalist policies and influences changed over the twentieth century. The chapter shows how the Süleymancı movement was initially established as an effort to preserve Islam in Ataturk’s secularist Turkey. It began as local cemaat (informal community of devotees) because all
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 46 opportunities for independent religious formal organizations were legally closed, and then at mid-century developed formal organization, expanded and subsequently generated a transnational movement. Over the course of the twentieth century, the Süleymancıs changed from an essentially local Islamic purification movement (for returning the purity of the faith) into a transnational movement focusing on proselytizing by teaching a special technique for Qur’an memorization in residential schools.
In its early years the Kemalist government disbanded or took over the running of many existing religious institutions, displacing clerics from positions of influence to secure the new republic. However, following the democratic reform of the 1950s, religious groups, including the Süleymancıs, were able to operate more publicly by utilizing what Yavuz (2003) has called new ‘opportunity spaces’. The Süleymancıs took advantage of such spaces by making the private informal education of the Kuran kursu more formally structured and more publicly available. Eventually that formal organizational framework was able to support the extension of Süleymancı teaching overseas and the transformation of a national movement into a transnational one. That transnational expansion was initially stimulated by recognition of a need for Turkish Islamic education among the Turkish diaspora communities in Germany, the Netherlands and elsewhere in Europe, and then, later, as far away as Australia, where a significant Turkish-background migrant community resides. As this chapter will illustrate, the Turkish diaspora has provided a stimulus for the development of Turkish Islamic revival movements in Turkey and for their development as transnational organizations (Yavuz, 2009, p. 52). A case study of the Süleymancı movement in Germany and Australia will be presented, as representative of this global development.
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This chapter demonstrates that both internal and external factors have stimulated the successful transformation of the Süleymancıs into a transnational formal organization. It is possible to identify particular religious values articulated in the spiritual leader’s message that have encouraged Süleymancıs to carry their religious services across national borders. But factors external to the group also need to be taken into account to explain its institutional transformation and the spread of the movement to
Turks overseas, and then to non-Turks in places as far from Turkey as Indonesia.
2.2 ISLAM IN MODERN TURKEY
Islam has a long history in Turkey, as it was a major force for centuries in the last Sultanate of Islam, the Ottoman Empire. The empire lasted from 1299 to
1922—a long period in which Islam had a dominant role in forming Turkish identity. The Sultanate fell in 1923, when the Sultanate was overthrown by Republican forces led by Kemal Atatürk, who established a secularist state.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, known as the founding father of modern Turkey, saw the decline of the Ottoman Empire as a sign of the old order’s inability to deal with the Europe-dominated world. He concluded that Turkey needed to be radically modernized, adopting a political system of separation of religion and the state, similar to that of western countries. After the introduction of Kemal’s secularism, religious expression was severely limited, in accordance with the government’s laws. The banning of non-government religious education, and not allowing head-scarves to be worn in the public arena are just two examples of this limitation. These prohibitions affected Muslims in general, who had a centuries-old tradition of practising Islam as part of their
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 48 identity. Islam then had to be adjustedto the constraints of the new era (Cetin, 2010, pp. 54-55).
According to Hakan Yavuz (2004a), Islam in modern Turkey has gone through three different phases and has responded differently to each of these. The dynamics of the relationship between Islam and the state have created the current colouration of Islam in Turkey and have shaped the Islamic identity of Muslims in the country. This will be seen in the light of the history of modern Turkish Islamic movements.
2.2.1 Islam Distanced from the State (1923–1950)
The first phase of Islamic change in modern Turkey lasted from 1923 to 1950. It was a difficult time for Islamic expression. Secularism and ideas of nation building were introduced by Kemal’s government, removing Islam from the Turkish constitution. Religious activities were banned in number of ways, including closing the madrasa (private Islamic religious schools) and the banning of religious attire. Also the Turkish language was modernized, with Latin script replacing the Arabic, loosening the association of Turkish identity with Islam (Ebaugh, 2010, pp. 14-17).
However, Islam had long been a part of Turkish life and identity, playing a major role in individual, family and societal life. In the 1920s it was still seen as important by many Muslims, particularly the ulama (clerics). Inevitably, resistance movements emerged, which aimed to restore freedom of religious expression and preserve Islam in the country, as many religious leaders saw Kemal’s secularism as unfair and excessively limiting.
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It can be argued that among the most active of the movements to challenge the domination of the state was the Sufi Nakşibendi brotherhood (Silverstein, 2011; Yavuz, 2003). The Nakşibendi opposed the ‘homogenization’ of Islam inherent in Kemalism, which had been achieved by the government’s co- optation of certain religious teachers and the supression of others. This reaction made Islamic activists some of the principal enemies of the Kemalists and, therefore, the targets of the ‘exclusionary policies’ of the
Kemalist government. The army continued to be suspicious of Islam and put pressure on Muslim activists. Many Muslims therefore eventually distanced themselves from the state and continued their ‘rebellion’, although mostly in peaceful ways and outside the public sphere (Cetin, 2010; Yavuz, 2004a).
2.2.2 Integration into the State (1950s)
This tension in Turkey between Islam and the state began to lessen after 1950, largely due to the advent of a multi-party political system and the opening up of more democratic politics in Turkey, initiated by the leadership of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes. Islam, as a political rallying point, regained popularity (Cetin, 2010, p. 58). This improvement in opportunities for political expression was welcomed by Islamic activists, as they were now allowed legally to express their religious values and goals in the public sphere. Muslims who had distanced themselves from the state now began to show more interest in engaging with civil society, as can be seen from some Islamic movements’ support of, and even involvement in, some of the established political parties, particularly those parties which promised Muslim activists more opportunities for public religious expression (Ebaugh, 2010, pp. 17-20; Yavuz, 2004a, p. 224).
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Muslim activists were again able to call for support for Muslim values and institutions, including independent Islamic schools, which many considered a basic requirement for preserving the religion. Thus the opening up of Turkish politics created a ‘political opportunity’ for the development of Islamic movements and institutions in modern Turkey.
2.2.3 Pluralization: 1980s
In the last part of the twentieth century political change in Turkey was marked by the liberalization of economic policy, as well as by further political liberalization initiated by Prime Minister Turgut Özal in the 1980s (Ebaugh, 2010, pp. 18-20). This liberalization created a link between the social sphere and the market, creating a new bourgeoisie who benefitted economically from the radical reform. This newly expanded social class was able to contribute to the proliferation of independent mass media, such as TV, radio, and newspaper outlets (Yavuz, 2004b).
Significantly, increasing numbers of the new bourgeoisie joined movements aiming to restore the prominence of Islam in political and social life. Some contributed through founding and supporting educational institutions that fostered the development of Islamic values (for example, doing social service through religious institutions (hizmet)), or establishing media outlets (newspaper, television and radio), banks, hospitals and travel agencies. As Islamic movements began to spread to the Turkish diaspora communities, this development took place not only in Turkey but also overseas, especially in countries with large Turkish communities, such as Germany. This stage has been noted as the point in Islam’s social transformation in Turkey when the expression of Islam pluralized into many forms and began to be organized transnationally.
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2.2.4 Turkish Religious Movements of the Latter Twentieth Century
As has been described earlier, Turkish Muslims active in religious institutions had a difficult relationship with the state after Kemalist secularism was introduced in the 1920s, and distanced themselves from the government due to their feeling of alienation. However, when a more open atmosphere spread, as democracy strengthened in the 1950s, Islamic activists were once more willing to take part in the public life of the state.
The political and economic liberalization in the post-1950 period encouraged Turkish Muslims, including the religious conservatives, to accommodate to the ‘secular order’ and accept the democratic system a basic premise (Cetin, 2010). Turkish expression of Islam has therefore been mostly tolerant, moderate, and accepting of democracy (Niyazi, 2002).
Finally, some scholars (for example, Niyazi, (2002)) have argued that economic liberalization under Prime Minister Turgut Özal’s leadership (1983 to 1989) accelerated the migration of Turks to other countries, which in turn stimulated the transformation of Turkish Islamic movements into transnational organizations. Linking into and serving the Turkish diaspora communities in numerous countries, transnational Turkish Islamic movements now increasingly sent their members abroad to introduce their particular forms of Islamic piety. This is evidenced by the activities of the Sufi-inspired Gülen and Süleymancı movements (described in Chapter I) after the 1980s (Niyazi, 2002). The following section provides evidence of this development, through the story of the Süleymancıs’ transformation into a public educational movement in Turkey and then into a transnational movement.
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2.3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS MOVEMENT IN TURKEY AND ABROAD
This section of the chapter will describe the origins and development of the Süleymancı movement and analyse it as an example of the dynamics of Islam in modern Turkey, prior to its extension abroad.
2.3.1 The Süleymancı’s Founding Father
As indicated by their name, the history of the Süleymancıs (A. Süleymaniyyah; follower of Süleyman) began with their founder, Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan. He was born in 1888, in Silistre, on the border with Bulgaria, and by virtue of a noble genealogy, from both his parents, that led back to the Prophet, he enjoyed the titles, ‘Seyyid’ and ‘Sharif’. He was also said to have had a connection with the conqueror of Constantinople,
Fatih Sultan Mehmet.4
Süleyman started his educational journey in Satırlı madrasa, where his father was a teacher. Later, he was sent to Istanbul to pursue higher religious studies and there he finished religious degrees specializing in hadith and tafsir (the prophetic tradition and Qur’anic exegesis) as well as a secular degree in law. Even though with his law degree he could have been a judge, he preferred to have a career as a dersiam (lecturer in theology), which he pursued from 1920 to 1921. From 1922 to 1923 he taught Turkish and Arabic language in madrasa. Then, on 3 March 1924, the Turkish government issued the policy of ‘education unity’, which merged all types of education
4 This biographical story was told during the the haul (commemoration of the death of the Syeikh) event, which took place on 15 September 2012 in Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Suleymaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 53 into the state education system, and then abolished the independent Islamic schools. In that situation, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, who had been teaching in madrasa, decided to become a preacher in mosques such as Sultan Ahmet camii (mosque), Süleymaniye camii, Yeni camii, Şehzadebaşι camii, Kasimpasha camii and Camii Kebir.
When the madrasa that had existed for centuries were totally closed by the government, along with other independent religious organizations, like the tekke (centres of Sufi orders), Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan decided to continue his religious teachings (dakwah/hizmet) in another way. He said, as quoted by his Jakarta students,
When the sons of Islam like broken pieces of wood adrift towards hell, then if we can save only a single piece, that alone will still be very beneficial. 5
So, it is clear that from the very beginning the Süleymancıs’ idea was to revive the Sunnah (religion) which they considered was being forceably neglected by Muslims in Turkey and that the Süleymancıs wanted to bring back to Turkish Muslims’ lives what was missing.
5 Interview with Abi Zeki and Abi Aydin, UICCI Jakarta, 2012.
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Figure 1: Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan
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2.3.2 Developments of Süleymancıs
There is not much information about the early form of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey. Because it was dangerous to record information about Islamic movements in that difficult political situation, information and stories were passed on in narrative form from Süleyman’s early students to later ones. The author had the good fortune to visit Istanbul to meet an abi elder who understands the history of the movement. He is Abi Zaitin Burnu, who teaches History of the Süleymancıs in one of the Süleymancı schools in Turkey and works for the Ottoman archive. According to his narrative, the development of the Süleymancıs started (and this is reflected also by the story told by Süleymancı teachers in Jakarta) with the idea of preserving the Islamic religion, which seemed to be fading in Turkey. According to Abi Zaitin Burnu, the development of the Süleymancıs can be divided into three phases: The Darul Arqam period (1924–1950), The Medina Period (1950– 1959), and The Formation of the Süleymancı Organization and Movement Abroad (1959–2000).
2.3.2.1 Darul Arqam Period 1924–1950: Challenging Beginnings in a Loose Network
Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan’s proseltyzing (dakwah) began in 1924, when the early Kemalists implemented their secularist policy limiting religious expression. So the early years of the Syeikh’s dakwah were difficult, as such activities were treated as ‘forbidden’ (T. yasak) and could be severely punished. At this time however, according to Abi Zaitin Burn, the Syeikh demonstated his courage in reviving Islam in Turkey.6 Due to the security issue, Süleyman performed ‘hidden’ or ‘silent’ dakwah, teaching religion to
6 Interview with Abi Zaitin Burnu, Istanbul, 27 April 2013.
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Muslims by just going from one house to another. It is said that in the beginning he taught just one student, and that this student later brought two other students, and then the pattern continued until the students grew into a community (jamaah).
The name of this first period of Süleymancı development, the Darul Arqam Period (Darul Arqam Misale), derives from the words ‘darul’ meaning ‘house’ and ‘Arqam’, the name of one of the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad. In his own time (as emulated later by Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan), the Prophet started his dakwah ‘silently’, by gathering interested people in a private home—Arqam’s house.
‘Hidden dakwah’ was performed until 1950, when the Turkish political system introducted a multi-party system and became more democratic. This then allowed Islam to be expressed and promoted in public spaces, ending the thirteen year period of the Süleymancı’s Darul Arqam misalı. The Süleymancıs point out that thirteen years was the same length of time that the Prophet had to perform his ‘silent’ teachings.
Thus, during the silent dakwah period, the Süleymancıs were only an informally linked community (jamaah) of followers, with a spiritual leader (a charismatic Sufi master of deep knowledge, a prestigious spiritual genealogy, and a position as ulama) but with no solid, that is, formally organizational structure. The early form of the Süleymancı movement was a cemaat, that is, a loose network of people focusing on their leader, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan. At that time they had no school, as dakwah (proselytising; teaching) was
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 57 carried out from one house to another, or even, sometimes, in public spaces such as train carriages or taxis, where meetings would not arouse suspicion.7
2.3.2.2 The Medina Period 1950–1959: The Beginning of Public Süleymancı Schools
The second period of the Süleymancıs’ development, from 1950 to 1959, was called the Medina period, and ended with Süleyman’s death in 1959. The period began when politics in Turkey was democratized, allowing more Islamic expression in public spaces and therefore enabling the Syeikh to legally open religious schools, which were called ‘Kuran kursu’ (Qur’anic course). This second period of the movement was obviously better in many ways. The Süleymancıs liken it to the Medina period in early Islam, when the Prophet left behind the hard times of his life in Mecca and was welcomed in
Medina, where he could carry out his dakwah freely and gain more followers, who submitted themselves to God through Islam.8
The Kuran kursu, were boarding schools. The motivation to establish them was initially religious duty. In Turkey, among the Süleymancıs, there is an understanding that where a boarding school is founded, everything in that community will improve. Abi Erdem said:
If your eyes are open, you can see that. For example, there was nothing in the beginning but a village [here]. But when a boarding school was established … a minimarket and plantation [started up], and the community could even manage to export their products.9
7 Interview with Abi Zaitin Burnu, Istanbul, 27 April 2013.
8 Interview with Abi Zaitin Burnu, Istanbul, 27 April 2013.
9 Interview with Abi Erdem, Jakarta, 2 December 2012.
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So, from the 1950s, the Syeikh encouraged his students and followers to build boarding schools for studying Islam and especially the Qur’an. Since the beginning, the schools have been established separately for boys and girls. According to Abi Erdem, the Syeikh was equally concerned to help both male and female followers to learn about their religion. In fact, according to Abi Bayram, the number of boarding schools for females exceeds that of the male
Kuran kursu.10
Establishing boarding schools became the impetus to formalize the social structure of the worshipping community, the cemaat. The senior students of the Syeikh became the managers (idareji) of the rapidly proliferating boarding houses for scripture students. They needed some kind of administration and linkage with Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan and the movement. Abi Zaitin Burnu said,
So, it was his students [who became the idarejis]. Just like here, each boarding school has its own idareji (head of the boarding school) who came from our own students. [In terms of organization] in Istanbul boarding schools were divided into two parts, Asia and Europe. Each part has its own head. Within European Istanbul, the responsibility was also divided according to province or district. For example, if there are eight boarding schools in an area, one of the eight will be the head among them. This system, known as imarat, was part of the Süleymancıs organization since the Medina (post-1950) period.11
As shown, the democratic 1950s provided opportunities for public religious expression, including the establishment of independent schools for religious studies. There were also greater opportunities for non-elite Muslims to make money and join the new bourgeoisie. They, in turn, could support the
10 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 27 December 2012.
11 Interview with Abi Zaitin Burnu, Istanbul, 27 April 2013.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 59 development of religious activities. Indeed many of the newly rich Muslims who became Süleymancı participants (ikhwan) then used their funds to support the development of Süleymancı boarding schools.
2.3.2.3 The Formation of the Süleymancı Organization and Movement Abroad (1959–2000s)
Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan passed away in 1959, leaving behind a solid jamaah and many new schools. At the time he passed away, there were fourteen Kuran kursu schools in Turkey. The directorship of the Süleymancı schools was then taken over by Süleyman’s son-in-law, Kemal Kacar, as Syeikh Tunahan had no sons. Kemal Kacar became the abimist (the highest of the senior brothers) of the Süleymancıs until his death in 2000. The leadership then was taken over by the Syeikh’s grandson, Arif Ahmet
Denisolgun, the current abimist.12
During the period that Kemal Kacar was abimist (1954–2000), the Süleymancıs established their first overseas branch, in Germany, and followed that with other centres there and in the other European countries. In addition, during the leadership of Arif Ahmet Denizolgun the Süleymancıs grew substantially. More than 6,000 branches were established in Turkey and overseas, making the Süleymancı movement the second biggest Islamic movement in its home country, Turkey, and among the most significant of the Turkish transnational movements. It now operates in 130 countries on five continents.13
12 Presentation and explanation during the haul (commemoration of the death of the Syeikh) program at UICCI Rawamangun, on 15 September 2012, and interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 26 September 2012.
13 Interview with Abi Faruk and Abi Adem, 11 October 2012.
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The development of the Süleymancıs after the death of the Syeikh, under the two abimists, can be described in relation to two dimensions: internal and external development. ‘Internal’ refers to their development in the home country, Turkey, while ‘external’ refers to their development overseas as transnational movement.
Internal Development: Establishment and Diversification of the Hizmet Program
In the Süleymancı movements, boarding schools are at the heart of all activities. In the boarding facilities, students not only learn Qur’an recitation and Islamic studies, but also put into practice Islamic teachings, making them part of their daily activities. After passing certain exams, the pupils may themselves later become teachers and managers of a centre. Thus the dormitory system has been essential for the expansion of the movement.
The boarding school buildings vary according to their particular purposes and the levels of education offered in them. Male and female boarders are always housed and taught in separate schools. The Süleymancıs now offer four levels of schooling: ibtidai (beginner), ihzari (intermediate), tekamul alti (pre-advanced), and tekamul (advanced). The aim of tekamul, the highest level of schooling, is to prepare abis (teachers). In addition, there are special purpose boarding schools for the preparation of huffaadz (people who have memorized the whole Qur’an) at the highest level of Qur’an study. All of the boarding schools are coordinated by the Süleymancı headquarters at Umraniyye, in Turkey.14
14 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 26 September 2012.
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The Süleymancıs also began to build hospitals to offer another kind of community service (hizmet) and to benefit their students all over Turkey. The hospitals, however, were established as profit-making institutions. The income generated could then be used to support other religious service activities. The hospitals are open to all Süleymancı students, but their services are free for the highest level (tekamul) students. The hospitals also provide job opportunities for the Süleymancıs, as the employees at the hospital are mostly graduates of the Süleymancıs’ Kuran kursu. The hospitals are equipped with modern and cutting-edge health technology and are pointed to proundly by the Süleymancıs.15
In another business sector, the Süleymancıs established a travel agency (Hizmet Tourism) in 1997 to accommodate the public as well as their own personnel and supporters, who travel exstensively. For the Süleymancıs, traveling and moving from one country to another is a regular activity, necessary to manage their transnational organization. The business also caters to Muslims from other countries traveling for religious purposes. As Abi Adem said, some Muslims who make the pilgrimage to Mecca outside hajj time for umroh, also want to visit Turkey, as it has numerous historical sites significant to Muslims. Having had experience of the business and foreshadowing its extension to Indonesia, Abi Adem said:
This Hizmet Tourism is to accommodate the hajj and umroh for us within our organization. God willing, we can also arrange such a business in Indonesia, as Indonesian Muslims sometimes call us for an Istanbul trip. So, we are in the process of networking with Indonesian Süleymancıs on this. This travel [business] also acts as way of networking, with Turkish
15 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta 25 December 2012, and Sohbet at Umraniyye, Istanbul, 22 April 2013.
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cooperation, and the overall profit will help to pay the boarding expenses [of students].16
So, after the death of the Syeikh, Süleymancı service institutions, starting with schools, proliferated rapidly and also diversified. The boarding schools have always been the main hizmet of the Süleymancıs, and distinguish the movement from other Muslim revival movements in Turkey. However, as the number of branches of the Süleymancıs, both in Turkey and abroad, increased, requiring more funding, the Süleymancıs began to seek ways of supplementing the funds they had available from donations.17 They have looked to offer a wider range of services with religious values by establishing profitable businesses in health care and travel.
Transnational Projects
In 1959, the Süleymancı movement first established branches outside
Turkey. For the Süleymancıs this was a point of transition from a national to a transnational movement. According to Abi Zaitin Burnu, the first outreach of the Süleymancıs abroad was to Germany, where there was a large Turkish migrant community. Then followed outreach to Turkish migrant communities in Holand and other European countries.18 This was followed, in the 1970s, by their expansion to the Balkan countries and, at about the same time, to the USA and Australia, where there were also Turkish migrants. Later in the 1990s Süleymancıs began a new kind of outreach: not
16 Interview with Abi Adem, Umraniyye, 22 April 2013.
17 Interview with Abi Erdem, Jakarta, 2 December 2012 and additional group interview with Abi Adem and some Indonesian students at Yavuz Salim Kuran Kursu, Istanbul, 2013.
18 Interview with Abi Adem and interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 26 September 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 63 to Turks living outside Turkey but to Muslims of any ethnic or national background in foreign countries. Thus they started establishing schools in substantially Muslim areas of the former Soviet Union countries (Russia and
Kazakhstan) and then in Africa and Asia after the turn of the century.19 The Süleymancıs trace this impetus to carry their religious service abroad to their Syeikh, who early on predicted that the jamaah he formed would become an international movement. Tunahan is said to have been aware of this possibility when he predicted: “You will be flown to other countries to give lectures”.20
On 4 February 2012, Mustafa Yosun, one of the disciples of Sheikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan and also a respected elder among Süleymancıs, explained how the Süleymancıs now understand their Syeikh’s vision of expansion to other countries. He began by describing the location of the graves the
Prophet’s Companions:
When the Prophet Muhammad delivered his last sermon, known as the farewell sermon (khutbah al-wada), there were about 124,000 of his Companions. However, only about 10,000 of their graves can be found in the Al-Baqi graveyard complex in Medina. This gives rise to the obvious question as to where the remaining Companions were buried. According to Yossun, some of them were found in Istanbul and Anatolia in Turkey, as well as in Egypt and Turkmenistan. This is further proof that they had emigrated to many places or countries to teach the religion of Allah and were buried in foreign lands. Furthering this tradition to spread Islam across the world, the Süleymancıs have brought the teachings to 130 different countries across the globe.21
19 Interview with Abi Zaitin Burnu, Istanbul, 27 April 2013.
20 The haul (commemoration of the death of the Syeikh), 15 September 2012.
21 Mustafa Yosun, Jakarta, 4 February 2012.
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So the Süleymancıs understand the spread of their movement, not just within Turkey but abroad, as being based on both the Qur’an and the Sunnah (example and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad). Thus, one of the teachers interviewed for this thesis, Abi Emre, told the author that everything that exists in the dormitories of UICCI is based on the Sunnah (traditions) of the Prophet Muhammad. All of the activities, the environment, the lessons, the atmosphere, and everything provided are as described in the hadiths
(traditions) of the Prophet.22
As can be seen from the above, the Süleymancıs believe that the life story of the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions inspired Sheikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan to call upon his students to take the teachings of the Süleymancıs to the whole world. Yosun re-emphasized that
Tunahan has carved the morals of the Prophet Muhammad PBUH in our souls. Thus, what we have received from him, we try to teach to the public. Because of what he taught us we set out from Turkey to teach Islam in other countries, with the same hope he had.23
The strong religious values held by the Süleymancıs give them the energy required to commit to their roles in various parts of the world. First, they understand that the Prophet Muhammad faced many challenges when he spread the religion of Islam, so when they face challenges similar to those faced by their master, the Süleymancıs can take comfort in their hizmet (altruism activities). They, like their teacher, do not always find the struggle on behalf of their religious order easy. However, the awareness of jihad (in the broad sense of the struggle to behave righteously) motivates the
22 Interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 10 October 2012.
23 Mustafa Yosun, Jakarta, 4 February 2012.
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Süleymancıs to perform their role in teaching Islam wherever they go. The principal goal of broadening the role of jihad is clearly stated by Mustafa Yosun:
Allah Almighty sent us this Qur’an that we hold, not only to read it, but also to understand it properly, to revive its values, and practice them in our daily lives. Thus, the sole hope of the foundation (UICCI) is to teach the Qur’an all over the world. My dear fellow brothers, just as the Companions of the Prophet once travelled across countries to teach Islam, so we too need to travel from Turkey to Indonesia. In the 130 countries, in which we are established, our sole goal is to teach the religion of Allah (insya Allah); we have no other purpose. 24
So, for the Süleymancıs, going overseas to perform dakwah is a jihad, and a part of the Islamic teaching they believe needs to be done. If one dies during the hizmet, then he dies as syahid (a martyr).25
While religious motivation has clearly been important in driving the overseas expansion, so also have social factors. These include recognition of the market for religious services in non-Muslim majority countries where Turkish migrant workers have established substantial communities. Also the Turkish Islamic revival movements, that had moved into the public sphere since the 1970s and had grown rapidly in their home country, including the
Süleymancıs and the Fethullah Gülen and the Nurcu movements, were in a position, with newly developed management and business structures, to extend themselves overseas.
24 Mustafa Yosun, Jakarta, 4 February 2012.
25 Interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 26 September 2012.
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Thus the pull of need for religious instruction in Muslim communities abroad and the ensuing outreach response by the movements reinforced pressures within them to formalize their organizational structures. The Süleymancıs have gone the farthest in developing hierarchical bureaucratic structures to coordinate their domestic and international activities.
Here, one could argue that the Süleymancıs, when they became transnational, extended their original aim (which was to preserve the Islamic religion in Turkey in the face of what they saw as the threat of secularism), to global Islamic revivalism and purification of the religion according to the Sunni Islam school of law.
In sum, by the 1970s, the Süleymancı movement had changed from a small, mostly face-to-face jamaah into a formally constituted bureaucratic organization. This stage in the life cycle of a social movement, defined by Blumer as ‘formalization’ (Blumer, 1951, p. 150), is characterized by multiple levels of organizational management and formally defined offices and areas of authority. This stage was achieved by the Süleymancı movement after the death of its founder, under the direction of abimist Kemal Kacar. The movement is presently under the direction of abimist Arif Denizolgun. Both leaders have promoted awareness that a coordinated strategy is necessary across all of the Süleymancıs’ branches. Therefore, as is discussed, in further detail, in Chapters III and V, the Süleymancıs’ transnational management works through five bolge (regions) across the globe, and stratified levels of management within those regions. The Süleymancıs also select abis for management positions according to their skills and abilities to assume the responsibility of running the schools and businesses.
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2.4 OVERSEAS BRANCHES OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS: GERMAN AND AUSTRALIAN EXAMPLES
After successfully developing their Qur’an education institutions in Turkey, the Süleymancıs then developed their hizmet outside of Turkey. The following section gives examples of Süleymancı branches in two countries with significant Turkish migrant communities. The need for religious education and leadership in these communities represents an ‘opportunity space’ for the organization (Yavuz, 2003). This section examines how the Süleymancıs have moved into that social space in Germany and Australia, and supplements previous accounts with interview material compiled by the author.
2.4.1 The Süleymancı in Germany
The Süleymancıs chose Germany as a suitable country in which to expand, largely because it is home to the world largest overseas Turkish diaspora community. The beginning of organized labour migration from Turkey to Germany was in October 1961, when Turkey and Germany signed a bilateral agreement for the recruitment of Turkish workers to Germany. Before 1961, participation of Turkish workers in post-war labour migration to Western
Europe had not—at least officially—taken place (Küçükcan, 2004, p. 246). A Central Recruitment Office was established in Istanbul in that year, and by the year’s end, 7,000 Turkish workers were living in Germany. In 1962 the first Turkish social and political organization in Germany, the Union of Turkish Workers, was established in the Cologne Region, evidencing the large scale labour migration from Turkey to Western Europe that had already taken place.
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The presence of Turks in Europe is neither a new nor exclusively modern phenomenon. Turkish people had come to Europe as early as the thirteenth century. For example, the arrival of the Anatolian Turks in the Balkans dates back to the 1260s (Küçükcan, 2004, p. 245). Now, as Küçükcan (2004, p. 244) observed, “the foreign workers, migrant workers or guest workers of the 1950s and 1960s had become permanent or at least quasi-permanent settlers in the 1980s”. Many of these migrants are now citizens of their host countries. In fact, their descendants, the second and third generations, have blended with the larger society and added colour as well as contributing to the multicultural community in Europe (Küçükcan, 2004, p. 244). Germany has been the main destination of Turkish migrants and currently has a Turkish-origin population of almost 2.5 million (Ersanilli & Saharso, 2011, p. 915).
Many Turkish people, even though they live overseas, want their own children to preserve and be proud of their Turkish culture and identity— including being fluent in the Turkish language. According to (Ersanilli & Saharso, 2011, p. 924), this attachment to Turkish culture seems to originate from the strong national self-awareness and pride of the Turks. That includes, for most, attachment to Islam. In fact, even after having lived in Germany for some time, and having children, most continue with the same lifestyle they had in Turkey. This means that, with the arrival of the second generation, the Turks feel a need for religious education for their children. Hence, there is a need for educators who are available to do hizmet (religious service) for this next generation of Muslims.
It is characteristic of the Turkish that they place special emphasis on education, because education is seen as the key to transmitting traditional values to the younger generation and to generating a sense of belonging to
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 69 the ideals of the Turkish community (Küçükcan, 2004, p. 252). Therefore, the establishment of mosques has always been a priority for the Turks, as they are considered traditional centres of Islamic learning, religious socialization and education, which contribute to the construction of Turkish Islamic identity. A number of different activities which are held in mosques are designed to reawaken Islamic identity among Turks, and pass the traditional values on to the younger generation (Küçükcan, 2004, p. 254).
This desire for traditional Islamic education afforded opportunities for the hizmet movements, including the Süleymancıs (who are known for their Qur’anic teaching), to establish themselves as providers of religious education. Thus in 1961 the Süleymancıs started sending their abis to Germany. Currently, there are approximately 300 Süleymancı boarding schools in Germany, with their headquarters located in Cologne and branches spread out around the big cities.26
In mid-November 2014, I attended a summer school at the University of Göttingen, after which I was able to visit one of the German Süleymancıs’ boarding schools in Frankfurt, the second largest city in Germany. I went along with an older abi, who is also the director of the boarding school, and a young abi, who is primarily responsible for teaching. It took us about fifteen minutes to get from the central train station of Frankfurt to the dormitory of the Süleymancıs.
The young abi showed me around the boarding school and explained many things relating to Süleymancıs’ dormitories in Germany, pointing out that the one in Frankfurt is not the largest. However, I found the one I visited was
26 Interview with Abi Halil, Frankfrut, 17 August 2014.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 70 quite substantial, taking up two floors of a building. The ground floor was used as a mosque and the second floor as offices and study rooms. Most, if not all, the students were second or third generation citizens of Germany, with Turkish ancestry. Most of the abis were from Turkey, with some young ones who were born in Germany but of a Turkish family. Once they had completed the highest level of Süleymancı education in Turkey they returned to Germany as abi. My interview sessions with the young abi confirmed that there are about 300 Süleymancı boarding schools in Germany. The movement has been able to found such a large number of schools because it was the first place of outreach beyond Turkey, and the Turkish diaspora community there was large.
Despite the obvious need, it is not always easy to perform hizmet in Germany, because the government policies are not particularly favourable for the Süleymancı movement. For example, from the information I was given by the abi, the rules regarding students living and staying overnight in the boarding schools are restrictive, and the Süleymancı students must finish their studies at the schools in the afternoon. This is very different from the concept of the Süleymancıs’ schools in Turkey, where all the students live in the boarding schools in order to receive education 24 hours a day.
My observations confirmed that most of the students’ parents had had previous connections with the Süleymancı movement. Indeed, this was the case with the young abi, my resource person, whose parents had been involved, to some degree, with this organization and had then sent their son to the same boarding schools.
Nevertheless, the Suelymancis in Germany are able to run their private boarding schools, teaching Turkish culture and Islamic studies. In Germany,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 71 the Süleymancıs claim that their schools work hand in hand with the German government, supporting a policy of integrating Turkish Muslims into German society. They claim that they meet the needs of Turkish Muslims in Germany for religious activities by providing imams and religious teachers. They say that Turkish Muslims therefore need not feel alienated from their adopted country, since their needs are being met by the Süleymancıs, who always encourage an excellent attitude to living in German society. It could be argued that by building the boarding schools in Germany the Süleymancıs have, in fact, helped Turkish immigrants integrate there, as they use these educational institutions not only to teach the religion of Islam and Turkish culture, but also to help the students accept Germany as the country where they were born and live and work. This is evidence of what (Ersanilli & Saharso, 2011, p. 907) have argued: that an inclusive government policy has a positive impact on immigrants’ settlement country identification.
While the Süleymancıs are free to operate their schools in Germany, they receive practically nothing in the way of support from the state (Germany), other than the permit to run their schools. For this reason they rely heavily on the Turkish diaspora community in Germany, or on their ‘brothers’ in Turkey, for funds. Nonetheles, they have been able to build up their network of schools over the years through good management and by offering high quality education.
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Figure 2: A mosque within Frankfrut branch of the Süleymancıs 2.4.2 The Süleymancı in Australia
Following a similar pattern to the one they used in Germany, the Süleymancıs have spread their network as far afield as Australia. They began their hizmet there in 1971, in Melbourne, Victoria. Once again, they were able to meet the demand for religious education among Turks abroad—in this case
Turks who had immigrated to Australia or who were born in Australia but had Turkish ancestors.
Evidence of Turks moving to Australia from the island of Cyprus for work is noted in the 1940s; then during the Cyprus conflict, between 1963 and 1974, a number of Turks were forced to migrate to Australia (Yağmur & van de
Vijver, 2012, p. 1115). Further, large numbers migrated to Australia after a bilateral agreement was signed between Turkey and Australia in 1967.
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According to the 2006 census, between 150,000 and 200,000 Turkish citizens were in Australia at that time, and between 40,000 and 60,000 Turkish Cypriots (Yağmur & van de Vijver, 2012, p. 1115). The largest number of Turks in Australia is in Melbourne, Sydney and Wollongong. Australia’s migrant Turkish population, of approximately 90,000, is among the four largest, along with those of Germany (2.5 million), The Netherlands (400,000), and France (390,000) (Yağmur & van de Vijver, 2012, p. 1115).
When the Süleymancıs began to offer their hizmet in the form of Qur’anic education in Australia in 1971, it seemed obvious to begin in Melbourne, since that city was where the largest concentrations of Turkish immigrants were to be found. The Süleymancıs then set up another branch in Auburn, NSW, where Turkish Muslims had established the Gallipoli Mosque, one of the largest mosques in the Sydney region.
I had the opportunity to visit the headquarters of the Australian Süleymancıs in Melbourne and speak with young abi there about the location of their boarding schools. So far they have established schools in only in two states, Victoria and New South Wales. In Victoria they have two boarding schools for male students and one for female students, and in New South Wales they have just one new school for male students, located in Auburn, NSW.
The Süleymancı schools in Australia provide boarding facilities for their students so they can sleep and eat there as well as study and receive Islamic teaching just as other Süleymancı students do in Turkey. During my visit to the Süleymancı boarding school, Meadow Heights, I was able to witness firsthand what I had read on their website.
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As in Germany, the Süleymancıs in Australia primarily offered their hizmet to Turkish communities. When I visited the Australian Süleymancıs’ headquarters at Meadow Heights boarding school in Melbourne, I could see that all the abis and students were Turkish or had a Turkish background. Although the abi who accompanied me was born in Australia, he also had a Turkish background and began his service as a teacher in the school after completing the tekamul level in Turkey.
The above outline shows how the Süleymancıs initially aimed to expand their service beyond Turkey only to Muslim diaspora communities, responding to the significant demand from Turkish families living overseas for religious education. Although the Süleymancıs have become a transnational organization, their Turkish headquarters still coordinates and directs hizmet institutions globally.
Figure 3: Australian Süleymancıs’ main branch
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2.5 OPPORTUNITY SPACES FOR THE SÜLEYMANCIS
It can be seen from the above description that the Süleymancı movement originating in Turkey has grown and changed from merely a local and informal movement into a transnational organization with a bureaucratic structure. It expanded across Turkey, building schools, hospitals, and travel businesses. From the 1960s, it started to spread overseas. The opportunity spaces theory can be used as an analytical tool to help account for these developments.
Hakan Yavuz (2003) analysed the growth of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey, trying to determine what prompted them to change the ways they sought to reach the Muslim population in Turkey with their concepts and teachings of Islamic piety. Looking at the history of the organization, he concluded that they ‘found’ different kinds of social spaces in different periods that afforded them opportunities for their outreach. The first such ‘opportunity space’, made use of in the early Kemalist period (1924–1949) was in the private sphere—the leader’s (Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan’s) own home (Yavuz, 2013). The Sheikh converted his house so that it could be used as a place of study for a limited number of students. As a Nakşibendi Sufi master (known to be the thirty-third is an unbroken line of spiritual authorization going back to Ebu Bekiri Siddik, RA, Tunahan inspired a strong, intimate spiritual connection between himself and his devoted students, undergirded by the Sufi pledge (rabitha) of loyalty and obedience. Those links connected the early religious community around him and enabled it to survive in the private sphere of Turkish society when strict secularization was imposed by the Kemalist government.
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During that early Kemalist era, there were no public arenas that the Süleymancıs could use to promote Islamic piety; all such ‘opportunity spaces’ (in Yavuz’s (2003) terminology) were closed to independent Muslim leaders and groups. The new government of modern Turkey applied preventive methods to avoid any authority which rivalled the state from securing political power or influence, limiting public religious expression and activities. This government’s policy resulted in nascent religious movements
‘distancing’ themselves from the government and confining themselves to the private sphere.
That situation changed after 1949, when PM Adnan Menderes (in power from 1950 to 1961) started a program of modest democratic reforms, establishing a multi-party system. In this period the Turkish government became more accommodating to Muslim organizations and movements.
Thus from 1949, the Süleymancıs were able to open Qur’an study seminaries
(Kuran kursu) to the public.27 In Yavuz’s (2003, 2004b) terms, the Süleymancıs thus entered a newly emergent public ‘educational opportunity space’. They did so with their Kuran kursu which trained young Turkish people to be preachers.
Under the new government regulations, graduates of the Süleymancı Kuran kursu even became eligible to work in the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı (DİB)), and many did so. Thus, in this period of more open democratic politics (from 1950), the Süleymancıs also benefitted
27 Despite this, with changes of government in Turkey, including the military coups which seized power, from time to time, in later decades the government re- imposed restrictions on the operation of the Süleymancı schools. For example, Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan was jailed three times as a result of becoming a threat to the government because of his dakwah activities.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 77 from access to another kind of opportunity space, what Yavuz (2003, 2004b) called a ‘political opportunity space’.
Those former Süleymancı students who took up positions in the the Department of Religious Affairs, and were appointed as imam in government-approved mosques, often continued to be closely connected with the movement. So through the government appointments of Süleymancı graduates, the Süleymancıs gained platforms for propagating their values, and the movement began to benefit from access to what Yavuz (2003, 2004b) saw as a newly available political opportunity space. The Süleymancı movement had gained a public voice (or voices) that could have political impact.
The above situation changed again, however, when in 1965 the Directorate of
Religious Affairs enacted a new policy that allowed only graduates of the government’s own institutions for training religious personnel, the Imam Hatip schools, to become employees of the DİB. Thus the political opportunity space that had opened up earlier was closed. Süleymancı graduates could no longer get the positions that had given them influence in the Directorate of Religious Affairs and in the country’s state-authorized mosques.
After the coup in 1971 the military government took over the Süleymancı’s boarding schools, excluding them from their premises (Yavuz, 2003). With this move not only was the Süleymancıs’ political influence in and through the DİB limited, but their ability to offer their service (hizmet) in the field of education was once again (although not permanently) restricted. The public education opportunity space available to them shrank.
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This takeover of the Süleymancı schools was a severe limitation, but it prompted them to look for new fields of service. It was after that government usurpation that the Süleymancıs began to reach out to the German Turkish diaspora community, which they understood to be suffering a severe shortage of Islamic religious guidance. As Yavuz observed:
In the 1970s, they started to organize among the Turkish workers in Europe, whose religious affairs were ignored totally by the DİB (Yavuz, 2003, pp. 146–147).
Thus the Süleymancıs saw the German Turkish diaspora as a new education opportunity space. Later, the financial resources that Turkish immigrants in Europe had built up would become an important source of funding for the Süleymancı movement in other countries.
In this chapter it has also been noted that the Süleymancıs established in
Turkey a number of businesses, such as hospitals and a travel business, which make profits as well as providing valued services (hizmet) to the Muslim community. In Yavuz’s (2003) terminology, these businesses take advantage of an economic opportunity space (the growing liberalised economy of post-1949 Turkey) in addition to the education and political opportunity spaces which they utilized. In the following chapters it will be shown that in Indonesia, so far, the Süleymancıs have only operated in the education sphere, making use of the Islamic education opportunity space opened up by the democratization of the Reform era and the Islamic revival.
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2.6 CONCLUSION
This chapter has traced the history of the Süleymancıs in Turkey and their spread overseas. It has shown that the Süleymancıs have utilized the new opportunity spaces which opened up in Turkey to develop from a small local community (T. cemaat) with a calling to preserve the Islamic religion in modern Turkey, into a bureaucratically organized, transnational Islamic revivalism movement. This transformation was inspired by the religious vision of the movement’s founder and realized through the organizational innovation of his disciples. The Süleymancıs have been able to make use of a market opportunity among Turkish Muslims in Turkey and in the Turkish diaspora communities in other countries. Yavuz’s (2003, 2004b) notion of ‘opportunity spaces’ thus helps us understand when and why the Süleymancıs became major actors in the public sphere in Turkey and how the movement became global.
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CHAPTER III: INDONESIAN SÜLEYMANCIS (THE UICCI)
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous chapter, I described the historical background of the rise of the Süleymancıs in Turkey and analysed why and how the jamaah transformed first into a formal organization operating only in Turkey and then into a transnational movement. I provided two micro case studies of Süleymancı branches in Turkish diaspora regions, in Germany and Australia—that is, in two of the four main Turkish diaspora countries. This chapter describes the establishment of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, a country which is not a Turkish diaspora region, but which has a majority
Muslim population. Unlike other countries where there are significant numbers of Turkish immigrants who become the first members of the transnational Süleymancı movement, Indonesia can provide a distinct case study that will reveal how the Süleymancıs operate overseas in a non-Turkish social context. Moreover, the Indonesian branch of the Süleymancı movement is important because of its rapid development, which justified Indonesia’s becoming the headquarters for the Süleymancıs’ Asia Pacific bolge (administrative region), in 2012.
Indonesia is a predominantly Muslim country that has experienced an Islamic revival since the 1970s. This can be seen partly from its growing number of Islamic educational institutions. This trend shows no sign of stopping, and Muslim organizations have moved into many other sectors of Muslim life in Indonesia, including Islamic finance, fashion, the media, and tourism. Thus Süleymancıs have moved into a society that not only has a
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 81 large Muslim population, but is keen on programs and products that are meant to improve piety. The Süleymancıs have been able to establish themselves in this market by setting up boarding schools and constituting a national branch, called the United Cultural Centre of Indonesia (UICCI). The Süleymancıs formally established the UICCI in 2005. As the country has no significant population of Turkish descent, the UICCI has had to find other sources of help to grow and develop. This chapter shows how the
Süleymancıs have utilized support from people of non-Turkish background to build their branches in Indonesia.
In addition to describing the founding and subsequent history of the Süleymancı outreach organization in Indonesia, this chapter will analyse the process through which the organization was established, using Hakun Yavuz’s notion of opportunity spaces and extending that concept beyond
Turkey and expatriate Turkish communities. This will help in understanding the Süleymancıs’ growth and change overseas.
Since its establishment in Indonesia, the Süleymancı movement, through the UICCI, has been successful in setting up seventeen branches, all located in major cities. These locations were not chosen randomly. This chapter shows that the Süleymancıs use certain criteria for deciding where to establish their
Indonesian boarding schools. Three patterns are involved, of which one reveals the dominant role of the Turkish headquarters, while the other two concern local Muslims. The first is exemplified in the branches initiated and supported by the global Süleymancı movement. The second is evident in the branches that involve initiatives from local Indonesian Muslims, with some additional support from overseas donors. The third model is the branches that are the result of transfer of a facility from a local Indonesian organization to the UICCI. The latter two models suggest that the UICCI has
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 82 successfully found new opportunity spaces amongst local people outside the national capital.
In this chapter, as well as analysing the Süleymancıs’ extension into Indonesia from the perspective of opportunity spaces theory, I will show how they have been able to utilize local potential to establish new branches and develop existing ones. Strategies included their recognition of similarities between their education system and the traditional Indonesian boarding school system, and their willingness to identify their schools with similar Indonesian ones, even adopting Indonesian terminology. Thus they have been open to ‘glocalization’. In addition, the Süleymancıs have made efforts to gain the support of the Indonesian government. In terms of organizational management, the Indonesian Süleymancıs have shown an ability to maintain global guidance from their Turkish headquarters, while at the same time adjusting to the local cultural and social environment. Together, these factors have contributed to the rapid growth of the Indonesian Süleymancı movement, which in turn has allowed it to be chosen to serve as the headquarters of the Süleymancı Asia Pacific region.
3.2 HISTORY OF THE UICCI
The UICCI was founded with help from the German and Australian branches of the Süleymancıs. As shown in Chapter II, the Australian branch was founded in Melbourne in 1979, under the name ‘United Islamic Cultural Centre of Australia (UICCA)’, by Muslim Turkish immigrants who had come to Australia in the 1960s and 1970s. The Australian Süleymancı branch served as the centre for the Asia Pacific region (bolge) for years, before regional headquarters were moved to Jakarta, and the Australian branch
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 83 played a crucial role in establishing many branches across Asia and the Pacific, not just in Indonesia, but in Singapore, the Philippines, Japan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Brunei, and South Korea.
The history of the Indonesian Süleymancıs dates back to 2004, when a young Süleymancı member from Turkey, who had served in Africa, touched down in Jakarta. He is Abi Zoltan, the abi now running the UICCI. He arrived in
Jakarta with limited knowledge of the Indonesian language, and no companions or relatives, but with a spirit of hizmet for serving the community in the way of Süleymancıs. With struggle and hard work, Abi Zoltan successfully established the first branch in Pejaten, South Jakarta. Later, in 2007, a group of Turkish abis came to Indonesia to join in the development of Süleymancı education there. They eventually took Süleymancı education to all three major islands: Java, Kalimantan and
Sumatra.28
In the deed of foundation, registered at the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, Republic of Indonesia, the Indonesian Süleymancıs use the name ‘United Islamic Cultural Centre of Indonesia (UICCI)’. The deed was drawn up and signed as ‘Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesia’, on 24 March 2005, at the request of a Süleymancı from Germany, Mr Nuri
Kahriman.29 Australian Süleymancıs were mentioned in the deed, namely: Mr Tahir Yanuz (as supervisor), and Mr Seyit Ali Ayranci (as member of the advisory board). Both Mr Tahir Yanuz and Mr Seyit Ali Ayranci are from the
28 Interview with Abi Erdem, Jakarta, 29 November 2012.
29 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 3.
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Melbourne branch of the Australian Süleymancıs.30 So, the roles of both the German and Australian Süleymancıs were central in establishing the Indonesian Süleymancıs. Not only did they act as initiators for the formalization of the organization and establish permission for its foundation, but later they also gave advice and supervised the development of the
Sülyemancı branch in Indonesia.31
The Süleymancıs evidently also understood how to seek support from local sympathizers to secure the registration of the foundation and then expand the movement, as can be seen from the Indonesian figures32 who were invited to serve as core members of the foundation and who were listed as such on the deed of registration of the UICCI. Evidence of the idea to include both Turkish and Indonesian Muslim ‘volunteers’ in establishing the foundation can also be found in the history of the UICCI as described on its website.33 The of the first core structure34 of the UICCI foundation and office holders, as noted from the deed were: founders35 (Seyit Ali Ayranci, an
30 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005.
31 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 37.
32 Interview with Abi Ibrahim, Jakarta, 23 October 2012.
33 “Yayasan Pusat Budaya Islam Indonesia ini dibentuk oleh beberapa orang Turki dan Indonesia secara sukarela pada tahun 2005.” Quoted from http://uicci.org/id/menu-tentang-kami, accessed on 13 February 2014.
34 As required by the law reflected in the Akta, the structure of the foundation is Pembina, Pengurus, and Pengawas. Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 5.
35 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 6–7, 30-31.
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Australian of Turkish background) and Tina Supartinah Sugiro, an
Indonesian resident in Jakarta); Management36 Head, Zoltan (Turkish); Secretary, Sugiyanto (Indonesian); Treasurer, Saim Filiz (a Turkish
Australian from Melbourne); and Supervisors,37 Sugiro (an Indonesian) and Tahir Yanuz (another Turkish Australian).
The Süleymancıs had a formula for naming their overseas branches. They always used ‘United Islamic Culture Centre of [country]’, as in: United Islamic Cultural Centre of Indonesia (UICCI); United Islamic Cultural Centre of Australia (UICCA); United Islamic Cultural Centre of the Philippines (UNICEP); and United Islamic Cultural Centre of Bangladesh (UICCB). This formula has been used almost all over the world, following the Turkish name, İslam Kültür Merkezleri Birliği, literally means, Union of Islamic Cultural
Centres.38
According to the deed of the Indonesian branch, the UICCI foundation works in the areas of social, humanitarian, and religious matters and conducts business activities to establish boarding schools for children in need, give service in religious matters, and provide scholarships for students at home and abroad.39 As noted by its leader, the movement’s aim was to foster a
36 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 11.
37 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005, p. 17.
38 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, December 2012.
39 Akta Pendirian Yayasan Pusat Persatuan Kebudayaan Islam Indonesian, No C-1830.HT.01.02.TH 2005.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 86 noble character in a new generation, inspired by the messenger of Allah, the
Prophet Muhammad PBUH.40
In Turkey the Süleymancıs use the name ‘Kuran kursu’ to designate their schools, while in Australia they use the word ‘dormitory’, and in Indonesia, they have come to use the word ‘pesantren’.41 Thus, in addition to including the names of Indonesian sympathizers in their deed of foundation, the
Süleymancıs in Indonesia have also given their schools the same name as the local traditionalist Islamic education institutions, pesantren. This shows that they have been aware of the local social environment and have been willing to adapt or adopt local terms that are suitable to the movement’s activities. This represents an instance of what has been called ‘glocalization’ in a transnational movement.
In Turkey, their country of origin, the Süleymancıs are known as providers of Kuran kursu (boarding school Islamic education), or more specifically,
‘Süleymancı Yurtları’ (Süleymancı residence or dormitory).42 This latter name has been translated into Indonesian as ‘Asrama Sulaimaniyah’ (Süleymancı dormitory) and has been used since the establishment of UICCI in Indonesia in 2005. According to Abi Bayram, when the Süleymancı Yurtları are referred to as ‘asrama’ in Turkey, the Turkish initially think that the Süleymancıs provide boarding with an Islamic education, including the Qur’an memorizing program (tahfidz) (one of the flagships of the Islamic movement).43 However, in the Indonesian context, the term ‘asrama’ is
40 Interview with Abi Zoltan, Jakarta, 4 February 2012.
41 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 3 October 2012.
42 Interview with Abi Adem and Abi Ilhami, Istanbul, 22 April 2013.
43 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 87 understood simply to mean residential accommodation for students of any sort.
Indonesia, as a Muslim majority country, has a long history of Islamic education. In terms of traditional Islamic education within a boarding school system, ‘pesantren’ is the term with which Indonesians are familiar. So, when the UICCI introduced the term ‘asrama’, claiming to provide Islamic education, this did not meet with much success. Indonesian Muslims regard ‘asrama’ as merely referring to a boarding home or shelter, without the provision of a religious education and the opportunity to practise Islam on a daily basis as the term ‘pesantren’ suggests. This became an issue for the enrolment of prospective students to UICCI boarding schools. Taking this into account, the management of UICCI eventually changed the name ‘asrama’ to ‘pesantren’. In fact, the Süleymancıs went even further to distinguish their specialist pesantren type by adding ‘tahfidz’, the Qur’an memorization, to the name, thus showing that, as in Turkey, Qur’an memorization is the flagship program of the residential schools. The name Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Rawamangun (Rawamangun [district] Qur’an Study Boarding School) is an obvious example of this strategy.
One could wonder why the Süleymancıs agreed to change a globally established name. In fact, they have always made great efforts to respect local terms and blend in locally. When they left Turkey to go to a country with an almost insignificant Turkish population, the Süleymancıs had to ‘sell’ themselves to local people. It would seem logical that they would decide to use the term ‘pesantren’ for their boarding school system in Indonesia; the UICCI is evidently willing to ‘glocalize’ in some respects within the local community, and this decision has worked well for it in Indonesia. Since 2009, the UICCI has been successful in gaining support from the Ministry of
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Religious Affairs and through this association has been able to establish branches in major cities of Indonesia. The following section explains how the transnational organization considers where to open up new branches.
Figure 4: Minister of Social Affairs during the PP Sulaimaniyah grand opening ceremony
Figure 5: Official of the Ministry of Religious Affairs during the grand opening of the PP Sulaimaniyah, Jakarta
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3.3 THE BRANCHES OF UICCI
3.3.1 The History of the Establishment of the UICCI Branches
3.3.1.1 Asrama SMP-Jati Padang, Jakarta
One Monday morning, I revisited the first established boarding school of the Süleymancıs, a junior high school located at Jl. Damarsari No.21 RT 05/RW
07, Jati Padang, Pasar Minggu, Jakarta Selatan Indonesia, 12540. There I met the director, Abi Erdem, a young abi in his twenties, who was among the first students of the Indonesian Süleymancıs.
When I asked about the history of the boarding school, he explained how Turkish abis first came to Indonesia for hizmet. He began by telling me about
Abi Zoltan, the first Turkish Abi to come to Indonesia. Previously Abi Zoltan had carried out hizmet with the Süleymancıs in South Africa, before taking up residence in an area of South Jakarta. He was the first person to introduce his idea about the Süleymancıs’ hizmet (giving service to the Islamic community), establishing a school that would later be known as the Junior High Boarding School of the Indonesian Süleymancıs. Enrolments began in March 2005.
In his search for potential students, Abi Zoltan went to educational institutions where he could share his idea of a Süleymancı boarding school and invite junior high school students to enroll with him. Eventually, he met H. Alwi, the head of Junior High School 107, South Jakarta, who later became a keen supporter of the Süleymancıs’ hizmet and an ikhwan (brotherhood member) supporting the enrolment of students. By targeting junior high school students, Abi Zoltan was duplicating his own experience,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 90 since he had been a state school junior high student when he decided to attend the Süleymancıs’ boarding school back in his country of origin, Turkey. Moreover, students targeted at this young age, Abi Zoltan reflected, are more likely to adapt easily to the unique Süleymancı education system. The Süleymancı junior high boarding schools also meet the needs of some Indonesian parents who cannot afford the cost of ordinary boarding schools that charge for accommodation and food, in addition to the tuition fee. Some parents feel unable to teach religious values adequately, and so want to send their children to Islamic boarding schools. The fact that the Süleymancı schools do not charge fees is an added bonus. Abi Zoltan’s initiative in establishing the Süleymancı boarding system in Indonesia was fully supported by the Turkish Süleymancıs who have provided funding and some other help. H. Alwi was the first Indonesian ikhwan (sympathizer) to offer help in terms of student enrolment. As Abi Erdem explained, the first enrolments of students took place gradually. The first group consisted of only about ten students, with that number doubling in the second term, and by the third term there were over thirty students. At this stage, all funding and support, and also teaching staff, came via the Turkish headquarters of the Süleymancıs.
During my previous visit I was given a tour of the junior high boarding school. The building consists of a medium sized house on two levels. On the first level, I saw an office for the abis, a kitchen, bedrooms, and a large living room that was used as a prayer room. On the second level there were study rooms. This layout is standard for Süleymancı boarding schools, although the one I saw is the oldest one.
The Indonesian junior high school has produced a number of graduates, like Abi Erdem, who then continued their education at a higher level in Turkey.
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They have become the first abis from Indonesia, playing their role in performing hizmet under the Süleymancıs. Some abi graduates from the boarding system carried out hizmet in countries other than Indonesia, such as Abi Bukhari, who became a teacher in the South Korean Süleymancı.
Figure 6: Asrama SMP-Jati Padang, Jakarta
3.3.1.2 Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten, Jakarta
Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten, was established in 2005, at its initial location next to Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan/SMK (Vocational High School) SMK 8
Jakarta. Abi Bayram was the only teacher, with just ten students, most, if not all of who were students of SMK 8. The instigation of Asrama Umraniyah- Pejaten, began with Asrama SMP in Jatipadang, South Jakarta, as the Süleymancıs wanted to extend their service to providing Islamic education for senior high school students. Demand for such schooling continued to grow and in 2007, Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten moved to a two-story house in Pejaten. The address is Jl. Pekayon 1 No: 16B Rt.001/Rw.03 Ragunan Pasar
Minggu, Jakarta Selaten 12550 DKI Jakarta. The dormitory is designed to
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 92 accommodate 120 students, of which currently half are senior high school students while the rest are university students.
The establishment of Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten was initiated by a Turkish abi who wanted to extend the Süleymancıs’ educational service to accommodate Asrama SMP and at the same time prepare the next level of boarding schools. Students who graduate from Asrama SMP can continue their Islamic studies in Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten. This kind of continuity is important to maintain the brotherhood of the Süleymancıs, as the members expect to keep the connection between them once it has been established. The first connection is between a teacher and students, but it is expected that later, once the students have graduated, they will continue to carry out religious service (hizmet) under the name of the Süleymancıs.
At present Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten caters for 114 students, 46 of whom study at Senior High School (Sekolah Menengah Atas/SMA) while the rest are university students. Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten aims to expand further and provide additional services to more students. Although, as the early teachers (abis) testify, it was initially difficult to recruit students—due to the fact that Indonesians viewed the transnational organization with skepticism—it is now safe to claim that Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten has found its own market for the religious service it offers by targeting mostly senior high school and university students. In addition, the abis in Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten are extending their services to the surrounding community. This has contributed significantly to making Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten more widely known, and it is now well established. Abi Bayram, the initial leader, is leaving for Surabaya to set up a new branch of the Süleymancıs there, having handed over the leadership of Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten to Indonesian abis.
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Figure 7: Asrama Umraniyah-Pejaten, Jakarta
3.3.1.3 Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah-Rawamangun, Jakarta
Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah was established in 2010 in Rawamangun, East Jakarta. The pesantren focuses on university-level students of the UICCI and students of the special Qur’an memorization program. The aim of this pesantren tahfidz is to provide Qur’anic education to a generation of students who will be Muslim intellectuals and at the same time have noble characters. The pesantren is located at Jl. Cipinang Baru Raya No. 25 Cipinang, Jakarta Timur 13240. The boarding school is housed on four levels of a modern building that previously served as an office for an oil company. The UICCI established the centre there in 2009, renting the building from its owner of Yemeni-Arab background, who offers a special rate as the building is being used to provide Islamic education. The establishment of the PP Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah was entirely the initiative of the Turkish abis and the ongoing costs are borne by the global Süleymancı movement.
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The building has a modern look, which could belie the fact that it is actually an Islamic boarding school. On my first visit, it was quite challenging to ask local people about the place. One question which helped was, ‘Do you know the Turkish Islamic boarding school?’ as these schools are identified as Turkish-origin educational institutions. The first level has mainly offices and a reception area for visitors. There are guest rooms and cayhane (tea-room) to welcome guests close to the Süleymancıs. The prayer room, library, classrooms and the teachers’ bedrooms can be found on the second floor, while on the third there are the students’ bedrooms and laundry facilities. Additional bedchambers and a kitchen, as well as a dining room, are located on the top floor. These facilities cater for around 200 students and 15 teachers.
In addition to santri (full time students of religious subjects) and santri tahfidz (students of the Qur’an memorization program), the Rawamangun branch of Süleymancıs focuses on university students who study general subjects at public universities but then stay in this Islamic boarding school to gain religious knowledge. The branch is close to two state universities, the State University of Jakarta [Universitas Negeri Jakarta (UNJ)] and the University of Indonesia [Universitas Indonesia (UI)], Salemba Campus. The proximity of these tertiary educational institutions with huge numbers of Muslim students is seen as an opportunity for development by the Indonesian Süleymancıs and it is for this reason that a special boarding section is dedicated to target these students. Also, Süleymancıs are extending services to older people in the surrounding area who want to gain Islamic knowledge, including reading and studying the Qur’an.
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Being located in an easily accessible area, equipped with above average facilities, run with a good educational program and management, and with a strong focus on carefully targeting students—have made the Rawamangun branch of Süleymancıs successful. It is now the headquarters of the Indonesian Süleymancıs and a dynamic part of the transnational organization. Its students come not only from Indonesia, but also from overseas, for example, from Malaysia and the Philippines. Many important overseas guests, including sympathizers (ikhwan) who give charity donations to the global office of the Süleymancıs, have also visited the branch. In 2012, the Rawamangun branch held a grand opening ceremony declaring itself the headquarters of the Asia Pacific region of the Süleymancıs’ transnational movement. Overall, the Rawamangun branch is an outstanding exemplar of rich opportunities skillfully cultivated and strong support supplied by the global organization.
Figure 8: Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah-Rawamangun, Jakarta
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3.3.1.4 Asrama Süleyman Halis-Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan
The Pangkalan Bun Süleymancı boarding school for junior high students was established in 2010. It is located in Jl. Pra Kusumayudha Gang Mawar 2 RT. 18 No. 81 Kelurahan Mendawai, Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan Tengah, close to other junior high schools in the area. Compared to these, the Süleymancıs’ school building is relatively small, accommodating just two teachers and twentyfive students, most of whom are local, but are sent by their parents to live in the dormitory in order to attend the religious classes. The two teachers, however, come from the island of Java: Abi Ihsan from West Java and Abi Fadhil from Jakarta. Both graduated from the Süleymancı education system and then carried out service (hizmet) in Kalimantan.
When I visited the Pangkalan Bun boarding school during my ethnographic data collection, I found it was a converted house in the residential district of Pangkalan Bun. The house consists of two levels, with rooms allocated for specific purposes. On the first level are a reception area and an office, a computer room, a prayer room, the teachers’ bedrooms, classrooms, a dining room and shower facilities. The students’ bedrooms are located on the second floor. Although the boarding facilities are less luxurious than in other Süleymancı boarding schools, they are still considered good by the standards of average people in the area. Moreover, not only the accommodation, but also the food and education are free of charge, so, overall, the Süleymancıs’ boarding school is still attractive.
The incentive for establishing this student dormitory came from Pak Hamdani, a member of the House Representatives for the Kalimantan area, who happened to know Abi Zoltan, the country director of the Indonesian
Süleymancıs. Pak Hamdani was inspired by the religious service activities of
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 97 the Süleymancıs and decided to sponsor a boarding school in his home city in Kalimantan. He offered to rent a house, and he pays the rent annually himself, leaving the Süleymancıs to manage the venture and provide the human resources necessary.
It is worth noting again that the establishment of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia was primarily initiated by the Turkish abis themselves. The fact that the Pangkalan Bun boarding school was initiated by a local Indonesian Muslim who welcomed the Süleymancıs shows that they have successfully promoted their movement so that the local people believe in it. The organization has used local contributions to move into ‘education opportunity spaces’ in other islands of Indonesia. This example of Indonesian Muslims’ faith in the Süleymancıs demonstrates the movement’s ‘transnational’ appeal beyond the Turkish diaspora and suggests that their growth can be sustained in Indonesia.
Figure 9: Asrama Süleyman Halis-Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan
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3.3.1.5 Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre - Blang Bintang, Aceh
Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre-Blang Bintang, Aceh was established in 2010. It is located in Jalan Blang Bintang Lama Km. 11,5 Desa Seupeu, Kemukiman Bueng Cala, Kecamatan Kuta Baro, Kabupaten Aceh Besar, Provinsi Aceh. It provides religious education for junior high school students and Qur’an memorization students generally. There are currently 20 junior high school students and 48 tahfidz students, with 6 abis.44 Recently the Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre has focused more on the special Qur’an memorization program than on Islamic learning for school students.
The establishment of PTS in Aceh was achieved as a result of cooperation between the UICCI and the Habibie Centre.45 Following the tsunami disaster in Aceh in 2004, the Habibie Centre built several rumah singgah (shelters) for the children of tsunami victims. However, after several years, some of the children left the shelters to continue their lives elsewhere, leaving some shelters empty or with very few occupants. This presented the Süleymancıs
44 Five of the abis are Indonesian graduates who finished their higher degree (tekamul) and then returned to Indonesia serving as teachers (hoca) and managers (idareji) of the boarding schools. One abi is Turkish background. He is assigned to be the director of the Aceh branch of the Indonesian Süleymancıs. The appointment of the Turkish abi(s) is still necessary in some branches of the Süleymancıs as they are seen to have more experiences and access to the wider global Turkish networks. However, it can be seen that some Indonesian abis are getting more appreciation to get positions as managers of the branch. 45 The Habibie Center is an independent, non-govermental and non-profit organization which was established on November 10, 1998 by Prof. Dr. Ing. B.J. Habibie, former president of the Republic of Indonesia. The Habibie Center seeks to promote modernization and democratization in Indonesia, which is based on morality and cultural integrity and religious values. http://habibiecenter.or.id/detilurl/en/160//Background, accessed 18 August 2015.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 99 with an opportunity for growth in Sumatra, so a cooperative venture between the Indonesian Süleymancıs and the Habibie Centre was established, and the Süleymancıs were able to run a boarding school using a building owned by the Habibie Centre.
During my visit to Aceh, I was able to observe the former shelter house now used by the Süleymancıs. It is located on 800 square metres of land in a quiet area of Blang Bintang. Like other Süleymancı boarding schools, it has an office and a reception room, classrooms, bedrooms (for both students and teachers) and a dining room. A few renovations were undertaken in order to meet the common standard of the Süleymancıs’ dormitories.
Since its establishment, this Süleymancı school has been looking after the former occupants of the Habibie Centre shelters and accepting new enrolments of boarding school students. With the additional program of tahfidz, the boarding school has been attracting even more students. This venture by the Süleymancıs in Blang Bintang exemplifies the utilization of a new kind of locally-sourced charity, in the form of cooperation with local organizations.
Figure 10: Pondok Pesantren Habibie Centre-Blang Bintang, Aceh
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3.3.1.6 Asrama SMP-Aceh (Kota Banda)
Asrama SMP-Aceh, is located at Jl. Taman Makam Pahlawan No. 62 Peuniti Kecamatan Baiturrahman Kota Banda, Aceh. (It is sometimes also called Asrama UICCI Peuniti.) The asrama is in the central area of Aceh city, surrounded with a number of junior high schools, so it is logical that it should provide for students at this level. Currently, it accommodates 40 students who attend these shcools. In the morning they go to general schooling and in the afternoon they do Islamic and Qur’anic studies.
The asrama was established as an initiative of the Turkish abis of the Süleymancıs to extend their hizmet in Aceh, a province in Indonesia known as the ‘verandah of Mecca’ (I. Serambi Mekah), denoting the affinity of the Acehnese people with Islam. In the past, Aceh was home to Islamic kingdoms such as Samudera Pasai, and Islam has been an important part of Acehnese history. However, although there has been contact between the Acehnese and Turks in the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries (Göksoy, 2011, p. 65), there is no evidence that the Süleymancıs’ coming to Aceh is a case of so called ‘reverse transnationalism’.
Figure 11: Asrama SMP-Aceh
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3.3.1.7 Pondok Pesantren Syarif, Medan
Pondok Pesantren Syarif is located in Jl. Klambir V No. 45 Kel. Tanjung Gusta Kec. Helvetia Medan. It was established in 2013 and focuses on the Qur’anic memorization program. The students at Pesantren Syarif were selected in cooperation with the Ministry of Religious Affairs and since the beginning the selection process focused on preparing students for memorizing the Qur’an.
The Pondok Pesantren Syarif was established through the generosity of Pak Zul, a sympathizer of the Süleymancıs in Medan—a successful property businessman, who is willing to spend some of his wealth on religious undertakings. In a discussion in his house, the sympathizer told me that he feels he needs to prepare for his future in the hereafter, so he donated one of the buildings he had initially prepared to sell to the public. But finally he donated it to the UICCI and covered the cost of the renovations necessary to fulfil the plan of establishing Pondok Pesantren Syarif. Pak Zul explained to me that he entrust the Sulyemancis as he has witnessed their passion and hard work in dakwah. Pak Zul then told me the story on how the Süleymancı abis were very dedicated to find a proper building for the first student dormitory of the Süleymancıs in Medan.
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Figure 12: Pondok Pesantren Syarif, Medan 3.3.2 City not Village
The UICCI established its first branch in the capital city of Indonesia, Jakarta, in 2005. It is noteworthy that all the UICCI branches to date are located in cities. This policy contrasts with Indonesia’s pesantren, which have mostly been built in small villages, far from a busy city. The indigenous pesantren management have always considered that this keeps the students away from the distractions of a big city, such as (these days) shopping malls, cinemas, and the like.
On one occasion, Abi Kemal signaled that it is better to build boarding schools in big cities as in urban areas there is easier access to basic needs as well as communications, which are crucial to their development. This makes sense, especially when considering that the UICCI is part of a transnational (indeed, global) organization which requires intensive communication with other regional and local branches as well as with higher level branches within the organization.46 Moreover, as suggested by Abi Bayram, this same pattern is seen in Turkey.
46 Interview with Abi Kemal, Medan, 12 June 2013.
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When expanding overseas, the development of the Süleymancı branches follows the same pattern as the one in Turkey. We begin in a central urban area and then move out to suburban and remote areas. In Indonesia, the development of the Süleymancı branches started in the capital, Jakarta and was followed by Bandung, Kalimantan, Semarang, and Jogjakarta. In Medan we have just rented the building, however, this is not ideal and we hope there will be someone who will give us the land, as we would rather build a dormitory than rent one as renting is expensive.47
Abi Zeki48 agreed that the Süleymancıs prefer to build their branches in the city because of better access. As a part of a transnational organization, the branches need to ensure that they have good access to communications, since the members are very active in sharing strategies and discussing issues across branches. They also visit each other for various reasons, such as educational examinations. Access to other resources, such as to governmental offices, is also critical, as is being easily accessible to the interested public.
The UICCI make sure all their criteria are met before establishing a new branch and after all their research and analysis is completed, permission from the abimist is still required. On some occasions, people who contribute significantly to the development of a new branch will meet the abimist himself, in Turkey.49 All this effort is directed towards fulfilling the UICCI’s goal of building branches all over Indonesia.50 To achieve this, the UICCI understands that it will have to make use of local charity. Their proposed
47 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
48 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 24 September 2012.
49 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 24 December 2012; Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 26 April 2013.
50 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 104 development is impossible without local community support. This is what is happening in Turkey and it is what is planned in Indonesia. Abi Kadir was quoted by Abi Zeki to this effect:
Abi Kadir told many stories about the boarding schools. He showed also the development of schools in Turkey. According to him, the development of boarding schools is not possible without the support of the community. Because it is the same also in Indonesia. We may not develop without the support of local communities. Therefore, there should be efforts to encourage the local people to help, as already implemented in Puncak, in Tahfid Dormitory, and also the dormitory in Medan, who received help.51
The following analyzes the way Süleymancıs go about building their branches in Indonesia.
3.3.3 The Pattern
The Süleymancıs provide Islamic education through a boarding school system. Their boarding schools are seen to be of high quality, and even luxurious by the standards of the general Indonesian population. They use a large building or a huge house equipped with modern appliances and even sometimes a swimming pool for the residents. Free, good quality food is served three times a day. All this has led to the general impression among Muslims in Indonesia that the Süleymancıs are wealthy. They provide scholarships to schools with excellent boarding facilities and a renowned curriculum. One might therefore assume that the organization is totally supported by rich Turkish people who can afford to provide such luxuries.
In fact this is only partly true, although the earliest few boarding schools in Indonesia were initiated and fully funded by Turkish Muslims. However, as
51 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 21 May 2013.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 105 the movement has grown, the UICCI has increasingly benefited from local support and as a result the development of its branches no longer relies solely on the Turks. Some of the branches have been successfully built following the initiative of local Indonesian Muslims. This part of the chapter explores whether there is any pattern to be seen in the formation of the Indonesian local branches.
After doing my ethnographic research from 2012 to 2013, on three islands in Indonesia and involving nine branches of the UICCI, I concluded that there are three patterns for the establishment of UICCI branches within Indonesia. The first sees branches initiated and supported by the global Süleymancı movement. This is how UICCI Rawamangun, UICCI SMP, UICCI SMA, UICCI Putri, and UICCI Aceh Pusat were formed. The second pattern involves initiatives from local Indonesian Muslims, with some additional support from overseas donors. Examples of this phenomenon are UICCI Pangkalan Bun and UICCI Medan. The last pattern is the transfer of a facility from a local Indonesian organization to the UICCI, as exemplified by UICCI Aceh Besar.
3.4 FREE HIGH QUALITY TURKISH-STYLE ISLAMIC BOARDING SCHOOLS
The Süleymancıs’ boarding schools have been characterized as modern and of a high standard. In addition, the boarding schools are provided for Muslims free of charge. This is due to the Süleymancıs’ ability to fundraise for their hizmet programs through their committed members. In Indonesia, the Süleymancı boarding schools are called pondok pesantren, following the popular name of the Islamic boarding schools in the country. The high
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 106 standard of the curriculum and the highly qualified teachers in the Süleymancıs’ pondok pesantren refute the negative image of Islamic schools in Indonesia as being ‘second class schools’ and ‘dumping grounds’ for children who do not go to general ‘academic’ schools (Parker, 2008, p. 2). Indonesian Muslims have been given a different class of Islamic boarding school.
Islamic institutions have been part of the Indonesian education system for generations, traditionally established by charismatic ulama. In the early stages, religion (Islam) was the only subject offered. Later, when modernity began to influence all aspects of human life, Islamic schools started to include secular knowledge in the curriculum, so that young Muslims could learn not only how to read the Qur’an and speak Arabic, but also learn English and other subjects, such as the natural sciences. This modernizing trend led to the formation of a new type of graded pondok pesantren with some general curriculum studies added to the traditional curriculum. There are nonetheless still some pesantren run entirely according to the old system. These are known as pondok pesantren salafi. ‘Salafi’, here, literally means ‘old system’ or ‘traditional’.
Islamic education in Indonesia was influenced from overseas by countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. While these countries have representatives in Indonesia in the form of Islamic education institutions, and have been familiar to Indonesian society for a long time, the influence of the Turkish organization is not widely known, primarily because it is so recent. This following section of the chapter presents the newly introduced Turkish Islamic education system in the context of the highly contested
Islamic education market in Indonesia.
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Islamic boarding schools date back to the eighth century. They have increased in number, and have been transformed into the modern Islamic boarding school. In recent times, the demand for an Islamic education has been growing. For parents who do not like to send their children to boarding schools, but rather prefer the full day integrated Islamic schools, there are private schools which provide facilities to enhance the quality of the educational experience. In addition, there are numbers of Qur’anic institutes which also provide services and education in memorizing the Qur’an. This high demand for Islamic education can be seen as evidence of Islamic revival in Indonesia.
The development of the modern Islamic education does not stop at simply adding secular subjects to the curriculum or adopting a modern graded learning system. More importantly, in terms of management of the schools, clear goals are set—in particular, to demonstrate that the Islamic education system is not out of date and can meet the demands of modern life. Although it strives to meet the demands of modern Muslim families, the Islamiceducation system is falling short. It is clear that there are two main problems. On one hand, while modern format Islamic education enables young Muslims to compete with others in the globalized world, it is extremely expensive, which means that only rich families can afford it. On the other hand, there are still schools run in the traditional old style Islamic boarding schools, offering only Islamic request no fees at allbut do are appreciated for offering a thorough moral education through their intimate teacher-student relations within their residential system.
The Süleymancıs pride themselves on providing an alternative that combines some of the best features of existing forms of Islamic education: modern facilities and general curriculum studies plus the moral education of
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 108 residential pesantren life, all without daunting fee. It has been said by a follower of Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, that the spiritual leader himself was the initiator of the dormitory education system. Tunahan converted his house as a shelter for people who were studying the Qur’an and pursuing further Islamic knowledge under his supervision. The dormitory, with its teaching and learning programs, was considered a safe haven, away from the difficult situation in Turkey during the introduction of secularism by the
Kemalist government. The dormitory system also allowed ongoing interaction between teacher and students, and the students were able to put their knowledge into practice; it would become one of Süleyman’s educational philosophies, that knowledge should not merely be acquired, but also practised.
As the Süleymancıs developed in Turkey, they were able to build luxurious dormitories for religious students. The dormitory provided first rate facilities, not only for study but also for general living. On one occasion, during my fieldtrip to Istanbul, I managed to visit a dormitory spanning four levels, and catering for 250 students. The facilities included study rooms, a library, and bedrooms, and their food was supplied. All the students needed to focus on were their studies. This modern type of dormitory system first spread from Turkey to Germany and is now expanding across the globe, beginning in
Indonesia in 2005. Even though Indonesia is a developing country, where traditional religious education institutions provide only moderate living conditions, the Süleymancıs have continued to build relatively luxurious boarding schools. When I asked one of the abis about this, he replied: “We want to make the religious students proud of being religious students”.
As observed, Indonesian Muslims represent a large market for Islamic education of all sorts. In fact, the market is already crowded with the
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 109 numerous products and providers, old and new. These include traditional pesantren, modern pesantren, special tahfidz institutes, and full day Islamic schools, as well as some Islamic education institutions that are affiliated with overseas organizations, such as LIPIA (Saudi Arabia), Alumi of Al Azhar (Egypt), Muthahhari schools (Iran), and Fethullah Gülen affiliated schools (Turkey).
It is important for newcomers to carefullly position themselves to compete in such a saturated market. The Süleymancıs’ have been able to move into a market niche constituted by middle- to lower-middle-class Muslim families in search of quality general education for their children combined with classical Islamic studies at an affordable price. The Süleymancıs’ mission (hizmet) to offer its high quality and institutionally modern Islamic education system free of charge, regardless of the prospective student’s background. And the Süleymancıs make a point of offering high standard facilities, not only as supports for learning but to make their students proud of their Islamic education from the Süleymancıs, make them strong competitors in that market niche. Moreover, the opportunities they offer for their students to travel overseas are attractive to many. Their unique way of operating distinguishes them from the other existing Islamic education providers in Indonesia. Their formula seems to have worked well, considering the number of branches and dormitories established in Indonesia over the past nine years and the rapidly growing number of students attending their institutions.
In relation to the Süleymancıs’s ability to provide such high quality facilites for their students, the question presents itself: What strategies are used to to raise the funds and cover costs?
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A crucial source of funding for the Süleymancı schools is religious gifts (charity). So, rather than relying on the commercial market, which is basically buying and selling, the Süleymancıs use what Setia (2011) calls the
‘gift mechanism’.52 From a religious perspective, if one offers a gift, barakah (blessing) can be expected to follow. There is a belief that this blessing will help the students in religious studies to achieve their goals. As for the donors, this gives them not only the opportunity to do charitable work, but also the expectation of the reward in the hereafter. So, the advantages of this alternative finance system to participants are clear. The gift mechanism allows for the transfer of benefits, although not necessarily in material form. In addition, the organisation which provides free Islamic education will benefit from their students, despite the lack of tuition fees. Because the students have benefitted from the donations of others, they often feel inspired to ‘donate’ themselves, by offering religious service (hizmet) within the transnational movement. Although hizmet is not compulsory after graduation from the Süleymancı schools, almost all graduates choose to undertake it, some opting for faraway locations, in order to ensure maximum benefit to the movement from this opportunity.
The Süleymancıs are thus organized in such a way that after becoming a student one can later become a teacher. Graduates may also to contribute to the development of the institution by becoming sympathizers (ikhwan), which, for many, involves supporting the financial aspects of the movement.
52 According to (Setia, 2011, p. 67) the Islamic Gift Economy (al-Iqtiṣād al- Infāqī) can be envisioned as an integrative economic system based on the operative principles of cooperation (taʿāwun), mutual consent (ʿan tarāḍin/murāḍātin) and partnership (mushāraka), and these are in turn founded on the principal ethics of raḥma (mercy), shukr (gratitude), karam/iḥsān (generosity), tawāzun/ʿiffa (moderation), khilāfa (trusteeship) and amāna (trustworthiness/responsibility).
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All these contributions assist the development of the UICCI in particular and the Süleymancıs in general. The result has been that the UICCI has been able to establish a number of high quality Turkish dormitories in Indonesia.
Figure 13: Front face of PP Sulaimaniyah building, Rawamangun, Jakarta
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Figure 14: Reception point at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta
Figure 15: Dining room at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta
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Figure 16: Study at PP Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, Jakarta
3.5 CURRICULUM OF UICCI SCHOOLS
This section will explain the curriculum of the UICCI, covering objectives, content, and learning experiences within the UICCI Islamic education system. The objective of the UICCI is to shape a religiously knowledgeable and devoted next generation of Muslims. The students are expected to gain both general studies and religious knowledge. The general studies subjects are taught outside the Süleymancı schools in the public school system run by the government or in Islamic schools that offer general curriculum studies. Therefore, the Süleymancı students may go to government schools from junior high to university level during the day time. Or thay may attend the program of religious schools such as Madrasah Tsanawiyyah (MTs) or Madrasah Aliyyah (MA). While some students do go to MTs, other UICCI students attend general high schools (Sekolah Menengah Atas [Senior High
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School]) or vocational schools (Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan). This policy is also adopted at the university level. The UICCI does not limit admission to university students doing religious studies courses, and some UICCI students are in university faculties such as economics or health. To ensure the high achievement of its students in their general education, the UICCI also provides support and assistance—for example, in the form of an enrichment program in general sciences, which is delivered by young teachers of the
UICCI.
Figure 17: Learning environment at UICCI Islamic boarding school, Rawamangun, Jakarta
Additionally, the UICCI aims to shape a generation devoted to God, and with a high level of understanding of religious knowledge. Focusing on and stressing Islamic education is actually one of the hallmarks of the Süleymancı movement, in comparison with the other Turkish movements in Indonesia. The charismatic leader of the Süleymancıs, Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, was known as an ulama who devoted himself to preserving religious education during the period of Kemalist secularism. This aim, to ensure that the younger Muslim generation has a proper religious education, is preserved
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 115 in the objectives of the Süleymancı education system and implemented through its boarding schools. The boarding school system is seen as being able not only to imbue the students with religious knowledge but also to encourage them to implement and practise their religious values as an essential part of their characters.
In terms of content of the curriculum, as previously mentioned, the general curriculum is provided by the general education system, run by the government of Indonesia or by modern Islamic schools. The UICCI only provides assistance in general studies subjects in the the form of enrichment programs. However, the religious education curriculum is fully provided by the UICCI, following the Süleymancıs’ established system of Islamic education.
The religious curriculum of the Süleymancıs is divided into four different programs, according to the level of education. Each level normally takes one academic year to complete. The first level is called ibtidai (beginner level), where the students mainly study the grammar of Qur’an recitation (Tajwid) and basic Islamic ritual (Fiqh). In the second level, called ihzari, the students begin to study the exegesis of the Qur’an, Islamic law and Islamic mysticism
(tasawwuf). In addition, in this level the students also learn the basics of both the Arabic and Turkish languages. Tahta tekamul (or tekamul alti) is the third level, which literally means ‘before the completed level’. In this level the students undertake advanced Qur’anic studies, and learn about Islamic jurisprudence and Islamic law, and Arabic literature as well as Turkish language. The final level, tekamul, is where the students deepen their understanding of the Qur’an and hadith, as well as focusing on Islamic mysticism. It should be mentioned here that the Indonesian Süleymancıs (UICCI) provide only the first and second of these educational levels, while
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 116 the two more advanced levels (tahta tekamul/tekamul alti and tekamul) are taught in Turkey. The UICCI regularly sends its students to the Süleymancı boarding schools in Turkey to complete their degrees.
The final key component of the UICCI curriculum is the learning experience of the students. The most important feature of this for the UICCI students is living and studying at the dormitory in Indonesia, and then completing their studies in the advanced level dormitory in Turkey. Candidates for places at UICCI have to meet entry requirements and pass an interview in order to be selected as students before they can live and study in the dormitories. The selection criteria are strict and challenging, as more and more candidates are applying for places.
The dormitory is not only the main classroom for the students, it is a place where students experience in person and practise what they have learned from their Islamic education. For example, learning rituals, such as praying, fasting, and preaching (dakwah), is organized by the teachers so as to make it part of the daily routine activities. The application of the tasawwuf ritual of rabita also has been routinized within the dormitory lifestyle.
In Turkey, the UICCI students have the opportunity to advance their Turkish language skills, as well as deepen their experience and understanding of Turkish Islamic culture, steeped in the inheritance of the Ottoman Empire. All educational instruction in the Süleymancı Turkish dormitories is given in the Turkish language. The dormitory in Turkey is also a place where the Indonesian students of UICCI get to know other Süleymancı students from other countries. In Turkey, the students also have the chance to visit places important to the Süleymancıs, such as their headquarters in Umraniyye, and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 117 the grave of Syiekh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, in Karacaahmet Cemetery (T. Karacaahmet Mezarlığı), located in Üsküdar, in the Asian side of Istanbul.
3.6 MANAGEMENT OF THE UICCI
3.6.1 National Branch Management
After an explication of the general structure of the foundation, the following section describes the organizational structure of its Indonesian branches. This section shows that a single type or style of organization is used for all of the more than 6,000 branches of the Süleymancıs, worldwide. The example of the Rawamangun UICCI branch is used here to illustrate that point. That branch is chosen because it is the headquarters of the Indonesian Süleymancıs. It provides the most levels and types of education among those that the Süleymancıs offer, catering for students ranging from full-time school students up to university students. It also has some special programs, such as Qur’anic memorization. Moreover, as the headquarters of the Indonesian UICCI, the Rawamangun branch also has the widest range of tasks of all the Indonesian branches, and so requires a complex and well managed structure.
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General Director
Selman Cakir H.
Assistant to Director Mevlana H.
Elemtary student external relation Data processing Accountant Full time (religious) School age student student coordinator coordinator coordinator services Lokman H. Abdul Aziz H. Ferhat Bas H. Seyfettin H. Halis H. Seyfettin H.
[General] Group Hafdz student group Instructor of Hafdz student coordinator coordinator student group Ferah H. Harun H. Abdul Aziz H.
Figure 18: Management of UICCI Rawamangun, Jakarta, 2012.
The above diagram shows the 2012 structure of the Rawamangun branch. It can be seen that its senior officer is the general director (genel sorumlu), who is responsible for all matters within the branch. He is also the main contact person for other branches in the region (bolge) and across Indonesia. Working under him there is an assistant to director (yardimci), who usually takes care of internal matters within the Indonesian branches. He manages all aspects of boarding school life, from education activities to the cleanliness of the branch. Below him are divisions responsible for particular issues, such as data processing (bilgi işlem), accounting (muhasebe), full time (religious) student coordinator (daimi talebe sorumlusu), elemtary student coordinator (sibyan hizmeti), school age student coordinator (okul talebesi sorumlusi), and external relation services (diş hizmetler).
The student coordinator (daimi talebe sorumlusu) has three subdivisions with specific responsibilities that mainly related to student teaching and learning management: [general] group student coordinator (ders gurubu
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 119 sorumlusu), hafdz [memorizing of the Qur’an] student group coordinator (talebe hafizlik gurubu sorumlusu), and instructor of hafdz group students (hoca efendi hafizlik gurubu sorumlusu).
This structure is more or less the same from one centre to another, depending on how established a centre is and how many functions it needs to carry out. Smaller centres have a simpler structure, due to the smaller number of abis and the fewer managerial responsibilities of the centre.
All the branches of the foundation, from the regional branches to those at the lowest local level, are coordinated by the Turkish abimist (top brother/manager). This management hierarchy is uniform across the world. As Abi Ihsan observed,
UICCI is very neat in its management. This goes down from the leadership of the Turkish abimist to the lowest level of boarding. This arrangement has become a system that is shared by all followers of the Süleymanicıs anywhere. This arrangement can be seen in terms of the internal function or in the dorm, setting up the system and details of their daily curriculum.53
To ensure that the standard management structure is followed by all the branches and their members, the Süleymancıs’ central branch has provided a guide book for hizmet, called Personel Eğitımi (Staff Training).54 The 74 page
A–Z hizmet guide book is given to new abi, showing how to perform hizmet in the Süleymancıs’ way. With these guidelines, all branches of Süleymancıs are expected to be run in the same manner. There may be some minor
53 Interview with Abi Ihsan, Pangkalan Bun, 26 May 2013.
54 Published by Rehberlik Komisyonu, Istanbul, 2009.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 120 adjustments, based on the policy of the local branch director, but most management practices are similar.55
Toplante (meeting) is a critical routine activity in the management process of the Süleymancıs. From the lowest level, which is the local branch, up to highest level in Turkey, all have such structured meetings. The meeting schedule is as follows. There are weekly meetings, which take place within the individual boarding schools across the country. Then there is a monthly meeting in each branch that reports to a national secretary. For example, in Indonesia the reports from all Indonesian branches go to Abi Bayram, as the secretary of the Indonesian Süleymancıs. He then passes the reports on to the director of the Indonesian Süleymancıs, Abi Seyfettin. Also, there are quarterly meetings where the heads of all Indonesian branches get together. There, each branch head can report about the present activities of his branch.
Problems are discussed, along with ways to solve them, and requests are made to higher levels. Further, there is an annual meeting of all branch heads, which usually take place when new abis return from Turkey after completing their highest degree in the Süleymancıs’ education system and are ready to start their hizmet journey. During the annual meeting, a seminar with a Turkish presenter takes place. The presenter may be a direct student of Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan himself. This is to add the ‘maknawiyat’ and charge up the Indonesian abis with the spirit to carry out hizmet. In this annual meeting, the ta’yin56 or service assignment for the organization managers take place.57
55 Interview with Abi Ihsan, Pangkalan Bun, 26 May 2013.
56 ‘Ta’yin’ is a Turkish word whose root can be found in Arabic—Old Turkish borrowed many words from Arabic—and which means a job division. For the Süleymancıs it means the assignment of hizmet (service).
57 Interview with Abi Ihsan, Pangkalan Bun, 25 May 2013.
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The abis who are performing hizmet receive ‘remuneration’ that is called hadiah (a gift). It is not a salary, but can be used as a contribution to meet one’s expenses. The remuneration varies from one abi to another, depending on the level of responsibility in the structure of the hizmet. The remuneration is considered normal or average, that is to say, not very big but enough to adequately support the expenses of an average person with an average lifestyle.58
3.6.2 Transnational Management
The UICCI is part of the global Süleymancı movement, and this can be seen in its standardized management structure. In addition to the local level, I would like also to indicate the transnational aspect of the management of the
Indonesian Süleymancıs, which can be seen in many areas, including in education and financial supervision. In terms of education, the Indonesian Süleymancıs offer only the lower levels of religious education: ibtidai (basic), and ihzari (intermediate). After completion of these two stages, the Indonesian Süleymancıs will arrange scholarships for successful students to continue their study in Turkey, where all levels of education are provided. To arrange the UICCI cooperates with the Asia Pacific Office in Istanbul, Turkey.
On the other hand, the Indonesian centres also manage the special memorizing program for abis from all over the Asia Pacific. The young abis, having graduated from Turkey, are provided with a special memorization program to prepare them for hizmet. On one occasion, I observed some non- Indonesian students at the UICCI Rawamangun Centre and asked Abi Aydin
58 Interview with Abi Faruk, Jakarta, 2 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 122 who are were. He said that they were abis from the Malaysian UICCI, who were pursuing the tahfidz program in the Indonesian UICCI. They had just finished their tekamul level in Turkey and were completing the memorization of the Qur’an as part of their preparation for becoming hoca or abis in Malaysia. As well as these Malaysian hocas, Süleymancıs from other places overseas, such as the Philippines, are resident at Rawamangun UICCI.
In fact, this overseas involvement is not limited only to study. It also involves learning about the management. For example, a group of hoca from Malaysia who manage the ma’had tahfidz in Malaysia did a comparative study of the managerial issues of the Rawamangun UICCI.59 Also, ikhwan come to contribute to the UICCI of Rawamangun or of Indonesia in general. Dynamics of this kind are also managed by the Indonesian Süleymancıs as part of their transnational management strategies.60
3.7 RESPONSES TO THE UICCI
3.7.1 Response of the Government
In the early period after the Süleymancıs became established in Indonesia, the UICCI foundation formed links with the Ministry of Social Affairs. This liaison was appropriate, because the main program of the UICCI involves giving ‘social’ aid to those who need accommodation and shelter. In addition to that, pupils are given scholarships to study Islamic religion in their boarding schools system. These services fitted in well with the task of the
59 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 24 September 2012.
60 Abi Kebir of Melbourne admits that he travels to Indonesia every year in order to give a contribution to the Indonesian Süleymancıs.
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Ministry, which warmly welcomed the Süleymancıs’ initiative and allowed them to establish dormitories. It also gave them official bureaucratic support. For the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Süleymancıs represent another aid organization that will help with its (the ministry’s) work of giving social support to children in Indonesia. The minister himself was willing to accept an invitation to attend Süleymancıs events, showing that the government, through the Ministry of Social Affairs, is supportive of the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia.
The Indonesian Süleymancıs continued to operate in that way until 2009, when they got to know the personnel of the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA [Kementrian Agama Republik Indonesia]). It has been noted that the first contact was made with the Ministry, in 2009, by the head of the Indonesian Süleymancıs, Abi Zoltan, himself. Later, Abi Emre reinforced the movement’s cooperation with the Ministry using his warm personality and his Indonesian language skills, as well as his persona of the honest ustadz coming from Turkey. This worked well. Ministry officials also appreciated the spirit of hizmet the Turkish abis brought to Indonesia—it created a hugely favourable impression for them to see that someone from so far away wanted to contribute to the development of Islamic education in Indonesia. They were also impressed by the flagship program of the Süleymancıs, is the
Qur’an memorization program, using the Ottoman Turkish method.
Eventually, after discussions between the Indonesian Süleymancıs and the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Ministry agreed to recognize and support the hizmet activities of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia. However, to fit into the Ministry’s framework, and thus allow the Ministry to draw up a
Memorandum of Understanding and financially support the hizmet of the Süleymancıs, the UICCI was encouraged to start referring to its boarding
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 124 schools as ‘pesantren’ rather than as asrama (dormatories). They could then be dealt with under the appropriate section in the Ministry of the Religious affairs, namely, the Directorat of Early Religious Schooling and Pesantren (Direktorat Pendidikan Diniyyah dan Pondok Pesantren). Since then, the Süleymancıs’ boarding schools in most parts of Indonesia have been working towards their conversion to the designation pesantren. Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah, in Rawamangun, has been established as their headquarters, as described previously.
The grand opening of the Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun was attended by the elite of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. During that ceremony, the UICCI and the Ministry exchanged a Memorandum of Understanding establishing the formal cooperation of the Indonesian Süleymancıs with the Indonesian government’s most relevant body with regards to Islamic education in general, and, especially, the Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). On another occasion, the minister himself, Suryadharma Ali, made a visit to the Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah. He mentioned that this was the first official visit to be made to a Turkish organization in Indonesia. Although invitations had come from other Turkish organizations too, the first visit he made was to the Indonesian Pondok Pesantren of the Sulaimaniyah. The Minister is well known to support overseas institutions in becoming established in Indonesia and contributing to the country through providing education. According to him, religious education has to be developed in a proper manner and it needs to be supported by suitable facilities. Therefore, he welcomes overseas donations towards furthering religious education in Indonesia (Kemenag, 2010).
In summary, the reception of the Süleymancıs by the Indonesian government has been warm and welcoming. The Süleymancıs have
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 125 responded by following government advice to rebadge their Kuran kursu as something more in keeping with the Indonesian context (pesantren), and emphasize its distinction as a pesantren tahfidz as well as its other hizmet. This shows how a transnational movement has come to understandhe local context and then has ‘glocalized’ to suit it. This glocalization does not necessarily erase all characteristics of the transnational movement, but allows it to fit into its new context in order to make it more acceptable to the local agents—for the Süleymancıs, this means especially the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
It can be argued that there were significant differences, in terms of the democratic government situation, during the early establishment periods of the Süleymancıs in Turkey and in Indonesia. In Turkey, as has been mentioned, Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan struggled to face challenges arising from the consequences of the introduction of secularism. This made the early development of the Süleymancıs in their country of origin proceeded slowly. On the other hand, in the Indonesian context, democratic government has given the Süleymancıs a good political environment for growth since their arrival in Indonesia. Not only did the Indonesian government not limit the activities of the Süleymancıs, but it in fact supported the development of the newly established Turkish transnational movement, giving a significant boost to the Süleymancıs’ development in Indonesia.
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Figure 19: The UICCI staff with the Minister of Religious Affairs during his visit to UICCI Rawamangun
3.7.2 Response of the Community
During the period of my observation and data collection, I also made myself available to visit local communities surrounding the Süleymancı centres. I wanted to know what their responses were to schools in their neighbourhood known as ‘Turkish dormitories’ (asrama Turki). During my second visit to UICCI Yogyakarta, after my observation of and interviews with the abis at the boarding schools, I visited Ketua Rukun Tetangga (RT [the head of the neighbourhood]) where the Süleymancıs’ boarding school is located. I was told to meet Pak Surahmat. So one day I visited his house. In my first few minutes there, I introduced the purpose of my visit. He replied that he was actually not very well and had delegated the tasks related to the neighbourhood to Pak Sunarto. Even so, he agreed to answer a few questions about the UICCI and the neighbourhood. I asked quite straightforward questions regarding his opinion of the Süleymancıs in terms of their activities and their connection to the surrounding neighbourhood. I was quite surprised when he replied that he viewed the Süleymancıs as being quite exclusive and that they did not mingle with other ordinary people outside the dormitory. This had made the neighbouring people feel hesitant and uneasy,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 127 and they tended not to visit the Süleymancıs’ dormitory. The same tone was also heard from Pak Sunarto, who took over the duties of Pak Surahmat. Although he mentioned it quite gently, Pak Sunarto described a similar situation, saying that the students and teachers of the Süleymancıs’ school did not mingle with the people of the surrounding area. So they did not know precisely what was taking place or what was studied by the Süleymancıs in the dormitory. They did not know each other, although they lived in the same area.
This situation has not escaped the awareness or understanding of the Süleymancı abis. From my observation, I can say that it is because of the limited number of teachers (abis) serving in the Süleymancı dormitories that they are unable to maintain communication with the surounding communities. They tend to focus more on the big issues, such as their commitments to the government or to the businessmen who would like to support the hizmet of the Süleymancıs. However, because they understand the situation, the Süleymancıs have responded by organising events and programs to which they can invite their neighbours to the boarding schools. The locals can then enjoy the events and get to know about the Süleymancıs’ activities, including the educational programs that they offer to their students.
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3.8 THE UICCI AND ‘OPPORTUNITY SPACES’ IN INDONESIA
3.8.1 Private Islamic Education as an ‘Opportunity Space’
In Indonesia, the success of the Süleymancı movement can be attributed to its practical and effective use of what Yavuz (2003) has called ‘opportunity spaces’. Unlike in Turkey, where, in Yavuz’s analysis, from the 1950s the Süleymancıs, utilized the newly opened non-government Islamic education opportunity space, as well as the political opportunity space (by supporting Islamic parties) and an economic opportunity space (Islamic business), in Indonesia, so far, they have used only the education opportunity space. Taking advantage of that ‘opportunity space’, they set up their boarding schools, placing particular emphasis on Qur’an memorization, a highly popular form of piety intensification in Indonesia. While private Islamic education was already offered by many providers in Indonesia, the
Süleymancı movement was able to compete with them by promoting the quality of their program and facilities, the special Turkish speed method of Qur’an memorization, and then scholarships. The Süleymancı movement offered a distinctive Ottoman Turkish method, which, it claims, yields much faster results than other methods. Its unique method for memorizing the Qur’an, its study system, and its institutional setting have met the educational needs and piety aspirations of a significant number of young
Indonesian Muslims.
The financial support provided by the Süleymancıs in the form of scholarships has made their religious education particularly attractive to young Indonesian Muslims whose families would otherwise not have been able to afford to pay for well-supervised and high quality dormitory education and facilities.
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The Süleymancı movement also made themselves attractive through their charitable services such as qurban, or the ritual distribution of meat to the Muslim community. Charity to fellow Muslims has been a particularly important feature of Süleymancı activities. Further, the Süleymancı movement has produced a number of graduates in Indonesia who have gone on to become teachers (abi) in UICCI dormitory schools. As role models, abi have played an important part in attracting other young Indonesian Muslims to the schools. They are seen as exemplars of what the Süleymancı educational system can produce.
3.8.2 Other Facilitating Factors
3.8.2.1 The Indonesian Government, Democracy
With the decline of the New Order, and the beginning of the Reform era, a number of democratic changes opened up new possibilities for religious groups in Indonesia. Many social movements, such as transnational Islamic movements, took advantage of the loosening of restrictions on Islamic organizations, including political parties. Moreover, the government of Indonesia not only permitted the Islamic religious groups to operate with more freedom, but also gave them support. For example, the Süleymancı movement benefitted from gaining official government recognition as a legitimate provider of Islamic education and from the support of the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Süleymancı organization made use of the ministerial logo and photograph to demonstrate its association with the Ministry of Social Affairs, and as a promotional tool to emphasize its ability to run the dormitories.
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3.8.2.2 Economic Neoliberalization
In the 1990s, Indonesia witnessed the freeing up of its economic market. The move towards a free-market economy made possible the creation of a number of private television stations, such as RCTI, TPI and Indosiar, in addition to the state owned television channel, TVRI. The liberalization of the market also facilitated the rise of a new middle class, many of whom became supporters of, and assisted in the development of, the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia. For example, Abi Kalimantan became a supporter, and not only sponsored the Kalimantan dormitory, but also helped the movement gain wider access to the business community. This enabled the movement to influence the wider middle class, which, in turn, greatly assisted the Süleymancıs’ development in Indonesia.
3.9 GLOCALIZATION: ADOPTION OF THE TERM ‘PONDOK PESANTREN’
An additional, and telling, reason for the Süleymancıs’ success in Indonesia is their ability to adopt changes that accommodate the local values. One of the key features of the Indonesian Süleymancıs’ management is networking with local figures on many different occasions and at many levels. The Süleymancıs are confident in their self designation as providers of Islamic education, or pesantren, and they therefore maintain networks with the pesantren across Indonesia, especially in Java where the majority of these schools are located. For this particular task, Abi Kadir is well know, as he has the necessary depth of Islamic knowledge and speaks Indonesian very well.
One thing that needs to be underlined here is that the Süleymancıs were able to understand their situation in the context of Indonesian Islam and therefore managed to adopt the term ‘pesantren’ instead of ‘youth’,
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‘boarding’, or ‘centre’. This move has proved successful in gaining the attention of the Indonesian community and, more importantly, the support of the Indonesian government.
As noted by Abi Feza,61 in the beginning it was quite hard to get the Indonesian parents to have faith in the new organization. Many of them were doubtful about the identity of the Turkish organization. Of course, this was partly because it was new and there was no record of its achievements to confirm its validity. But it was also due to the use of the term ‘asrama’, which was not so popular in the Indonesian context in relation to Islamic education institutions. The term understood by most of Indonesian society, in connection with Islamic educational boarding institutions, is ‘pesantren’. This term has a long history in Indonesia, designating what is claimed as one of the original and oldest types of Islamic education in the Archipelago. The term equates to terms with similar meaning in other Muslim countries, such as ‘mederse’ or ‘madrasah’. So, when the Rawamangun branch announced the use of the term ‘pesantren’, and later, along with some of the other branches, even used the term ‘pondok pesantren tahfidz’, the community had no further reason to doubt it. From number of parents who subsequently placed their children in the Süleymancıs’ boarding program, it can be seen that they feel it is equal to the ‘pesantren’ Islamic education institutions.
The use of the term ‘pesantren’ not only reaped benefit from the community, but also from the government—in this case, from the Ministry of Religious Affairs. The staff of the Ministry of Religious Affairs confirmed that their support for the Süleymancıs was able to proceed due to the willingness of the Süleymancıs to cooperate with the Ministry in relation to the use of certain
61 Interview with Abi Feza, Jakarta, 30 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 132 terms, in particular, ‘pesantren’, which conformed to the terminology of the relevant division within the Ministry of Religious Affairs. The support allocated by the Ministry of Religious Affairs has helped the Süleymancıs to become more confident and gain wider publicity in their recruitment process. This firm relationship in Indonesia between the Süleymancıs (UICCI) and the Ministry of Religious Affairs has even been formalized in the Memorandum of Understanding mentioned earlier (see Section 3.7.1).
3.10 CONCLUSION
The history of establishment of the UICCI in Indonesia reveals the significant role played by the Süleymancıs of Australia and Germany. Their role is recorded in the establishment deed of the UICCI foundation. The role of the global Süleymancı movement, also, was crucial, not only in the establishment of the UICCI but also in running its branches. As a part of the transnational movement, the UICCI and also the national Süleymancı management system in Indonesia depend heavily on the support of the transnational organization.
Emphasizing the importance of the global Süleymancı organization, however, is not to say that local initiatives and adaptations are not important. As can be seen from the histories of different UICCI branches across Indonesia, local sympathizers (ikhwan) have played significant roles in the establishment of UICCI schools. This is especially noticeable in the case of the Pangkalan Bun, Aceh Blang Bintang, and Medan schools. These branches were made possible by the generosity of local sympathizers of the Süleymancıs. The UICCI Pangkalan Bun was established with the assistance of Abi Kalimantan, who has rented a house for the UICCI students. In Blang Bintang, Aceh, the
Habibie Foundation has agreed to allow the UICCI to occupy the former
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 133 rumah singgah (shelter for tsunami victims) to be used as Pesantren UICCI, while in Medan, a businessman who was inspired by the UICCI dakwah donated a home/office building (I. rumah toko [ruko]) and a mosque for conversion to a UICCI pesantren complex.
The story of the UICCI also shows the organization’s skilful use of what Yavuz (2003) called the opportunity spaces for publicly offered Islamic education.
This kind of opportunity space has grown in Indonesia in part as a result of the Islamic revival there, with significant numbers of Indonesian Muslims keen to deepen their own religious knowledge or ensure that their children acquire Islamic knowledge so as to lead pious lives. The Indonesian government has shaped that education space by allowing and supporting the expansion of private Islamic education facilities. The Süleymancıs received a warm welcome and assistance when they first established their branch in
Indonesia, particularly, in the form of assistance and support from the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Ministry of Religious Affairs to carry out their programs of hizmet in Indonesia.
Starting with only one centre in 2005, set up in the already overcrowded Indonesian market for Islamic education, the Turkish Süleymancı organization has since been able to establish seventeen branches across the major islands of Indonesia.
The Indonesian Süleymancıs have a plan to have one boarding school in each province.62 They also expect to establish not only Islamic educational institutions, but also other charitable institutions, such as hospitals. Abi Feza asserted:
62 Interview with Abi Ihsan, Pangkalan Bun, 25 Mei 2013.
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We have so many things, [we can offer] not only hospitals, we also have schools. So, we expect there will be professionals graduating from our centres. My personal view is that students at our school will graduate and get jobs. Among them, there will be some successful people who will become directors, managers, heads of school, or even a minister of state. God knows, or even a president. So, they are the people who will contribute to the Süleymancıs school [movement].63
The following table shows the size and growth in numbers of Süleymancı students in Indonesia by year from 2010 to 2016.
Number of Students of the UICCI
No Batch/Year Male Students Female Students Total
1 2010 27 - 27
2 2011 19 39 58
3 2012 35 84 119
4 2013 282 21 303
5 2014 263 62 325
6 2015 348 116 464
7 2016 263 62 325
Total 1621
Table 2: Number of Students of the UICCI. Source, data from UICCI Rawamangun
63 Interview with Abi Feza, Jakarta, 30 December 2012.
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To be sure, UICCI does not command a large segment of the Indonesian Islamic education market. However, there has been a significant increase in applications made over the last three years, as evident in the table below.
Number of Student Applicants of the UICCI
Year 2014 2015 2016
Phase Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 1 Phase 2
Female 320 120 480 170 650 300
Male 670 490 790 530 900 680
Total 990 610 1270 700 1550 980
Table 3: Number of Student Applicants of the UICCI. Source, data from UICCI Rawamangun
As can be seen from the above table, the demand for a place in one of the UICCI schools, with their dormitory facilities, is high, attesting to their growing popularity. However, there remains limited availability of places in the UICCI boarding schools. To meet growing demand, and make their form of Islamic education more widely available across Indonesia, the UICCI, over the years since 2005, has been steadily building new dormitories, as can be seen from the tables below.
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DEMOGRAPHY OF THE UICCI
Male students
N Boarding School Name Year Level/Type Number Number of Number of o of Indonesian Turkish of Education Students Abi Abi/Abla
1 Jakarta - Umraniyah 2005 Senior High School 16 3 4
2 Jogjakarta - Camlica 2007 University Student 42 5 1
3 Süleymaniye (Centre) 2008 Tahfidz and 97 10 6
University Student
4 Aceh Merkez 2010 Junior High School 48 4 2
5 Aceh Habibi-Center 2010 Tahfidz 63 6 2
6 Surabaya Sulaimaniyah 2013 Tahfidz 65 7 4
7 Puncak Sulaimaniyah 2013 Tahfidz 96 10 2 Baiturrahman
8 Klaten Sulaimaniyah 2013 Tahfidz 34 4 0 al-Hidayah
9 Medan - Syarief 2013 Tahfidz 92 6 2
10 Bandung - Sulaimaniyah 2013 University Student 44 4 1
11 Aceh-Darussalam 2013 University Student 35 4 0 Sulaimaniyah
12 Temanggung 2014 Tahfidz 70 6 2 Sulaimaniyah
13 Palembang - 2015 Tahfidz 45 4 1 Sulaimaniyah
14 Lumajang Sulaimaniyah 2015 Tahfidz 70 4 1
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15 Sumenep Sulaimaniyah 2015 Tahfidz 80 4 1
16 Banjarmasin 2016 Tahfidz 50 3 1
17 Lombok 2016 Tahfidz 36 2 1
18 Bintaro 2016 Tahfidz 80 2 1
Total (Male) 1063 88 32
Female students
19 Jakarta - Walide Sultan 2010 Tahfidz 94 11 6
2 Jakarta Timur 2010 Tahfidz 50 3 1 0
21 Sukabumi - Nur Ali 2013 Tahfidz 42 3 1 Sulaimaniyah
22 Medan Putri 2013 Tahfidz 56 3 1
23 Pasuruan 2016 Tahfidz 86 5 3
Total (Female) 328 25 12
Grand Total 1391
Starting with only one boarding school (I. asrama) in 2005, the Indonesian
Süleymancı have been making steady progress in establishing new boarding schools across the country, which allows more Indonesian students to participate in Süleymancı education.
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CHAPTER IV: THE QUR’AN MEMORIZATION AND THE QURBAN DISTRIBUTION: SULEYMANCI HIZMET IN INDONESIA
Our hizmet (service) [to the community] is [teaching] the Qur’an and [distributing] the qurban. —Abi Zeki, 3 October 2012
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the two forms of services (hizmet) which the Süleymancıs provide, and which particularly feature in promoting their work to the wider society in Indonesia: teaching Qur’anic memorization and distributing qurban. The chapter demonstrates that for the delivery of each of these services the Süleymancıs have a developed a distinctive approach, distributing the qurban (meat from the Eid al-Adha [I. Idul Adha] festival) in their own unique way and teaching the Qur’an using the Turkish Ottoman system of Qur’anic memorization and recital, which they claim is an especially quick method. I argue that these services help the Süleymancıs slot into Indonesia’s expanding Islamic ‘education opportunity space’. The services meet needs recognized by many Indonesian Muslims, and even though there are competitors offering these services, the Süleymancıs have been able to offer them in distinctive, attractive ways. The UICCI provides the services free of charge and at a high standard. Importantly, the Süleymancıs’ free services have appealed to lower middle class Muslims. The
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Indonesian government supports the Süleymancıs’ service programs and this in turn contributes to the expansion of the movement in Indonesia.
4.2 UICCI AND ITS HIZMET IN INDONESIA
In Turkey and in Indonesia (where they operate under the name of the
UICCI), the Süleymancı movement has always focused its on serving the public through direct social services. From my observation, the Süleymancıs do not participate in any political activities in Indonesia, either formal party- political or informal. Thus they are ‘society-centric’ in the sense that they avoid the politics of the state and seek to help Muslim society by direct service to Muslims. Money from donors has enabled the Süleymancıs to establish private religious schools and to help Muslims with their obligations at the time of the Eid al-Adha (festival of sacrifice).
As explained in the previous chapter, the UICCI started its service with one centre providing boarding facilities for junior high school students, in Pangkalan Jati, South Jakarta, in 2005. The centre still serves not only as housing for its students, but also as a modern and proper place for religious educational activities. The residents of the centre are students who spend the morning receiving formal education from the state-registered schools nearby, which is followed by non-formal Islamic education within the centre in the afternoon. The religious teaching can be considered as supplementary to the pupils’ formal secular academic studies, however the boarding system makes it possible to bring them up in a religious atmosphere for most of the day. The UICCI attaches great importance to the pupils’ formal general education,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 140 as can be seen from its enrichment program64 and the review assistance it provides for school subjects to ensure the success of its students in school. From my observations the parents are generally delighted with the progress of their children.
This chapter focuses on how these two hizmet programs, have the UICCI’s most important programs (as they are in Turkey) and have played a significant role in the establishment and growth of this transnational movement in Indonesia.
4.3 HIZMET OF THE QUR’AN
4.3.1 The Growing Popularity of Qur’an Recitation in Indonesia Reciting the Quran has been popular since Islam first came to Indonesia and continues to be popular in this, the most populous Muslim majority country in the world. Previous studies on the recitation of the Qur’an in Indonesia have shown how the popularity of Qur’an recitation, including, ideally, memorizing the whole Qur’an, developed as part of Indonesian Muslims’ expressions of piety. However, the existing literature on Indonesian Islam, while identifying the popularity of new Egyptian approaches (Gade 2004) has not documented the recent contribution of Turkish memorization and recitation techniques. In this section I describe the role of the Turkish
Süleymancı movement in promoting in Indonesia what it considers to be a uniquely rapid and effective approach to Qur’an recitation learning, an approach which has proven highly popular.
64 The enrichment program is an after-hours program where students have access to the guidance and advice of abis regarding their school subjects and assignments.
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According to Gade, Qur’an recitation has been popular since the earliest times of Indonesian Islam. Gade suggested from her reading of old sources that the Qur'an was recited publicly in Islamic rituals such as those held during the observance of Ramadan and at funerary rites (Gade, 1999, pp. 95- 96). Rasmussen also added that since the coming of Islam to Indonesia, Muslims in the archipelago not only have learned to recite the Qur’an, but also to sing other religious musical genres with distinctive melodies and rhythms in Arabic (Rasmussen, 2001, p. 32). Thus it can fairly be claimed that the recited Qur’an has been part of Islamic rituals in Indonesia since the early years of the faith there.
The recitation of the Qur’an was crucial to the preservation of the revelation in the early years of the Muslim community and has remained central to its transmission throughout the history of Islam. Thus for all Muslims it is an important expression of Muslim piety. Since the time of the Prophet Muhammad, the Prophet himself has been considered the most expert reciter of the Qur’an. (Gade, 1999, p. 70). And as the Prophet has always been the paragon of piety, the more capable a Muslim is of reciting the Qur’an from memory, the more he or she is regarded as a pious Muslim.
Qur’an recitation from memory plays a part in a number of Islamic rituals, most importantly, in the obligatory five daily prayers, which include short passages from the Qur’an. Also, dhikr litanies (discretionary recitations commonly added to the obligatory daily prayers and used at funerals by traditionalist Muslims) are composed of short phrases from the Qur’an. Those devotions are associated with the Sufi tradition. The dhikr litanies are also used as meditative practices by the Sufi orders, whose initiates aspire to mystical awareness of God’s presence. Since Sufis are known to have played an important role in spreading Islam in Indonesia, it is clear that Qur’an
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 142 recitation has long been part of Islamic practice in Indonesia (Johns 1996, 16– 17; Gade 1999, p. 79 and p. 96).
Qur'an recitation, performed in several slightly different ways, is becoming ever more popular in Indonesia. The generally used recitation form is called qira’ah or tilawah, while a variation for showing the art of reciting the Qur’an with special rhythm is called seni baca al-Qur'an. Reciting the
Qur’an with some study or learning goal in mind is simply called pengajian (Gade, 1999, p. 70). There is as well an additional term, musabaqah tilawatil Qur’an, which literally means Qur’an recitation for competition. The variety of the names for different styles and occasions of performance is an indication of the current popularity of Qur’an recitation among Indonesian Muslims today.
The long history of Islam in Indonesia, alongside the sheer number of its adherents, has provided the basis for the development of an Indonesian tradition of excellence in Qur’an recitation, supported by highly effective educational methods and materials. According to Gade, Indonesian Muslims are also known for their internationally recognized excellence in terms of both technical art and skill to recite Qur’an as well as their pedagogical systems (Gade, 1999, p. 70).
The popularity of Qur’an recitation has created demand education in reciting the Qur’an, now met by a wide variety of types of institutions, using both in formal or informal methods. These institutions include not only the pondok pesantren, the traditional Islamic boarding schools but also newer institutions like the taman pendidikan Al-Qur’an (after-school
Al-Qur’an recitation classes for children), majlis taklim, informally organised (usually) women’s Islamic study groups; PTIQ and IIQ,
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 143 institutes/colleges for Qur’anic studies; and the tahfidz (Qur’an memorizer) institutes (Rasmussen, 2010, pp. 81-86). The mode of dissemination of techniques for study of the Qur’an has also expanded to include cassette tapes and electronic media broadcasting (Gade, 1999, p. 102)
The popularity of the recited Qur’an in Indonesia is well evidenced by the festivalization of the Qur’an. Qur’an recitation competitions are now organized at every level government, from the local level to the national and even the international level. Regional Qur’an recitation competitions are normally held once a year and are supported by the governments of the areas concerned through the relevant departments. At thethe national level it is the Ministry of Religion and Ministry of Education and Culture that contribute their support (Rasmussen, 2010, p. 125).
The national level competition of the recited Qur’an follows lower-level competitions, finally bringing the winners from the provinces all across Indonesia together to determine the national winner. It is an occasion to demonstrate the finest skill in the nation and to determine who will represent Indonesia at an international event. Indonesians Muslim have gained international recognition as excellent reciters in the international competitions (Gade, 2010, p. 331; Rasmussen, 2010, p. 76).
In 2003, the Republic of Indonesia won the right to hold an international competition of the Qur’an recitation which was held in the biggest mosque in Indonesia, the Istiqlal Mosque. The international event has now become a long established tradition, begun at least by the 1960s (Rasmussen, 2010, pp. 155-157).
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It has been argued that considering the recent popularity of Qur’an recitation in Indonesia, it can be considered an important manifestion of Islamic revival in the country and point to comparable developments in other parts of the Muslim world. A number of those studies examine what the Qur’an recitation movement, in Indonesia and elsewhere, is contributing to Islamic education; others explore how festifalization has helped to build that trend (Esack, 1997; Gade, 2010; Qutb, 1990). However, the studies have neglected the fact that transnational organizations play an important role in building the growing trend. This part of the thesis will provide one example of how a contemporary transnational Muslim movement plays a significant role on enriching the Qur’an recitation movement in Indonesia by bringing a Turkish style of Qur’an education and Qur’an memorization used by the Süleymancıs to the country.
4.3.2 Süleymanıs View of Qur’an Hizmet
The Qur’an is the foundational source of guidance and aspiration for Muslims around the world (Saeed, 2005, p. 1). Along with the prophetic tradition (hadith), the Qur’an has always been the principal source of, and authority on, Islamic belief and understanding. The memorization and study of the Qur’an date from the earliest days of Islamization and crucial forms of piety today. This is true in Indonesia, as in all other parts of the Islamic world. The study of the Qur’an in Southeast Asia may be said to have begun a millennium ago, with the formation of the first communities of Muslim merchants at trading points in the island archipelago (Saeed, 2005, p. xv). Moreover, the study of the Qur’an, at least in terms of its recitation, has been understood as a primary mode of Islamic piety since the coming of Islam (Gade, 2004, p. 25).
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Indonesian Muslims are known worldwide for the depth of their piety, in general, and for heightened skill in reading the Qur’an, in particular. In Indonesia in the mid-1990s, Qur’anic memorization became an extremely popular exercise in improving one’s piety. Programs of Islamic revitalization focused intensively on the recited Qur’an, emphasizing the perfecting of various modes of reading. The large numbers of Indonesian Muslims who have enrolled in programs or joined study groups to memorize the whole
Qur’an and improve their recitation show Muslims in Indonesia greatly value opportunities for improvement of personal piety in this mode (Gade, 2004, pp. 1-5).
As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia is also home to the largest number of students memorizing the Muslim holy book, the Qur’an. The number of Indonesian Muslims who devote their time to memorizing the Qur’an exceeds the number of similar students in Saudi Arabia—the place where Islam began and where the Qur’an was revealed (Republika, 2010). This suggests that Indonesia, with its large and keen Muslim population, represents a huge market for the teaching of Qur’an memorization.
Due to an earlier, intensive connection between the Indonesian students and
Al-Azhar University in Egypt, Islamic studies in Indonesia, including the study of the Qur’an, have long been inspired by the Egyptian model, which includes the Egyptian recitation styles and approaches to exegetical study. Many Muslims in Indonesia follow this Egyptian model for Qur’an recitation (Gade, 2004, p. 25), and Qur’anic studies, especially in the higher-level education system (university/college) run, for example, by the Perguruan Tinggi Ilmu Al-Qur’an (PTIQ [College of Sciences of the Qur’an]) and Institut
Ilmu Al-Qur’an (IIQ [Institute of Qur’an Sciences]) also use the Al Azhar
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University model (Gade, 2004, pp. 32-33). The Süleymancıs, as providers of Qur’anic education, are clearly offering a service that, in general terms, is much appreciated in Indonesia. However, they do need to justify offering an alternative, Turkish, approach to these studies.
The Süleymancıs most revered spiritual leader, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan (1888–1959), is believed to have had specific kinds of karamah (spiritual abilities gifted by God), the chief of which was his ability to understand the Qur’an on a higher level and impart that to others. In this sense, Tunahan is often compared by Süleymancıs with the Prophet Muhammad who, as the last Prophet and Messenger, was chosen to receive the greatest miracle, the Qur’an, outlining the right way of life for Muslims. Syeikh Tuhanan is thus seen by his followers as wali and ulama (successor to the Prophet).65
The students of Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan understand that to find a true ulama of the highest level (mursyid kamil), one should not be attracted by karamah that is demonstrated merely in the physical realm, such as flying like a bird or walking on water—those are physical abilities that rightly belong to the animals, such as birds or fish. On the contrary, one needs to pay attention to non-physical karamah, like the ability and courage to teach the
Qur’an, the holy guidance provided to Muslims.66
Süleymancı’s consider their founder to be a great scholar in modern Turkey. They compared him with the great Bediüzzaman Said Nursî, the author of the extraordinary work, Risale-i Nur. However, they note that Syeikh Tunahan was not so active as Said Nursi in producing written works to be passed on to
65 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 10 October 2012.
66 Interview with Abi Aydin and Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 10 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 147 future generations. The reason for this, his followers explain, is that he believed that the work of religious scholars of the past is like a priceless treasure which is buried in the ground: madrasas were closed and Turks were deprived of religious knowledge, so such works could not be read. What was needed most, he said, was to develop ‘living works’ in the form of students.67 According to Syeikh Tunahan, literary works concerning the understanding of Islam had already been given to Muslims by great scholars of earlier eras, and in his day, in the early years of modern Turkey, the most pressing need was to personally teach religious knowledge to the younger Muslim generation, so they could better understand Islam. They were the ‘living books’ who would be able to pass the knowledge on to future generations. For this reason, he focused on teaching the students instead of shutting himself away, writing for posterity.
This then explains why Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan did not have much published work and preferred to focus on teaching. However, it does not mean that he did not write any academic works at all. At least three of his writings can still be read: Kur’ân Harf ve Harekeleri, Risâle-i Kibrît-i Ahmer ve Risâle-i İksîr-i Ulûm ve Ma’rifet, and Mektuplar ve Bazı Mesâil-i Mühimme. The first work related to reading the Qur’an. Kur’ân Harf ve Harekeleri (Al-Qur’an, Letters and the Harakat) was printed during his
67 Excerpts of Tunahan’s answers, in Turkish, are given below:
“Selefin mum ışında yazdığı paha biçilmez hazine misali eserlerin toprağa gömülerek çürüdüğünü, bakkallara satıldığını, çöplüklere atıldığını ve bir kısmının da kütüphane raflarında tozlanmış ve çürümeye terk edilmiş olduğunu gördüm. Medreseleri kapanmış, yazısı değiştirilmiş, din ilimleri yok olmaya yüz tutmuş olan bir zamanda kitap yazmaktansa yazılan ilmî eserleri anlayarak anlatacak ve ilmi satırdan sadra indirip yaşatacak talebe, yani canlı kitap yetiştirmeyi daha lüzumlu buldum” (quoted from ("http://www.tunahan.org/eserleri-i6.html," 2013).
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 148 lifetime as a guide for teaching the Qur’an. These have helped millions of people to read and understandthe holy book.68
Syeikh Tunahan’s efforts to teach and help students memorize the Qur’an were then institutionalized in Turkey in the form of Kuran kursu (Qur’anic schools similar to Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia). Tunahan initially introduced the dormitory system by converting his home into a free dormitory, and he encouraged his disciples to do the same when they became adults. In Turkey, the Süleymancıs established thousands of Kuran kursu (residential schools for the study of the Qur’an). The Kuran kursu are still very popular among the Süleymancıs in Turkey large numbers of such educational institutions have been estgablished across the country.
4.3.3 The Ottoman Method of Teaching and Memorizing the Qur’an
There is not much information that can be gathered from the abis in relation to the history of the Turkish Ottoman Qur’an memorization system. However, this does not mean that no-one understands its history. In fact, teaching (and learning) the Qur’an using the Ottoman system might be so embedded in their lives that Turkish Muslims do not perceive it as a separate cultural system. Abi Zeki illustrates this by giving an example of one village in Turkey, where all of the villagers memorize the Qur’an using the Ottoman system.69
The Turkish Ottoman method differs in many ways from that generally used by Indonesian Muslims when memorizing the Qur’an. The most distinctive feature of the Ottoman method is that the students are asked to memorize
68 See http://www.tunahan.org/eserleri-i6.html, accessed 6 October 2013.
69 Interview with Abi Zeki, Medan, 17 October 2013.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 149 the Qur’an one page per section, starting from section one, and then continue to memorize a second page of every section, and so on. In contrast, the Indonesian Muslims mostly memorize the Qur’an section by section, starting from the first page of the first section, and then continuing until the last page of the last section.
To use the Ottoman memorization method, the students also use the
Ottoman mushaf (copy of the manuscript) of the Qur’an that is specially designed for the learner. The Ottoman mushaf used by the students of UICCI is divided into 30 sections (juz/adjaz) consisting of twenty pages per section (except juz no. 30, that has more pages due to additional basmalah that come with shorter verses). Each page has fifteen lines. This layout is specifically designed to help the student read or memorize the Qur’an. Because it is so ‘user-friendly’, the Ottoman mushaf is imported from Turkey directly for use by students in the UICCI dormitories.
The process of studying the Qur’an in the UICCI can itself be divided into three stages. The first phase is preparation. Students are introduced to the letters of the Qur’an to ensure they can pronounce them correctly according to the Ottoman system. In addition to learning how to read, they are also taught the importance of studying the Qur’an on a daily basis, several times a day. The UICCI dormitories are designed to provide a suitable environment for this. To achieve mastery, students are expected to meet the minimum standard, which is to be able to finish reading a page in one minute. This is the preparatory phase.70 During my visit to Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah, Rawamangun, in 2012, there were fifty eight students at this initial stage. They then had to sit a test to assess whether they had reached the required standard of entry. The unsuccessful candidates have to go back
70 Interview with Abi Zeki, Medan, 17 October 2013.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 150 to the preparation class, while the successful students are allowed to start the memorization program.71
The second stage of the Ottoman system involves memorizing the Qur’an with assistance of an abi. This is an intensive program where the students’ entire focus is on this special program and they normally do not attend other classes. Unlike the methods used in the ordinary religious boarding schools in Indonesia, which encourage students to memorize the Qur’an sequentially, starting from the first chapter (Surat Al-Fatiha) and proceeding to the last one (Surat Al-Nas), the Ottoman system requires the students to begin by memorizing the last page of each section (juz). This means the students start memorizing page 20 of section 1, followed by memorizing page 20 of section 2, then of section 3, and so on. When all of these have been memorized the student has successfully mastered ‘one round’ out of the 20 rounds of the
Ottoman mushaf. The next step is memorizing page 19 of each of section, followed by page 18 of each section, and continuing until all 20 pages of all 30 divisions of the Qur’an are memorized.
In terms of how many pages need to be memorized at a time, there is no strict regulation. However, Abi Zeki followed the advice of Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan in memorizing (the Qur’an) five verses at a time. This, the
Syeikh suggested, will help in remembering the recitation as a whole. Therefore, when a student has memorized one page, for example, and moves to the second page of the division (juz), then he or she should recall the first page as well as the second.72
71 Interview with Abi Zeki and Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 17 October 2012
72 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 10 March 2013.
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It also needs to be noted that when students come to memorize the eighteenth round, which means there are only two rounds left, a test is given by an abi that will determine whether they can continue to memorize the last two rounds. If successful, the final stage of memorizing the whole Qur’an can be continued, with the aim of achieving the status of a tahfidz. This is a vital stage of the program, as a tahfidz of the Qur’an has great responsibility, including that of maintaining his memorized recitation of the Qur’an.73
After the memorizing process is completed, the third stage is recognition of this achievement, a graduation ceremony. The new tahfidz processes, attended by the abimist, who then makes the award. The ceremony shows the respect that the charismatic leader of the Süleymancıs holds for the Qur’an and the people who memorize it. In addition, the new tahfidz also receives a certificate from the Directorate of Religious Affairs of the Turkish
Government.74 This completes the whole memorizing program of the Qur’an using the Turkish Ottoman system in the Süleymancı centres. After this, if students want to study more, they can learn the advanced level of reading the Qur’an, the qiraat sab’ah (seven styles of reading the Qur’an) or qiraat asyrah (ten styles of reading the Qur’an).75
Given the very positive reception of its Qur’an memorization teaching, the
UICCI has formed a special institute to deliver the instruction to young
Indonesian Muslim students and a new format instruction program:
Lembaga Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah or LETS [Institute for Qur’an Memorizing of
73 Interview with Abi Zeki, 17 October 2012.
74 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 10 October 2012.
75 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 10 March 2013.
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Sulaimaniyah]) and the Koran-ı Kerim Ziyafeti.76 The Koran-ı Kerim
Ziyafeti is a special Qur’an recitation program, still in the planning stage,
Koran-ı Kerim Ziyafeti or, for short, Koran Ziyafeti, is a festival of the
Qur’an. This is an event where the leading Qur’an reciters of the tekamul level of the Kuran kursu will make a tour from one Kuran kursu to another, bringing people together in the Süleymancı branches. The technique requires four or five leading reciters to come before those in attendance and read the
Qur’an with good intonation, which will attract people’s attention. These events will help the UICCI come closer to the communities in Indonesia and gain greater acceptance.
Featuring in its name the word ‘tahfidz’, the Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah can be seen as strategically moving into the Indonesian
‘opportunity space’ provided by the expanding religious education and piety improvement sector. These are, as Yavuz explains, “social sites and vehicles for activism and the dissemination of meaning, identity, and cultural codes” (Yavuz, 2003, p. ix). The tahfidz program, with its Ottoman system, has also enabled the UICCI to assert its identity as a transnational Muslim social movement that is different from the Salafist Arab and Egyptian movements.
76 Koran-ı Kerim Ziyafeti or, in short, Koran Ziyafeti, is a festival of the Qur’an. This is an event where the leading Qur’an reciters of the tekamul level of the Kuran kursu will make a tour from one Kuran kursu to another, bringing people together in the Süleymancı branches. The technique requires four or five leading reciters to come before those in attendance and read the Qur’an with good intonation, which will attract people’s attention. These events will help the UICCI come closer to the communities in Indonesia and gain greater acceptance.
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4.3.4 A Personal Experience of a Tahfidz of the Qur’an
The Turkish Ottoman system of memorizing the Qur’an has proved helpful to many Indonesian students, enabling them to memorize the entire Qur’an in a relatively short time. The normal time required on the Indonesian program is about three years. However, with this Turkish system, students can expect to complete the memorization in just one year. One Indonesian student, Abi
Zeki, successfully memorized the Qur’an in just 73 days, demonstrating the effectiveness of the method. His success has made Indonesian students popular among the higher-level Süleymancı students boarding in Turkey.
Abi Zeki said that he was given the ‘opportunity’ to enter the intensive program (of Qur’an memorization) after completing the religious studies program at the highest level (tekamul) in Turkey, in 2010. After showing great interest in memorizing the Qur’an, Abi Zeki was allowed to continue his education in a special program for Qur’anic recitation, in the dormitory of Eyüp Sultan. This dormitory is in an historic but long neglected building that used to house a madrasa from the Ottoman era. It has been recently restored at the initiative of the local citizens. Each of the individuals who contributed to the cost and work of the renovation had their names displayed beside the door of one of the dormitory rooms. The Süleymancıs use this hostel specifically for their Qur’an memorization program, to honour the history and the efforts of the citizens who re-built it.
In his early days of memorizing the Qur’an, before starting the intensive program, Abi Zeki was asked by an abi, ‘How many pages could you memorize in a day?’ Abi Zeki replied that he was a devout student, and when asked, ‘Can you memorize ten pages a day?’ he replied that he could do that because of his obedience. Finally, the abi told him he would be asked to
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 154 memorize eight pages of the Qur’an a day. So, as ells it, Abi Zeki twith full obedience to the advice of his teachers, the benefit of the great Ottoman system, and a longing to memorize the holy book, he began a program of recitation of the Qur’an in the dormitory of Eyüp Sultan. He was entirely focused on this program. As he explained ‘The first step is obedience (ita’at) and the second is how to manage the process of memorization and then test the memory’. Abi Zeki said that he would not sleep until he had memorized eight pages, and thereafter he always persisted in repeating what he had learnt. Thus he would recite the newly learned passages three times a day.
He repeated it first to God, at the Duha prayer. He would do eight rakaat and at each recite one page he had memorized silently in his heart. He did this every day at around 7.30am. He claims that during his intensive program he never missed that Duha recitation practice, except for the one or two times when he was on kitchen hand duty.77
The second recitation of a newly learned passage he made to Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan. He did that by closing his eyes and imagining himself reciting the newly memorized part in front of the Syeikh. Abi Zeki said this worked because while he was doing it, if some lines were not quite right, he could feel that in his heart and check the manuscripts.
The third and final recitation he made before the abi who was his tutor in the memorization program. Having completed the whole memorization program with distinction, Abi Zeki, has now become a teacher himself and mentors in the program.78
77 Interview with Abi Zeki, Medan, 10 October 2013.
78 Interview with Abi Zeki, Medan, 10 October 2013.
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Currently, Abi Zeki is serving as one of the hocas who are directly responsible for the Qur’anic memorization program at Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Syarif- Medan, a UICCI branch. His success in completing the recitation of Al- Qur’an in less than three months has made Abi Zeki an icon. He is repeatedly profiled in the UICCI internal magazine, and through him many Muslims in Indonesia have been inspired to join the program. With modern dormitories, qualified teachers and practitioners, and the benefit of the Ottoman Turkish system of memorization, as well as opportunities for scholarships in Turkey for the tekamul level of study, the UICCI Qur’an memorization program is now seen by many in Indonesia as a new ideal.
Figure 20: Indonesian tahfidz students, among others, at the Eyyup Kuran Kursu, Turkey.
4.4 The Hizmet of the Qurban
4.4.1 The Süleymancıs’ View of the Qurban
Unlike the majority of Muslims in Indonesia, who follow the Syafi’i School of Law and see sacrificial deeds (qurban) as exemplary but not required (sunnah muakadah) for each individual Muslim (sunnah ‘ain), the
Süleymancıs, the majority of whom are affiliated with the Hanafi School of
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Law, consider ritual sacrifice at Eid al-Adha to be compulsory (wajib) for everyone. That is, every Muslim must provide animals for sacrifice at this feast. However, it should be noted here that ‘compulsory’ (wajib) is not the same as ‘obligatory’ (fard). The latter type of decree allows no excuse for failure to carry out this form of worship, whereas the former recognizes possible exemptions.
The Hanafi followers refer to the strong provenance of the hadith (prophetic tradition) that places much emphasis on the necessity of sacrifice. Thus, the Prophet Muhammad, as narrated by Abu Haurairah, said, “Whoever has means to do so, but does not perform qurban, let him not approach my mosque” (reported by Ahmad and Ibn Majah). The above hadith is seen as evidence of a very firm command about the sacrifice of livestock animals (qurban) at the festival of Eid al-Adha. Therefore, for Muslims who follow
Hanafi law the order is not meant as a recommendation, in this view, but rather as a commandment for every Muslim.
In addition to the above hadith of the Prophet PBUH, the discourse of Sheikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan concerning the supreme importance of the qurban has given further weight to the Süleymancıs’ view that the Eid al Adha sacrifice is fard (mandatory). Syeikh Tuhanan taught that the reason for the qurban is found in the story of Abraham, who was prepared to sacrifice his only son, Ishmael, as an act of obedience to Allah—a command he had received in a ‘true dream’ (understood to be a sign from God). Among the Süleymancıs there is a belief that Sheikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan thought it compulsory for every Muslim to ‘sacrifice’ family members, just as the Prophet Abraham was prepared to do. However, Allah has allowed Muslims
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 157 to replace the sacrifice of a family member with that of a halal (religiously acceptable) domestic animal.79
Because sacrificial devotions are seen as obligatory, Turkish Muslims regularly raise enormous funds for the festival of sacrifice. When a particular local branch has a large supply of domestic animals, then those chosen for sacrifice are distributed to other regions that are considered more in need.
This means that for the Süleymancıs the Eid al-Adha celebration is even busier than the Eid al-Fitr festival at the end of Ramadan, which is the largest Muslim festival for most other Muslims.
According to Abi Selman, sacrificing domestic animals and sharing the meat can ward off bad luck. This is another reason why many people are eager to perform qurban, not only for personal protection, but also to help ensure successful business enterprises.80 In addition, for the Süleymancıs, qurban is a way of spreading barakah (blessing) to others.81 The following conversation took place between the author and one of the abis:
Fellow brother, [traveling] to Jakarta, Jayapura, Timika. For what [reason do you think we are traveling there]? For sacrificing the qurban. Qurban [is] not only [about the] meat, but it has [also] the spiritual aspect, spiritual barakah (blessing), spiritual du’a (prayer), azam du’a (the big prayer). There is [justification] in the Qur’an [for this]. [So, this is] not [about] meat. If you go to a butcher, [giving away the livestock animal, then] it’s [only] a sadakah (charity). [But, here], the qurban is barakah (blessing). [See the] Amazon trees [they] produce [so] much oxygen every second and it blows all over the world. [Just] like that, we sacrifice [the livestock] in Timika, Jayapura. Not
79 Interview with Abi Aydin, 25 October 2012.
80 Interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 26 October 2012.
81 Interview with Abi Altan and Abi Emre, 26 October 2012.
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only [for] Timika, [but also for] the Papua region. [So] the qurban is so important…[The benefits] are for [well-being in] this world and hereafter.82
4.4.2 Eid al-Adha Festival at the UICCI Boarding School
Understanding how significant the celebration of the festival of sacrifice (Eid al-Adha) is to Süleymancıs, the author made adequate preparation to observe and participate in the Süleymancıs’ management of Eid al-Adha in Indonesia. Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah-Rawamangun was chosen as the place of observation, due to its being the headquarters of the UICCI in Indonesia, and thus the place where all main activities are concentrated.
The main celebration of Eid al-Adha in Indonesia was centered at the Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah, using modern facilities and fully qualified staff and involving many members of the community. This attention to detail is necessary to maintain the trust of the donors, most of whom live in other countries and receive written accounts of how the events are organized. By maintaining this trust, the UICCI expects to receive similar funding in the following years.
The qurban celebration is open to anyone who wants to watch. However, the distribution of sacrificial animals is predetermined to avoid large crowds demanding food. In addition, there is an attempt to target specific audiences, with the UICCI purposely choosing who is to receive qurban.83 The UICCI selects those agencies or individuals who will contribute to their work by introducing it to people in the wider society and thereby attract students’ further support for the organisation’s development.84
82 Interview with Abi Altan, 23 October 2012.
83 Interview with Abi Said, Jakarta, 17 October 2012.
84 Interview with Abi Said, Jakarta, 17 October 2012.
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For approximately one week before the celebration of Eid al-Adha, I routinely visited Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah in Rawamangun, East Jakarta, to find out what kind of preparations were taking place for the festival and the distribution of the livestock animals. On the day of celebration, 26 October 2012, I arrived at Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah- Rawamangun at around 4:20 in the morning. I found some students still awake making final preparations. Some students were in charge of security, others were responsible for sacrificial animal distribution, and yet more were preparing for the slaughter of the animals. I met Abi Zeki, as well as other abis, who immediately invited me to join the morning zikir held in mescit.85 The zikir was recited in Arabic and led by Abi Seyfettin, the director of the Indonesian UICCI. It finished at around 5:06am, immediately before the preparation for morning prayer. After that, students were told to have breakfast and they rushed to where the Eid al-Adha prayers were held.
Interestingly, the students and abis did not all perform the Eid al-Adha prayers in the same place, together. Instead, the manager allowed the students and abis to choose where they recited their prayers. Some performed them in the mosque near the dormitory, others on the empty street near the Rawamangun bus stop. I did not see any abis from Turkey join in the prayers in the mosque or the street. Abi Nacib el-Hadri of Morocco told me that the abis from Turkey follow the Hanafi school, and performed their own prayers, which they see as compulsory, on their own. They could
85 This is a Turkish term that refers to a place of prayer (equating to ‘musholla’ in the Indonesian context) that is a smaller place for performing the five daily prayers. For a masjid (a mosque), which is generally a bigger place for praying, that meets the standard required to run a weekly Friday congregation, Turkish has a special name, cami [A: Jami’].
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 160 not join the crowds in the mosque or on the street, because unlike them, the Indonesian Muslims see the prayers as simply recommended (sunnah muakadah).
Immediately after finishing the Eid al-Adha prayer, both the students and the abis prepared to carry out the slaughter of the sacrificial animals. This event took place in the courtyard of the boarding school, where the UICCI later distributed the meat directly to local people and indirectly to other recipients with the help of mosque officials and school principals.
People from different walks of life participated in the slaughtering: a lecturer and some students from the Institute of Agriculture of Bogor (IPB), whose role was to ensure the cows were healthy; the military, and municipal police, who were in charge of security and order; the professional slaughterers from
Slaughterhouse Zul-Pulogadung; cameramen and video shooters from the Pasar Rumput market, who recorded the event; and students and abis of the UICCI, who helped to cut the meat into small pieces and distribute it. There were a number of witnesses as well, ranging from local people to overseas visitors. I was able to speak with the guests from abroad and also accompany Abi Emre, director UICCI Rawamangun, when he was interviewed by JakTV about the qurban ceremony. The impression I received was that the UICCI carried out the qurban ceremony in a professional and well-organized manner.86
86 Personal observation, UICCI Rawamangun, 26 October 2012.
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Figure 21: Qurban distribution at PP Sulaimaniyah Rawamangun, Jakarta
The final part of the celebration of Eid al-Adha is the reporting of the activities. Every year, an abi is appointed to be chairman of the celebrations committee of the qurban. In 2012, Abi Said was the head of this committee. The chairman and the entire team work together to conduct the sacrificial activities. After all the events are completed, the committee writes a report, in Turkish, not in Indonesian, because the statements of all the details of the sacrifice will be sent to the central office of the Süleymancıs in Turkey.
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Figure 22: Qurban distribution at Istiqlal mosque, Jakarta
4.4.3 Transnational Donors in the Sacrifice Festival
Süleymancıs prepare for the important celebration of the Eid al-Adha festival of sacrifice at the UICCI over a long period of time, beginning with fundraising to buy the animals. In the Süleymancı movement, finding qurban donors is done in two ways: ‘waiting’ and ‘approaching’. The first strategy is waiting to receive funds for qurban from the Asia Pacific bolge office located in Istanbul, Turkey. The office arranges the fundraising and is responsible for funding qurban ceremonies in the Asia Pacific countries, including
Indonesia. The office receives funds mostly from Turkish people who donate money through the Süleymancıs, although these donations do not necessarily all come from Turkey itself, as the office also receives funds from expatriate Turks. All funds are first delivered to the main centre of the Asia Pacific countries, Indonesia, and then transferred to other countries in the region which need the money.87
87 Interview with Abi Ahmad, Istanbul, 22 April 2013.
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In addition to the Asia Pacific office, there are sometimes also delegations of Süleymancıs or their sympathizers who come from developed countries, and would like to give donations. When I was in Jakarta in 2012, I observed that there were qurban donations from Germany, Japan, and Australia. Some Germans with a Turkish background gave funds directly to the Indonesian UICCI for qurban animals. Abi Mursit, from Japan, also came to Indonesia to distribute the qurban. He stayed there for five days and witnessed the qurban in Papua-Irian Jaya.88 In addition, guests from Australia with Turkish backgrounds handed over funds for the qurban. The Australian brothers stayed in Jakarta for four days for this 2012 qurban festival as they wanted to be part of it. One of them visits Indonesia at least four times a year for many reasons, but mainly to bring financial contributions to the UICCI. The following is part of a conversation held with Abi Qamar of the UICCA:
Abi Qamar: “…of course the qurban we bring here, we do not do in Australia. We go to Indonesia, and then we go to Africa and then places all around the world.” Author: “So you might travel to other countries as well?” Abi Qamar: “Yes, insya Allah. But if I can, I will keep coming here (Indonesia) buddy...”89
It is evident that making overseas donations to the qurban festival gives
Australian Muslims a chance to contribute to a ceremony that at home is much simplified and muted.
The second, more pro-active way to obtain the funding necessary for the qurban festival is ‘approaching’ people. Several abis, from both Turkey and
88 Interview with Abi Faruk, Jakarta, 25 October 2012.
89 Interview with Abi Qamar, Jakarta, 26 October 2012.
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Indonesia, visit donors in developed countries, for example in Europe, where they persuade Muslims to bring the qurban funds to Indonesia. When I was there in 2012, about ten abis of the UICCI were sent to Germany and the Netherlands to meet Muslims with Turkish backgrounds. Normally, the meetings also involve a religious sermon to call Muslims to charity in the religious way. An abi from Indonesia was asked to accept this responsibility so the expatriate Turks could see young abis from a developing country, like
Indonesia performing service (hizmet) and touch their hearts. The abis could then take the qurban funds back to Indonesia, where it is understood there is more need.90 To carry out this task, the abis cooperate with the local European or other relatively wealthy branches of the Süleymancıs, who are asked to help with accommodation and local transport, as well as provide contacts with donors.
Both of these methods have proven successful in raising funds transnationally for the qurban. In 2012, as in other years, the UICCI received donations from international sympathizers whose countries of origin could be seen from the banners showing the names of donors placed in Pondok Pesantren Sulaimaniyah at the Eid al-Adha celebrations at the time of slaughter.91 In 2012, the UICCI received funds to buy and distribute 70 cows and 2,800 goats92 (a very significant amount for an organization in
90 Interview with Abi Zeki, 24 September 2012.
91 Personal observation, UICCI Rawamangun, 26 October 2012.
92 The qurban in 2012 was 2,800 goats and 150 cows. This number shows a decrease from the last year’s, possibly because the majority of donations come from expatriate Turks in Europe, where there were economic crises. Also, the area of distribution has been extended, as the qurban is distributed to other parts of the world where the Süleymancıs have opened up new branches, such as Bangladesh (interview with Abi Aydin, 17 October 2012).
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Indonesia). They spread the qurban donations all across Indonesia, from
Aceh to Papua (Abi Emre, in an interview with JakTV, 26 October 2012).93
To manage the sacrificed animals, the UICCI ordered them from several locations in Indonesia and worked with other branches spread all over the country to carry out the distribution. In addition, the UICCI also entrusted some sacrificial animals to be distributed by partner agencies, including the great mosque and other Islamic boarding schools, in order to spread qurban charity widely across the region, as well as strengthen cooperation and mutual understanding between the UICCI and those agencies. During the author’s observation, at least 40 sacrificial cows were given to the board of Istiqlal Mosque (the largest mosque in Southeast Asia) located in central Jakarta. This is a place where many Muslims wish to receive meat from sacrificed animals. When I was observing the Eid al-Adha in 2012, the
Süleymancıs gave live cattle to Istiqlal Mosque for the festival sacrifice and subsequent meat distribution. The handover of the animals was made directly by the director of the Southeast Asian UICCI, Abi Zoltan, to the imam of Istiqlal Mosque, Professor Dr KH Ali Mustafa Yaqub, MA. The UICCI also worked with Nurul Iman Islamic Boarding School, Parung Bogor, to distribute sacrificial animals around Bogor and Banten. The Nurul Iman school is one of the largest boarding schools in West Java and has about
93 During the interview, Abi Emre said that the distribution of qurban is not carried out only by the UICCI. UICCI also cooperates with other schools in the distribution. Also, Abi Emre mentioned that the donations for the qurban generally came from Turkish Muslims, including some from expatriate Turks in Australia, Japan, and European countries like Germany (interview by Abi Emre with JakTV, 26 October 2012).
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25,000 students. It has a famous founder, Habib Saggaf bin Mahdi bin Syekh
Abubakar bin Salim.94
This cooperation is beneficial for the UICCI as it introduces the foundation into the wider community. Istiqlal Mosque is the largest mosque in Southeast Asia, where media coverage of the Eid al-Adha, including the qurban submitted by the UICCI is centered. In this way, the UICCI has ensured that their donation attracts publicity. In addition to being broadcast in the media, the event is also witnessed live by the general public, who come to the mosque to see the sacrificial animals and receive a portion of the meat. With this, a positive impression of the donors (the Süleymancıs) is spread in the Indonesian Muslim community. Also, it is hoped that some of the very large number of students who attend Pondok Pesantren Nurul Iman, Parung, especially the ones with high academic skills, will be sent to the UICCI boarding schools in Indonesia and then continue their studies in Turkey. This means that the UICCI will take in good students who will later contribute to the organization’s development.
4.4.4 Ritual and Social Functions of the Hizmet of the Qurban
It is evident that while the Eid al-Adha sacrifice is, in the first instance, an
Islamic religious ritual authoriszed by the Hanafi School of Law, and so it has an important spiritual meaning. But it also has significant social functions. It is seen as a way of spreading barakah (blessing) and of avoiding disaster. However, there are also sociological aspects to it, in that it introduces the UICCI’s activities to the public, which in turn supports the development of
94 Personal observation, Nurul Iman Islamic Boarding School Bogor, 23 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 167 the organization. The statement given by Abi Ibrahim demonstrates that this social significance is of concern to the Süleymancıs:
In fact, our target is to establish UICCI boarding across Indonesia. This has started in the Papua region. Abi Mursit has spread the qurban in Papua in order to introduce UICCI to the community.95
Abi Feza also mentioned that the distribution of qurban helps to open up opportunities to give presentations to schools about the UICCI, which may encourage students to enrol for UICCI boarding. He says that “it was sometimes difficult to even arrange the time [for a presentation]. [However, when we give the sacrificed animal meat], the response is different. It was quick and easy for them to give time for the abi to explain what the UICCI does”.96
Because of the social benefit the distribution of qurban brings to the organization, the UICCI carefully selects both the recipients and the partners who help distribute it. The recipients include people who will benefit the UICCI, while the partners are those who contribute to its publicity and networking. Pondok Pesantren Nurul Iman was chosen not only because it is a major educational institution in the Bogor and Banten area, but also because it has a significant number of potential students for the UICCI, who might continue their studies in Sulaimaniyah both in Indonesia and in
Turkey.97 The choice of the Masjid Istiqlal is not coincidental either. As the biggest mosque in Southeast Asia, it is a centre for sacrificial festivals that are
95 Interview with Abi Ibrahim, Jakarta, 23 October 2012.
96 Interview with Abi Feza, Jakarta, 30 December 2012.
97 Participant observation and interview with Abi Kadir and Abi Bari, 22 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 168 telecast by news media throughout the archipelago. Media attention, of course, benefits the UICCI.
A similar pattern is discernible in the selection of recipients of the sacrificed meat. Abi Zeki mentioned that the focus of sacrificial distribution is selected schools that have been contacted previously. The selection is based on criteria set up by the UICCI. The following account by Abi Said gives some clues as to how this selection is made.
For the most part we do not accept a proposal [for meat distribution] from foundations nor mosques, except when we already know the officials. When a request comes from a pondok pesantren then we will first identify how many students they have and if there could be a possibility we could work together in the future, that is, would they send some of their selected students to the UICCI. If so, then we will consider [accepting the proposal].98
Abi Zeki added,
…and about the qurban, we also distribute to the other provinces so we can introduce them to the UICCI centres. This paves the way for when we want to build a branch there because they already know us. A further goal is to introduce the UICCI while doing syiar too.99
Abi Aydin also added that,
The qurban is washilah (mediation) for us to be known by the wider community. Our boarding will face trouble (in terms of development) if we only advertise in traditional ways with brochures etc. Through the qurban, there is a give and take [process] which affords our pesantren the same degree of publicity. By telling them about our unique program every year we could take in new students. If for example, one pesantren sends a student, then insya Allah, every year we will send the qurban. [So,] Alhamdulillah
98 Interview with Abi Said, Jakarta, 17 October 2012.
99 Interview with Abi Zeki, 10 September 2012.
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(all thanks are due purely to God), introducing the qurban gives many benefits; we receive students and local publicity.100
So, the social and organizational benefits that accrue to the UICCI from the qurban can be summarized as follows: informing the wider community of the existence of the UICCI through presentations and media releases and networking with prospective institutions to attract a flow of students to the
UICCI.
4.5 THE HIZMET MOVEMENT AND THE SÜLEYMANCI TYPOLOGY
As the above discussion shows, the UICCI has skilfully managed to promote its own conceptions and practices of Islamic piety by utilizing the expanding Islamic ‘education opportunity space’. Skillful use of that ‘space’ has, allowed the development of this transnational organization, and helped secure its position amidst many competing Islamic piety movements and Islamic education providers. This can be seen from the rapid growth of the UICCI centres. From only one boarding school in South Jakarta in 2005, with about 25 pupils, it now has more than 12 Islamic educational institutions, with over 500 students in 12 dormitories scattered over the islands of Sumatra, Java and Borneo.
The unique use of opportunity spaces by the UICCI places this transnational movement in a distinct position within the typology of Islamic organizations, in relation to both the society and the government in Indonesia. This typology will help us to understand the nature and characteristics of the Islamic social movement. In order to assist in the mapping of Muslim organizations in Indonesia, a typology of Islamic social movements
100 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta, 10 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 170 developed by Hakan Yavuz (2003) will be used. While Yavuz’ study focused on the Muslim movements in ‘modern Turkey’ and needs some modification when applied to the context of Islam in Indonesia, it is still a useful framework.101
Figure 23: A typology of Islamic social movements by Hakan Yavuz (2007)
101 As also stated by Husnul Amin in ‘Making Sense of Islamic Social Movements: A Critical Review of Major Theoretical Approaches’, when analysing the same phenomenon in Pakistan, “[t]he typology is an ideal type that highlights the main features of Muslim movements’ strategy of change and facilitates understanding of these movements within their prevalent diversity. However, in practice, interactions among them are multifarious” (Amin).
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Both in Turkey and in Indonesia, the Süleymancı movement has always focused all of its activities outwards, to the public (‘society-centric’). It has encouraged donors to develop (private) religious educational institutions that are independent from the government. Moreover it has invited students from all over the world, regardless of differences in race, to study at these schools. Its goal is to educate the students in a strong Islamic atmosphere; to produce a faithful and pious generation. In addition, the institute is non-political, non-partisan, and peaceful.
Taking the above characteristics into account, it can be said that the UICCI is an example of Yavuz’s ‘societal’ type of Islamic social movement. It is ‘society-centric associational identity-oriented from below’, in the typology of Islamic social movements introduced by Yavuz (2003, 2004b). This means that the UICCI is a movement that increases people’s involvement with
Islam, and through its organization seeks to improve their lives by enriching their individual daily activities. This is achieved through private education which focuses on Islamic knowledge and ethics.
4.6 CONCLUSION
This chapter has shown how the Süleymancıs have identified and explained to their students, sympathists and the public the two principle forms of service (hizmet) they are endeavouring to offer Muslims in Indonesia and elsewhere: Qur’an studies (especially memorization) and moral formation; and provision of qurban meat to the public at the Eid al-Adha festival).
The description of Süleymancı education hizmet in Indonesia in this chapter illustrates how the Süleymancıs have been able to utilize the new host country’s expanding Islamic education ‘opportunity space’ to promote their
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 172 particular forms of Islamic piety even in a religious market already saturated with Islamic organizations and revival movements. While the chapter has shown that the Süleymancıs have promoted the special advantages of their Turkish Qur’anic education program, they have also taken pains to ‘Indonesianized’ the UICCI, principally by adapting its boarding schools to the Indonesian pesantren model.
The UICCI has been contributing to high quality Islamic education in Indonesia since 2005, primarily through its unique Islamic dormitory (boarding) schools. Activities undertaken by the UICCI have one main goal: to bring up a younger generation of Muslims who are honest and noble, and have a love of their homeland. In its later development, the UICCI is also playing a role in more specific field: offering a unique method for memorization of the Qur’an, in special Islamic boarding schools which emphasize this tahfidz program. It is widely acknowledged that teaching the Qur’an using this Turkish Ottoman model enables students to learn how to read it properly and quickly, and fully memorize it usually within a year. This special program has attracted many Indonesian Muslims, as well as the attention of the Indonesian government, especially the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
In addition to the above achievements, the UICCI has consistently played a role in qurban distribution. The distribution throughout Indonesia of sacrificial animals, made possible by global Süleymancı members and sympathizers and supported particularly by transnational donors from Turkey to Australia, brings the UICCI much positive publicity.
This annual qurban has become a mediation tool for the UICCI to reach the wider Indonesian community, in order to gain community awareness of the
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UICCI’s existence and operations in the country, and to entrench itself among Indonesian citizens. It is a form of ‘integration’ in a host country where the UICCI and the ‘locals’ can work together to achieve their goal of educating the younger generation in the right way.
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CHAPTER V: NETWORKS, CIRCULATION AND FINANCE OF THE INDONESIAN SÜLEYMANCIS (UICCI)
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The UICCI has established a number of non-fee-paying Islamic boarding schools throughout Indonesia, the maintenance of which requires significant funding. This chapter will explore further how the UICCI, as part of the global Süleymancı movment, makes use of transnational Süleymancı networks connecting its many branches to fundraise for its projects in
Indonesia, thus supplementing limited local funding. As suggested in previous chapters, the main supporters of the Süleymancıs’ hizmet, globally, are the Turkish Muslims living in Turkey and in Turkish diaspora communities. Turkish communities now living in Germany and Australia are especially active contributors to the financial support of the movement’s activities in Indonesia. However, it is hard to find Turkish donors who live in
Indonesia, given that there is no significant Turkish community there and it is unlikely that Indonesia will ever be a major destination for Turkish migration. For this reason, Turkish supporters of the Süleymancıs in other parts of the world remain the main providers of funds for the Süleymancıs’ development in Indonesia.
Through an analysis of the Süleymancıs’ global financing of their boarding schools, this chapter will reveal more about this particular transnational dimension of the movement, overlapping and connected with its formal
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 175 bureaucratic structure. Also, the UICCI boarding schools will be seen not only as providers of an excellent religious education in Indonesia, but also as playing an integrating role in the global Süleymancı movement. This analysis of the financing of the Indonesian Süleymancı branches will fill out the picture of how the Süleymancıs are able to provide free luxurious Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia, which helps them to compete with other boarding schools for students and social standing.
5.2 ORGANIZATION STRUCTURE AND NETWORKS
5.2.1 The UICCI in the Global Süleymancı Bureaucratic Structure
The UICCI branches in Indonesia are connected to each other through a bureaucratic hierarchy, the apex of which is the national office in Jakarta. The UICCI itself is a national branch within the Asia Pacific region of the global Süleymancı organization. The headquarters of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey manages five regions (bolge), including the Asia Pacific bolge into which thirteen countries, including Indonesia, are grouped. The Indonesian Süleymancıs have established seventeen branches so far, and the number is growing. A director who is responsible for the dormitory programs manages each branch.
The Süleymancı functions as a ‘top-down hierarchy’ (Spickard, 2004, p. 49), with directives sent from the headquarters in Istanbul down to the bolge across the globe, and from there to the smallest organizational units, the local branches. This kind of structure ensures that Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan’s original inspiration is preserved across the global movement. Wherever one visits Süleymancı boarding schools, the organization structure and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 176 atmosphere will be the same. This facilitates the uniform management of some 6,000 Süleymancı education centres in more than 130 countries.
However, according to Abi Ihsan of Pangakalan Bun,102 the organizational structure is not set in stone; when ideas for improvement are proposed by the lower levels of the organization they are carefully considered, because it is believed all levels may contribute to the movement’s development. However, these proposals coming from lower levels tend to deal only with minor issues, such as standard operational procedures for cleanliness. When it comes to fundamental issues, such as those related to finance, the management is strictly top-down, and with a structured system that, by its hierarchical nature, minimizes the possibility of a breach of boundaries of authority. Everything must be adhered to at the appropriate level. Thus Abi Bayram affirmed:
Yes, that is indeed how the organization is run. We must follow the rules from the top. For example, here we have Abi Seyfettin, Director of the Indonesian Süleymancıs, and Abi Zoltan, Director of the Asia Pacific Süleymancıs. So, for example, if I should talk to Abi Seyfettin but I talk to Abi Zoltan instead, that is not allowed. I have to talk to Abi Seyfettin, first and then he will pass on the information to Abi Zoltan.103 This is also the evidence for permission. With this hierarchical management, it is clear who can grant permission in which level.104
Moreover, the higher echelons of UICCI management are still dominated by
Turkish abis, while at the local branch level, it is primarily Indonesian abis who have become the managers. During my observation of and interaction with the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, three UICCI boarding schools were under
102 Interview with Abi Ihsan, Pangkalan Bun, Mei 2013.
103 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
104 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 10 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 177 the Indonesian abis’ management: UICCI Pejaten, UICCI Pangkalan Bun, and UICCI Bandung. This situation reflects the Süleymancıs’ idea that wherever they establish a branch, the boarding should belong to the locals.
The transfer of authority to manage a centre, from a Turkish abi to an Indonesian one, acknowledges the already demonstrated capabilities of Indonesian abis and the open attitude of the Turkish abis. By handing over the managerial roles, the Turkish abis become free to play other roles, while the Indonesian abis can make major contributions in the boarding school management. This also allows for some local ways of doing things to become part of the originally Turkish organization.
As a transnational organization, the Süleymancıs believe strongly in the power of duplication. They contend that when a system has been shown to work successfully, there is no point in ‘re-inventing the wheel’. This is how they justify using the same system of both teaching and management in all branches, worldwide. Thus Abi Mukhtar referred to the example of the treasurer, whose role is defined according to a system imposed from the headquarters in Turkey, observing: “We adopted the entire system from the centre [headquarters].”105 This is true not only in the financial field but in all areas of Süleymancı organization, so as to ensure the same high standard is maintained everywhere.
5.2.2 The Four Pillars of Süleymancı Organizational Life
The Süleymancı identity has been formulated by the organization around the notion that there are four ‘pillars’ essential to Süleymancı life, and this
105 Interview with Abi Mukhtar, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 178 principle is taught in their schools. The first pillar is their focus on Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan himself, as the spiritual leader who set out the Süleymancı path. His authority comes from his acknowlegded role as a Sufi syeikh (mursyid kamil) of the Nakşibendi Sufi order. The Süleymancıs still pledge themselves to him as their spiritual leader and guide. The common acceptance of him as Syeikh acts as the uniting force for all Süleymancıs.
The second pillar comprises the teachers, collectively, all of whom were previously Süleymancı students. They are known as hoca or abi. ‘Hoca’ is a Turkish word for teacher, while ‘abi’ means elder brother. Sometimes, the teachers prefer to be called abi, as the word implies a closeness to the students which is seen as promoting better teacher–student interaction. In fact, the role of abis is central to the Süleymancıs, as they act as educators and also guardians for the students studying away from home at the boarding schools. They are also responsible for passing on knowledge and moral values.
The third pillar is the telebe, the Süleymancı students. Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, the charismatic founder of the Süleymancıs, spoke of the students as being basically like his books: they were the ones who would carry his ideas, and approach people, spreading Islamic values and teaching them about Islam.
The fourth and final pillar of the Süleymancıs is the ikhwan, or sympathizers, with their dakwah (religious outreach). These Süleymancı supporters might be alumni who work outside the education system but still remain part of the movement, or they might be newcomers inspired by the Süleymancı dakwah. They provide assistance in various ways, including fundraising, housing for
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 179 dormitories, and further extending the Süleymancı networks. The ikhwan, in fact, are the main source of finance for the Süleymancı movement.
It should be noted here that the Süleymancıs in all these roles (that is, all the ‘pillars’) work to carry out hizmet (service). As a religiously based organization focused on religious service (hizmet), the Süleymancıs perceive employment as not solely a business. Although their organization has been established as a global movement and well-appointed boarding schools, the Süleymancıs see their work as religious service for religious purposes. As Abi Feza explained to the author:
We want to cite first the statement of our sheikh, the Ustazimiz… We are servants of five masters (pegawai dalam lima hal): God; the Prophet [Muhammad]; the Qur’an; Islam; and the job of spreading the ‘faiz nur’ (the light [of God] that goes into our hearts).
In this reflection, Abi Feza represents Süleymancı office holders and teachers literally as ‘civil servants’ (pegawai) in five ‘matters’ or ‘senses’ (dalam lima hal). While the literal meaning of ‘hal’ is ‘matters’, casting Süleymancı staff as ‘civil servants’ evokes in a contemporary mode a classic Sufi image of devotees being servants of God (as in the name ‘Abdullah’). And in classic Sufi practice one serves one’s master (sheikh) just as one serves God. So here, that service is extended to the organization as a whole. So the overriding purpose of the work of the organization is not just ordinary employment but working to please God.106
With this understanding, Abi Kadir observed, hizmet, though sometimes challenging and hard to do, can be positively enjoyed, as it is carried out with religious spirit. In addition, the members of the Süleymancı organization are
106 Interview with Abi Feza, Jakarta, 30 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 180 discouraged from dwelling on possible promotion or thinking overly much about their salary. During my period of observation, I could see that some of the abis at UICCI who have a Sufi background do not even want to be promoted, as this would involve greater organizational responsibility and thus would limit their ability to teach the students as they would wish. Teaching the students provides the happiness and satisfaction of carrying out hizmet.107 The appointment system is based on mutual trust and appropriate qualifications. One is not expected to aspire to a career, but when a position is offered it should be accepted. There is a strong expectation in this regard, and when a managerial task is offered, the person chosen can be confident that there will be help and support to accomplish the task.108
5.3 CIRCULATION OF THE SÜLEYMANCI PERSONNEL
The circulation of the Süleymancıs throughout the organization, especially at the level of teachers and managers, is quite frequent, and geographically extensive. I realized this during my data collection period. Many times, when I asked about the director of a local UICCI branch or a national director of the UICCI, the answer came that the abi was currently overseas in Europe,
107 The professional profile of Abi Kadir is impressive, as it is he who had the initiative to bring the Qur’an memorization program to Indonesia. He himself is a tahfidz and also master of a number of different ways of reading the Qur’an (qiraat). He is well known for his knowledge of religion and is close to the pesantren community. He was once assigned a position as branch director. However, teaching the students is his passion, and if possible, he said, he would like just to take a teaching position. So, we can see that the Süleymancıs do not chase higher positions. All positions are seen as being of equal worth in carrying out hizmet.
108 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
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Malaysia, Singapore, and so on. This intensive mobility was recognized by one of the senior students in the PP Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah, Fatin, who said:
The abis who teach at the centres often change because they are asked to move. For example, there used to be an abi who taught Turkish in PP Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah, but he was moved to UICCI in Aceh. When new young abis come from Turkey, they will almost certainly be moved on as well.109
It is similar at the managerial level. Fatin said that when Abi Zoltan was appointed Director of the Asia Pacific region, Abi Seyfettin was chosen as his replacement as Director of the Indonesian Süleymancı boarding schools
(UICCI). Abi Seyfettin previously served the Süleymancı in South Africa.110 When examined in more detail, the pattern of circulation among the Süleymancıs can be seen as due to hizmet assignment and education. This circulation to different branches also results from supervisory action to make sure that Süleymancı branches all over the world are run in an appropriate and uniform manner, according to the hizmet guidelines.
The bellow table gives information on the role of the Süleymancı in the Asia Pacific region.
Süleymancıs in the Asia Pacific Region
No Country Date of First Number of Number Establishment Boarding of Schools Students
1. Australia 1990 7 81 2. Indonesia 2005 23 1391 3. Singapore 2005 1 10 4. Japan 2006 3 0 5. Bangladesh 2007 1 49
109 Interview with Fatin, Jakarta, 5 September 2012.
110 Interview with Fatin, Jakarta, 5 September 2012.
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6. Malaysia 2008 6 264 7. South Korea 2009 3 0 8. The Philippines 2011 3 71 9. Brunei 2014 1 0 10. Thailand 2014 1 0
5.3.1 Transfers for Hizmet
The most common pattern, as well as the primary reason, for mobility among the Süleymancıs, is to allow them to carry out religious service (hizmet) in a number of places. As explained above, the movement’s members understand that their supreme spiritual leader gave specific instructions not to wait for people to come to them, but the Süleymancıs should take the initiative to reach out to others. They also understand that the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad long ago encouraged Muslims to carry out religious service and spread the good news of Islam in many places. The Süleymancıs have understood this to mean that hizmet should be taken to different parts of the world.
The alumni of tekamul level (the most advanced, taught only in Turkey) are usually given the task of taking the hizmet to new areas that they have not known before. One Turkish teacher, Abi Emre, said that when he received an offer to do hizmet in Indonesia, he had minimal information about the country. He even had to search the Internet to find its location.111 Abi Bayram had a similar experience. He said, “My knowledge about Indonesia was zero”.112 But, with religious faith they still made their way to the place where they were assigned.
111 Interview with Abi Emre, Jakarta, 7 September 2012.
112 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
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To better understand the culture of the new place, the first task the abi is expected to undertake is learning the local language. Thus Abi Bayram reported that in his first year he studied Indonesian intensively.113 The abis usually learn the language at the University of Indonesia (at the Pusat Bahasa Universitas Indonesia), probably because of its proximity to the dormitories of Pasar Minggu and Pejaten (two of the earliest UICCI dormitories) and the fact that the language institute at UI is one of the best in Jakarta and the surrounding areas. One abi studied Indonesian at the State University of Jakarta, which is close to the Rawamangun dormitory, and another took a bachelor degree in Indonesian language and literature at Universitas Nasional (UNAS [the National University]), Jakarta. However, there are also some abis who have studied Indonesian privately. This is usually the case for the particularly busy ones, such as Abi Seyfettin.
The determination of the abis to learn the local language shows that it is an important skill which needs to be mastered in order to communicate with local people, as well as to properly perform hizmet. It is therefore quite common for Turkish abis who have spent a year or so living in Indonesia to already be proficient speakers of the national language. Their resolve demonstrates how genuine is their desire to immerse themselves in the communities in which they do hizmet.
The hizmet mobilizing process itself usually begins with an offer made to the Süleymancı alumni, who take up the offer voluntarily. Abi Said once said, “We do hizmet… So wherever we are placed we should be ready [to go there]”.114 Although, in theory, there is no obligation to do hizmet, according
113 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
114 Interview with Abi Said, Jakarta, 3 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 184 to Abi Bayram, “we should go where we are assigned. [When assigned] in Turkey, in any city, in any village, we go. However, if assigned overseas some discussion is possible”.115 The chairman of the tekamul dormitory or the abi directly responsible for taking care of the students is usually assigned this task and ask for confirmation of hizmet. If the graduates themselves are willing they should then ask their parents for approval.
It is possible for an abi to ask to be moved to another place. For this, the applicant usually only needs to submit an explanatory request to the director, who will then discuss the issue with the abi. However, if an abi does not want a hizmet placement, no one can impose it. Thus, the Süleymancıs’ approach is moderate and flexible, and much depends on the wisdom of the manager116
(in this case, the director).117
During my research, it became apparent that there are many factors to be considered before sending abis for hizmet, or moving them from one branch to another. However, relevant skill is the dominant factor. So, when a branch needs an abi with a particular skill,118 it is most likely that the abi selected will have that skill and be willing to travel to where he is required for hizmet.
107 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
116 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
117 Interview with Abi Faruk, Jakarta, 2 December 2012.
118 Interview with Abi Emre, who is among a few Turkish abis who have rich hizmet experience in many branches of the Süleymancıs across Indonesia. He has successfully founded the UICCI Pangkalan Bun in Kalimantan, managed the UICCI Rawamangun, and opened the UICCI Medan, Sumatera, which had been delayed for some time before his arrival. He is considered a capable and skilful networker.
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As Abi Bayram said, “There is rotation. If an abi with certain characteristics is needed, we send him”.119
The Süleymancıs emphasize the importance of obedience to the elder abis, and good management. This applies both to abis from Turkey and from Indonesia who are assigned hizmet in their home country or in a foreign country. Hizmet is borderless. The Indonesian abis are encouraged to believe that they have adequate skills and credibility to carry out hizmet not only in their own country but also overseas, in such places as South Korea, Singapore, and Australia. For the latter two countries hizmet lasts only one month, whereas in Korea it is for a longer term as the abi is needed in the country in his role of serving in the Süleymancı way. There have also been some Indonesian abis assigned to hizmet in the Asia Pacific Office of the Süleymancı central administration in Istanbul in Turkey. There, they have worked in coordination with a Turkish abi, managing the office that is responsible for the Asia Pacific region and Turkey.
5.3.2 Movements for Education
The circulation of students pursuing higher education forms another common pattern of mobility among the Süleymancıs. This exchange mostly takes place between the students’ home country and Turkey—since Turkey is the centre of this movement and along offers its highest level of education.The basic and intermediate levels of education within the Süleymancı system are available in all the countries in which the Süleymancıs have branches.At these levels sometimes the exchange takes place between one country and another within a single region (bolge). However, the highest
119 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 24 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 186 education level, the tekamul, is only offered in Turkey.120 International students who wish to study at this level must be relocated to Turkey.
The fees and other administrative matters associated with the movement of students are handled by the Süleymancıs’ international office. However, since the establishment of the MoU between the UICCI and the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs, some of the travel and other expenses involved, including the pre-departure program and airfares, have been covered by the Ministry. Accommodation and other expenses for the students abroad are covered by Süleymancı donations from other countries.
Students who have completed primary and secondary level education may continue to the highest education level (tekamul) in Turkey. However, before deployment to Turkey, the students must pass selection examinations, both academic (elementary and secondary level tests, as well as memorizing Al- Qur’an) and non-academic (character and readiness to do hizmet after graduating from tekamul level). Usually students sent to Turkey are still of school or college age.121 In Turkey, students who come from Indonesia are not grouped in the same dormitory, but are spread among a number of hostels in Turkey, of which most, if not all, are around the Istanbul area.122 When I visited Turkey, Indonesian students were placed in the Yavuz Salim,
Zaitin Burnu, and Veva Kuran Kursu. Sometimes students who have
120 All the tekamul level of Süleymancı education is conducted in Turkey. This provides students with a good opportunity to visit Turkey and learn about its culture, and its language. However, due to visa difficulties for people coming from Russia, the Süleymancıs had to establish a special condition which allowed tekamul dormitories be built in Russia.
121 Interview with Abi Taner, Jakarta 24 September 2012.
122 Interview with Abi Aydin, Jakarta 3 October 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 187 graduated from the tekamul level are also given the opportunity to enter the special enrichment program in Turkey, the tahfidz, and even qiraat sab’ah
(seven styles of reading the Qur’an)123 and qiraat asyrah (ten styles of reading the Qur’an).124
Süleymancı members going abroad are not always sent to Turkey. They may go to countries within the same region (bolge), because, for example, one country has a better education system or facilities compared to another. This pattern is evident in the transfer of Süleymancı students from Malaysia and the Philippines to Indonesia, particularly to PP Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah of Rawamangun, to study and memorize the Qur’an. Abi Zeki commented, “Right now there are more tahfidz here, there are seventeen people, four
Malaysian, and the rest Indonesian”.125 Abi Aydin also added that “earlier there were also some students from the Philippines who studied at PP
Rawamangun Sulaimaniyah”.126 In this case, PP Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah of Rawamangun is the branch of the Süleymancı schools in Indonesia which has the better system and facilities in terms of the Qur’an memorization program.
123 Qiraat sab’ah or qiraat seven is a way to read the Qur’an in different styles. It is called qiraat seven because there are seven priests who are famous readers of the Qur’an, and each has his own reading style. The readers are Abu ‘Amr bin ‘Ala’, Ibnu Katsir, Nafi al-Madani, Ibn Amir asy-Syami, Ashim al-Kufi, Hamzah al-Kufi, and al-Kisa’i al-Kufi.
124 In addition to the above seven trusted readers of the Qur’an, there are three more ulama of the Qur’an, namely Abu Ja’far al-Madani, Ya’kub al-Basri, and Khalaf, making the ten ulama readers of the Qur’an.
125 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 10 March 2012.
126 Personal observation and interview with Abi Aydin, UICCI Rawamangun, 24 September 2012.
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Such transfers of personnel are apparently sometimes required because necessary facilities are not available in a particular centre. In addition, with a transfer to a larger centre, an abi or abi candidate can simultaneously learn what it is expected in carrying out religious service (hizmet) and gain experience that would be beneficial to him and his work in the future. This sort of learning experience is available to the abis in most branches, especially the small or new branches. It enables them to conduct a comparative study of the advantages of another branch and then duplicate them in their own centre.127
Movement across branches for educational purposes can last from six months to three years, depending on the program the students or abis are enrolled in. The Malaysian abis, for example, take six months for memorizing the Qur’an at the Rawamangun branch, while the Indonesian students take up to three years to complete the higher education level of Süleymancı study in Turkey. In other educational scenarios, and less frequently, transfer to another branch can last a very short period of time. This is most common in connection with educational supervision programs. An abi who is an expert in a particular field of study may be sent to another branch, which could be in the same country or in a different one, to monitor and supervise instruction there.
In order to maintain a high standard of education, and absolute fairness, the Süleymancıs ensure that their examinations (‘control’) are conducted and graded by abis who come from a different dormitory to the students. This is believed to help maintain the quality of the educational program. Abi Kadir is
127 Personal observation, UICCI Rawamangun, 26 February 2013.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 189 one of the important figures in Qur’an and qiraat instruction. He is often asked to test the memorization performed by Süleymancı students, not only in Jakarta, but also in other countries, such as the Philippines. Meanwhile, Abi Zeki, who is also an important figure in tahfidz in Indonesia, is assigned to test tahfidz students in UICCI branches all over Indonesia. For example, when the author was in Medan, Abi Zeki was sent from Medan to test students in Tahfidz UICCI in Aceh.
In addition to the long-term peripatetic programs of hizmet and education, the members of the Süleymancı organization also periodically make visits for shorter period, in order to carry out specific tasks. Financial supervision is one reason for such travel. Abi Bayram said that an abi could be sent from the main centre to check on financial matters in other branches. This should not be seen in a negative light. Rather, it shows impartiality, and is a way of achieving high standards collectively. As Abi Bayram observed:
You may have a person sent from the headquarters, and you need to understand that there must be mutual trust in the management of financial matters. The person sent will guarantee the way we record the transactions has been done properly.128
Abi Arif added that when he recently served as a dormitory idareji
(manager), he felt lucky because he found an abi who supervised him. Usually this is someone from another boarding school who has expertise in the field.
It seems like yesterday that we were told how to manage the financial issues from an abi from Australia. He is an accountant.129
128 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
129 Interview with Abi Arif, Jakarta, 27 December 2012.
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In addition to the data checks and invoices that already exist, abi idareji also provide training in how to use computer software and invoices correctly.
As well as the circulation of teachers (abis) and students (telebe) among branches, there are visits by ikhwan (initiated brother) and muhibban (sympathizer) to branches other than their own. These visits are usually made to provide assistance or support, and so meet the needs of some other branch.130 During my observations, German and Australian Süleymancıs were the most active donors to Indonesian Süleymancı branches, and some travelled to Indonesia to witness the organization’s work there. In October 2012, when I visited UICCI Rawamangun, I saw some foreign visitors arrive as guests. When I questioned the abi, he said that were German ikhwan who had come to visit Indonesian branches and give donations for their development. As these donors tend to be people who are quite influential in
Germany and are mainly prosperous businessmen,131 they have money to spend on religious hizmet. Furthermore, because of the favourable exchange rate money from developed countries such as Germany, even in small amounts, mean a lot to the UICCI. Another visitor was Abi Fathir, from UICCA (Australian Süleymancıs). He is a Turkish migrant who lives in Melbourne, but who regularly visits and donates to the Indonesian branch of
Süleymancıs, and also to branches in other developing countries. Abi Fathir said he came regularly, and would like to continue to do so in the future.
130 ‘Ikhwan’ is derived from Arabic, meaning ‘brother’, but was then also used conversationally to mean ‘helper’. In the Süleymancıs’ role structure, ikhwan is one of four roles. It is mostly understood as graduates of the Süleymancıs who do not devote their time to teaching the students, but who instead help with the hizmet from other angles, normally concerning financial matters.
131 Personal observation and interview with Abi Nacib, UICCI Rawamangun, 15 October 2012.
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This circulation of Süleymancı personnel, students and sympathisers around branches, both within and across national boundaries, and driven by the religious imperative to expand hizmet, creates informal networks overlapping and reinforcing the formal bureaucratic structure that holds the Süleymancıs together as a global organization. The informal personal links knit into a transnational network that is as important to the organization as the formal structure itself. This illustrates the importance of the role played by religions as transnational social movements in creating global cultural flows and linkages, a theme relatively neglected in previous studies of transnationalism and social movements (Eligür, 2010, p. 12).
The inter-branch mobility of Süleymancı members not only affects the transfer of resources, but it also helps create a shared identity, transcending local and national organizational boundaries. As a part of the long and remarkable history of the last caliphate in Islam, the Turkish people pride themselves on being the representatives of Islam in the world, and because of this they seek to educate their students to the highest level so that they can once again provide world leadership for Islam. As acknowledged by the tekamul hoca in Istanbul, the purpose of sending students to Turkey is to allow them to experience and understand the Islamic culture there. Mobility, then, is closely connected to the formation of an international, albeit Turkish- inflected, Islamic identity. As Christian Smith observes (Eligür, 2010, p. 12), religion, with its organizational resources, enables a shared identity, motivational and moral systems, and public legitimacy, all of which have great potential to mobilize the masses. The sense of identity is a powerful force in creating the feeling of being united in a big movement, in this case, the Süleymancıs. Also the sense of unity within a religious movement helps empower the community to achieve their common goals. Such social
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 192 dynamics have inevitably contributed to the Süleymancıs’ growth in numbers and continued spread across the world. As Eligur suggests, “[t]his form of communication helps members overcome a feeling of powerlessness and the belief that they are individually unable to change societal conditions” (Eligür, 2010, p. 22).
It is important to underline that as well as creating ties among the members travel activities by religious practitioners are bidirectional between the centres (Mahler & Hansing, 2005, p. 124). This is so for the Süleymancıs, further strengthening the sense of unity among its more than 6,000 centres. As argued by Eligür (Eligür, 2010, p. 25), “[i]nterpersonal ties encourage the extension of an invitation to participate and they ease the uncertainties one experiences when joining a new group”. The exchange activities of transnational religion organizations such as the Süleymancıs has a goal, as suggested by Eligür,
“to Islamise the society from below by changing individual habit and social relations, through engaging in pious activities (praying, fasting, reading the Qur’an, and giving alms to the needy), Islamic values and norms, thus mobilizing by developing an Islamist collective identity” (Eligür, 2010, pp. 3-4).
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Figure 24: Indonesian students in one of Süleymancı Kur’an Kursu, Turkey
Figure 25: Indonesian students visiting graveyard of Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan at Kabri Şerif
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5.4 FINANCING THE UICCI
Establishing and running modern and deluxe Islamic boarding schools across Indonesia requires substantial funds. As an example, to give some indication of the cost involved, the Rawamangun dormitory in East Jakarta required about IDR 250 million (AUD 2,500) per month to function. Considering that the average Indonesian income is about AUD 1,000 or less, this obviously presents challenges, particularly as the number of dormitories is growing. The Indonesian Süleymancıs have employed many strategies in order to meet their financial needs, both locally and internationally.
5.4.1 Transnational Fundraising
The transnational network that connects the UICCI with the rest of the global
Süleymancı movement across the world is important in providing financial support for the UICCI’s development in Indonesia. This part of the chapter will illustrate the needs for finance among the UICCI branches and the ways these needs are met. In addition, it will explain how the transnational network plays a role in raising finance through international donations.
Developed countries, such as Turkey, Germany and Australia, are valuable funding sources for a number of reasons. Most contributors to the Islamic religious movements are business people with Turkish backgrounds. After the economic reforms instigated by the Turkish government of Prime Minister Turgut Özal, which enabled many Turkish small business to grow and their owners to join the upper middle class. Newly affluent Muslims found themselves in a position to contribute financially to religious activities. Many Turkish migrants to Europe, Australia and elsewhere have also done well financially. In Germany, Turks form the largest ethnic minority, with
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 195 estimates of their numbers ranging from 2.5 to 2.7 million, while more than 4 million Turks and German citizens claim part or full Turkish ancestry—about four to five per cent of the German population. Many in this large group of ethnically Turkish people, the majority of whom are Muslim, have the means to contribute generously to the funding of religious institutions close to their heart. As for Australia, according to Louise Asher in the Milliyet newspaper, in 2013 there were 300,000 people of Turkish origin living in Melbourne alone. Official data in the 2006 Australian Census shows only 59,402 people in Australia who claimed to be of Turkish ancestry. Recent estimates suggests that there are 150,000 Turkish Australians and between 40,000 and 120,000 Turkish Cypriot Australians. Most Turkish Australians are engaged in business activities and live mainly in Melbourne and Sydney.
In the Süleymancı organization, donations are received by the relevant regional (bolge) coordinating office at the organisation’s global headquarters in Turkey. This is so for the Asia Pacific Süleymancı region. The Asia Pacific Süleymancı regional coordinating office is İfa Derneği, sometimes known as ‘ofis’. The Indonesian Süleymancıs (UICCI) have been grouped with other countries in the Asia Pacific region. The branches in Indonesia, as also in other countries, can submit a funding proposal for either routine or non- routine expenses, although there is, of course, no guarantee that all the proposals will be accepted. All proposals from every branch of a country are managed by the country manager, who forwards them to the regional office of (in this case) the Asia Pacific in Turkey. Then, when funds for the Asia Pacific Süleymancı region have been received (from Turkey or elsewhere), that central office then transfers the money to the intended recipient country (in this case, Indonesia) to be distributed to the relevant branches, depending on the branches’ needs and proposals.
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On one occasion, during my visit to Istanbul, Turkey, I had the opportunity to visit the ofis (İfa Derneği) there, which occupies one level in the three-level building. The ofis is headed by Abi Daud Eveler, who has lived in Indonesia, and carryied out hizmet there. His knowledge of Indonesia, the coordinating country of the Asia Pacific Süleymancıs, is therefore extensive. In his job he receives support from another Turkish abi and two Indonesian abis who have graduated from the tekamul level in Istanbul and are carrying out their hizmet at this ofis, in Turkey.
The Süleymancıs’ central ofis activities range widely, from fundraising undertaken by ofis staff, welcoming overseas guests, providing religious services such as contributing to weddings, and participating in bazars, to making presentations about hizmet in various bolge, making video presentations and setting up telelink communications. The ofis is dedicated to actively supporting the development of the Süleymancıs’ dormitories in Turkey and around the world.
The working system of the ofis is quite simple, in my opinion. It invites Turkish business people or other wealthy benefactors, who normally donate to religious charities, to donate those funds to the Süleymancıs for their hizmet. The Turkish ofis manages overseas funding for all regions (including the Asia Pacific region), and then distributes it to the office of the coordinating country of the region, in this case, Indonesia. That regional centre will then distribute funds to the Asia Pacific Süleymancıs’ country branches. Thus, the funds run from Turkey or other countries to the ofis, and are then sent via the regional office in Indonesia to (in this case) the UICCI dormitories.
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By using the ofis as the main coordinator for matters of finance, the Süleymancıs support the development of mutual relationships between branches in neighbouring countries, such as Australia and Indonesia. For instance, one sympathizer, Abi Fatir, comes from Australia to the Rawamangun Jakarta branch. When I asked him how often he does this, he said that he travels to Indonesia a number of times a year, sometimes for qurban distribution, but also to bring donations from people in Australia to
Süleymancıs in other countries such as Indonesia and Bangladesh, for the sake of Allah.
The benefits for the Süleymancı branches in a developing country of receiving overseas funds are clear. In Indonesia, this funding goes towards establishing boarding schools across the country. As the abis admitted, the initial attempts at establishing the Indonesian Süleymancıs were strongly dependent on the global Süleymancı networks, such as the German and Australian Süleymancıs, who helped to fund the first dormitory at Rawamangun, the headquarters of the Indonesian Süleymancıs.
There are benefits, too, for the donors in the richer country, that come from making contributions to Süleymancı hizmet in developing countries. For a variety of reasons, followers of Islam in countries such as Germany or
Australia, who have money to spend on religious activities, may not be able to participate (either in person or by donation) in Eid al-Adha in their new country of residence. Practising the qurban is a challenging process in Australia, for example, as it goes against Australian regulations, which do not allow the mass slaughtering of animals without a licence, and many Muslims in Australia do not have such a licence. In any event, qurban lacks significance in most developed countries, since meat is readily available even for the poor, unlike in countries where many families cannot afford it. Given
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 198 the challenges donors face in their adopted countries, sending money in the name of religion to other countries where people can benefit from it, is an understandably attractive choice.
The organization of qurban in developing Muslim countries shows how dependent the Süleymancıs are in their various regions on international funding, and how important the networks of the Süleymancı sympathizers in developed countries are to the organization in supporting its global presence. This confirms what Vetovec has argued (Vertovec, 2001, p. 575), that transnational connection has a significant impact in terms of economic and socio-cultural, as well as political matters, not only on migrants but on the organizations that connect them to their home country and their global faith community.
5.4.2 Local Fundraising
In addition to the welcome support from Süleymancıs in Turkey and the Turkish diaspora communities, the Indonesian Süleymancıs also seek local help, particularly for incidental needs over and above their regular financial commitments. The abis of the UICCI approach local Muslim business people and other wealthy Muslilms who are sympathetic to the UICCI’s activities, to give support in financial matters. During my fieldwork, I met a number of people in this category. Some hold important positions, as members of the House of Representatives. Another is a property developer. The abis also receive donations when they participate in religious activities in the broader society. Abi Said mentioned that during the fasting month of Ramadhan, some abis are invited to be imams (preachers) at the mosques in the areas surrounding their dormitories. Although the abis do not expect financial benefits, the communities may give an honorarium, and that money then
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 199 goes towards the dormitories’ expenses.132 To attract financial support in Indonesia, the Süleymancıs also seek local sponsorship by advertising their UICCI as a charity which supports students. They do this through their websites, which offer several options for making donations.
As Indonesia is a predominantly Muslim country, the prevalent religious attachment to Islam is a useful tool in seeking funding, as the Süleymancıs are Muslims trying to touch the hearts of fellow Muslims regarding religious activities. Once these fellow Muslims make a connection with the Süleymancıs and become helpers through their donations, they are called ‘muhibban’ (T. sympathizer). Later, if they want to become an integral part of the organization, they do so by taking rabita (a pledge of spiritual devotion to the Syeikh) and so become ikhwan.
The initiator of Pangkalan Bun dormitory in Central Kalimantan provides an illustration of how someone may become an ikhwan. He was a member of Parliament, who became so impressed with the hizmet of the Süleymancıs that he offered the use of a big house he owned in Pangkalan Bun, rent free, so that they could run a dormitory in his home town. He then decided to take rabita. Several years later, he is still playing his part in providing free accommodation for about 25 students at Pangkalan Bun boarding school, the most distant Süleymancı dormitory in Indonesia. Another example is the sympathiser in Medan whose background was in real estate and who offered
132 In the Indonesian context, the invited preacher receives money from his activities. Therefore, although it might not be a full time job, many benefit financially from this activity and make it a kind of side-line job. This might have started with a simple idea of giving the preacher a transport fee, but later the amount of the ‘transport’ fee was considered in relation to the preacher’s social status or his popularity in the society.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 200 the Süleymancıs a building which he had initially intended to sell. He also took rabita and became an ikhwan. As an ikhwan he has continued to donate, first paying for the renovations of the building he donated so that it could be used as a dormitory in the city and thereafter responding to other needs of the local Süleymancıs. He sees this as a way of securing a good afterlife for himself.
In addition to making one-on-one contact with people, the Süleymancıs also run institutional relationship programs to help fund their dormitories. Thus, for example, on establishing new branches in Aceh and Puncak they worked with the Habibie Centre133 to found and run the new dormitories. The Centre has also provided some land for the establishment of other Süleymancı dormitories in Indonesia. This kind of generosity makes it possible to save some of the operating funds sent from overseas to set up other dormitories and cover the expenses of existing ones.
The Indonesian Süleymancıs have also approached the national government for support. By classifying themselves as providers of pondok pesantren tahfidz education, they qualify for support from the Ministry of Religious Affairs, under the category of pendidikan diniyah dan pondok pesantren (elementary religious education and Islamic boarding schools). The former
Minister of Religious Affairs visited the dormitory in Rawamangun in 2013 and indicated his support for the Süleymancıs. A formal Memorandum of
133 The Habibie Centre is a foundation that seeks to promote modernization and democratization in Indonesia, which is based on the morality and integrity of cultural and religious values. The Habibie Centre was established on 10 November 1998, by Professor Dr BJ Habibie, former president of the Republic of Indonesia. In response to the tsunami tragedy in Aceh in 2004, the Habibie Centre established shelter houses (rumah singgah) for children who lost their homes and families.
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Understanding was then issued to provide financial support for sending outstanding Indonesian students to pursue higher education at the tekamul level of the Süleymancı schools in Turkey. The number of students taking up this opportunity increased steadily, showing that government support has been well utilized by the Süleymancıs (Nuh, 2010).
Despite its efforts to attract support within Indonesia, the movement still relies mostly on funding from Turkish networks overseas. Only about ten to twenty per cent of the total expenses can be paid from local donations,134 while the rest of the funding comes from Turkey and its networks around the globe. Thus, the usual way of establishing a new dormitory is to make a proposal to the Turkish headquarters, where its desirability and funding possibilities will be discussed. It is evident that the UICCI’s ongoing transnational linkages are crucial to its survival and expansion.
5.4.3 Commission for Finance and Fundraising
In order to manage the Süleymancıs’ financial matters, special commissions have been created within the movement. The finance commission is probably the most strict, as its task is crucial. It as known as idareji among the Süleymancıs, and is responsible for financial matters, from the planning stage through to reporting on actions taken. In terms of the latter, all transactions are recorded, with very tight control, closely following the rules. Although the people who give donations do not ask for a receipt, the Süleymancı abis are encouraged to provide such proof of payment. This is done to keep the trust of the donors.135 In addition, transactions are recorded
134 Interview with Abi Zeki, Jakarta, 17 October 2012.
135 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 25 December 2012.
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 202 both on a computer, using special software, and in a hard copy record, so that if there is a problem with the computer, the hard copy data still exists. The payment receipt is always saved as an attachment. If no receipt is obtained, idareji can create a receipt itself with the ratification of three parties: the director of the hostel, the treasurer, and the buyer him/herself who spent the money.136
To maintain the highest accountability, idareji is also supervised by top financial management within the organization. As Abi Mukhtar said,
[i]n terms of financial control, a supervisor who is expert in the field can be sent from outside the boarding schools. Once, a supervisor was sent from Australia to check the work of an accountant. A wide range of issues from the initial invoice to the computer data were investigated, even touching on the management on the computer.137
Teberru komisyonu (donation committee), as its name indicates, is the commission responsible for finding sources of funding to support the running of the UICCI’s boarding schools. This commission manages the income for the branch. Its mission is to find donors, and in the Indonesian contex, the commission distributes ‘donation boxes’ in the mosques and musholla and to companies. This is a vital task, because the Süleymancıs have a policy that in the future branches will have to be able to finance 50 per cent of their expenses from local donations, although support from transnational Süleymancıs is still available. The support given by the transnational Süleymancı organization in terms of donations (T. teberru) is managed by İfa Derneği [http://www.ifa.org.tr], the office which manages the donations of the Süleymancıs in the Asia Pacific region.
136 Interview with Abi Bayram, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
137 Interview with Abi Mukhtar, Jakarta, 21 December 2012.
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5.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter has shown how the formal Süleymancı transnational organizational structure is reinforced and strengthened by global networks arising through the circulation of personnel and the transnational flow of finances. Personnel circulation comes about through hizmet assignment for the abis. The abis are often transferred to different branches according to their skills and the organization’s needs. This circulation might be local, within a country, or international. Another kind of personnel circulation occurs as Süleymancı students pursue a higher degree in Turkey. As tekamul (the highest level of education within the Süleymancı educational system) is only available in Turkey, students who achieve the highest level of religious education available in their home countries and are eligible to continue their studies, will be sent to Turley to complete their education.
In addition to personnel movements up and down and across the organization’s managerial and educational hierarchies, there are often translocal and transnational flows of funds. These financial flows are coordinated at the international centre of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey, where offices of the five regional divisions of the global organization handle the transfers. Those offices receive donations and distribute the funds to national branches of the Süleymancıs for further distribution to local branches. Such fund donations are crucial to establish new schools and to the running of already established schools across the world, but especially in the later-developing countries. Both circulation of personnel and fund flow between the branches of the Süleymancıs undergird and strengthen the formal structure of the global Süleymancı movement.
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CHAPTER VI: SUFI ELEMENTS OF SÜLEYMANCI PRACTICE
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The UICCI has adapted to Indonesian society largely by presenting itself as a religious education provider, very much like an Indonesian pesantren. Also, although the Süleymancıs in Indonesia say little about this, they, like some pesantren, they have strong connections with a Sufi order. For some people, especially from a traditional Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) background, the Sufi elements in the Süleymancıs would be praised as both familiar and admirable. As a Sufi movement, the UICCI thus implicitly contests anti-Sufi constructions of Islam promoted by numerous transnational Salafi organizations in Indonesia today.
This chapter documents the Sufi elements of Süleymancı teaching and educational practice. Although on one level the movement is structured as a modern formal organization using a bureaucratic structure, and is well known as the provider of courses in Qur’anic studies, the Süleymancıs nonetheless actually began as a Sufi brotherhood (A. tariqat; I. tarikat), affiliated with the historically and globally important Nakşibendi Sufi order.
The Süleymancı movement still has many prominent Sufi features.
The Sufi elements of the Süleymancı movement can be traced back to its earliest history. Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, the founder, was an authorized Sufi master (sheikh) in a line of Nakşibendi initiation in Turkey. The charisma of the Syeikh, which derived initially from that authorization and later from his spiritual accomplishments in that role, remains an
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 205 important part of Süleymancı life. It inspiries students’ commitment to him and the organization, and is reinforced by an oath of allegiance (T. rabita; A. bai’at) to him at the time of their initiation. Through the spiritual link (uwasi irsyad) thereby established, the student is allowed to receive spiritual advice, even now that he is physically deceased. The followers of Syeikh Süleyman (who later became known as Süleymancıs) regard him (not the living teacher who initiated them) as their only Sufi master.
The importance, to the Süleymancıs, of their Sufi heritage (A. tasawwuf) can be seen in the kinds of Islamic teachings they offer, which are coloured by Sufi literature revealing the possibility of an inner, felt connection with God. It can also be seen in the ritual practices the Süleymancıs use, which are also described in this chapter. Sufi rituals are used in Süleymancı daily practice and are considered important to fostering their studies and forming a person of high moral character.
This chapter shows how the classic structural features of Sufi organization, the hierarchical bonds of Sufi loyalty to an initiating master and the lateral bonds of brotherhood with fellow initiates, have been adapted by the Süleymancıs as tools to underpin the modern, formal organiztion of the Süleymancıs. This amalgam of traditional personal bonds and modern formal organization has helped create a distinctive, sturdy transnational organization. Further, Sufi understanding of Islamic spiritual life, and supporting Sufi rituals, reinforce the distinctive pattern of personal bonds underlying the formal organization and give the Süleymancı organization a unique character.
This chapter also suggests that the Sufi approach taken by the Süleymancıs has been an important part of the appeal of the UICCI to Indonesian
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Muslims. Not only can the Süleymancı boarding schools be recognized as similar to existing Indonesian pesantren, but they resemble a particular kind of pesantren headed by a kyai (pesantren head) who holds an initiation in a Sufi order and so is authorized to teach tasawwuf. Thus Sufism is readily recognized by many as a valuable part of the spectrum of Islamic education in Indonesia. Although being affiliated with a tarikat would be seen as negative by some Indonesians of a Modernist or Salafist orientation, still many Indonesian Muslims see the association of a school for Islamic studies with a Sufi lineage as positive.
The chapter begins by sketching the important role played by Sufism in Indonesian society over time. This will provide a basis for understanding the Indonesian reception of Süleymancı Sufi practices and thus of the Süleymancı organization in Indonesia.
After briefly reviewing the history of Sufism in Indonesia and then Turkey, the chapter compares the use of a common Nakşibendi Sufi heritage by all three of the modern Turkish Islamic outreach organizations that Yavuz (1998, 2003, 2004b) described as operating in new ‘opportunity spaces’ of liberalizing, Kemalist Turkey in the latter half of the twentieth century: the Fetullah Gülen movement, the Süleymancıs, and the Jama’at Nur. As mentioned previously, these three Turkish movements are presently active in Indonesia. It will be argued that while Sufi elements can be found in all three, but only the Süleymancıs have preserved the inner, hierarchal spiritual structure of a Sufi order based on initiation linking the student to the charismatic leader—in the case of the Süleymancıs, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan. Although the external formal administration of the Süleymancıs was established after the death of Tunahan, the inner spiritual bond and the traditional social structure of tarikat were already strongly present within
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 207 the early Süleymancı movement and still persist today. This is not the case with the Fethullah Gülen movement and the Nurcu. The sense of personal obligation to the focal figure—Fethullah Gülen in the Gülen movement, and Said Nursî in the Nurcu movement— might be found among those two groups’ members. They do not have an initiation process.
The chapter goes on to document in detail Sufi understandings that undergird spiritual leadership and brotherly solidarity within the Süleymancıs movement and then describes the rituals (generally associated with the Sufi tradition) through which spiritual connections and motivations for devotion and service are instilled in participants in the movement.
6.2 INDONESIAN SUFISM AND THE INFLUENCE OF OVERSEAS SUFIS
6.2.1 The History of Indonesian Sufism
The study of Sufism in Indonesia can be traced back as far as the fourteenth century, through the Muslim Javanese author, Abdullah bin As’ad Al-Yafi’i (1298–1367). Al-Yafi’i devoted much of his life to recording the miracles of the Sufi master, Abd al-Qadir Al-Jilani (1077–1166) (Laffan, 2011, pp. 4-5). This work has helped us understand that there were Sufi fraternities which were established and lead by Sufi syeikhs in that era. The following era of Indonesian Islam has been marked the emergence of Sufi-related theological works, evidencing that Sufism was an important part of Indoneisan history in the following centuries. These included Sulalat al-Salatin, Mirat al-Thulab, and Shath al-Wali. Many notable historians have documented the
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 208 significance of Sufism in the development of Indonesian Islam (Azra, 2004; Bruinessen, 1998, p. 199; Laffan, 2011, p. 24; Ricklefs, 2006, 2007).
6.2.2 Sufism, Islamization and Islamic Revival in Indonesia
It is widely argued that Sufism and the Sufi orders played a crucial role in the Islamization process in the Archipelago (Bruinessen, 1994, p. 1; Laffan, 2011, p. 24). According to Bruinessen (1994, p. 1), the first Islamization of Southeast Asia took place in the same period as the rapid development of medieval Sufism and the growth of the Sufi orders (tarikat). Therefore, the version of Islam that was taught to the first Southeast Asian converts was strongly coloured by Sufi teachings and values. It is also suggested that it was the Sufi colouration of Islam in that period that made it attractive to converts. As Bruinessen observed, “the development of Sufism was one of the factors making the Islamization of Southeast Asia possible” (Bruinessen, 1994, p. 2).
Michael Laffan (2011) has shown in his work, Makings of Indonesian Islam, that Sufi praxis was part of Islamization since the fourteenth century. Mystical fraternities known as tariqats (tarikat) and lead by Sufi syeikhs were also known in that era. As already mentioned, we have evidence of this in the works of Abdullah bin As’ad Al-Yafi’i.
In the following centuries, Sufi figures played important roles in the Islamization of the Archipelago. In the fifteenth century of Indonesian Islam, the legendary Nine Saints (Wali Songo) dominated stories of spreading Islam. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Sufi mystics, such as Hamzah Fansuri and Abdurrauf Singkil, were leading Muslim figures in
Aceh, the famed gateway of Islam into the Archipelago. In the eighteenth
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 209 century, the time of neo-Sufi reformism, the prominent Sufi, al-Falimbani, worked to mediate between the Sharia (Islamic law) and tasawwuf (Sufi metaphysics) (Azra, 2004, pp. 109-112; Laffan, 2011, pp. 4-24).
The important role played by Sufi syeikhs and brotherhoods in former times in Indonesia was resumed in the later twentieth century, in the midst of Indonesia’s Islamic revival. Howell (2001) argues that the picture of Islamic revival in Indonesia, which started in the 1970s, as it did also in other parts of the Muslim world, and appeared to be scripturalist, did, in fact, include a revival of Sufism. Howell showed the ‘inner’ side of Islamic revival, which was represented by ‘Sufi-inspired forms of piety’ to which Muslims turned to supplement the otherwise dry, rule-oriented Wahhabi, Modernist, and Salafist piety regimes. The late twentieth century Sufi revival engaged sectors of society previously thought to find Sufism’s devotional and mystical traditions unappealing: urbanites, women, and young people. As Howell has observed,
…devotional and mystical intensifications of core Islamic practice—in short ‘Sufism’—have survived. Indeed, they are being enthusiastically pursued, and not only by the elderly village men once thought to be Sufism’s sole refuge in the twilight of its existence (Howell, 2001, p. 702).
Since the turn of the twenty-first century, new forms of Sufi piety promotion have proliferated and reached wide audiences (Hoesterey, 2009; Howell, 2012). These include tasawwuf courses taught in commercial, adult Islamic educational institutes, Sufi-inspired televangelism, and mass rallies featuring revivalist preaching along with sung prayers.
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6.2.3 Pre-Modern Sufi Networks and Turkish Influence
In addition to the significant development of the study of Sufism in Indonesia and the indications of its having a bright future, I would argue that Indonesia has also experienced a transnational Sufi wave that contributes to Islamic revival in the country. This is another way of seeing interaction between the global movement of Islamic revival and Indonesian Islam. Many studies have recorded the influence of Saudi Arabian, Egyptian and Persian Islam in this regard (Fox, 2004; Laffan, 2011, pp. 10-12), but seem to have neglected the role played by the Sufi-oriented Turkish movement operating in Indonesian as a part of the global piety movement. Although Laffan (2011, pp. 10-12) mentioned the connection between the Ottoman empire and Aceh in sixteenth century Indonesian Islam, the emergence of a new wave of Turkish influence shows no necessary connection with the old history, and therefore can be seen as a new stimulus to Islamization introduced by the modern Turkish transnational movement.
The Turkish organization’s role in Indonesian Islam is relatively new, as it only began its outreach in Indonesia in the late 1990s and early 2000s. However, its progress is significant. To date, (as indicated previously) three Turkish movements have established branches in Indonesia and run many kinds of religious hizmet, mostly in the education sector. Among the three, only one organization encompasses a traditional Sufi order with a fully authenticated Nakşibendi affiliation, the Süleymancıs. The following section will highlight the elements of Sufism inherent in this transnational Turkish Islamic movement currently active in Indonesia.
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6.3 TURKISH SUFISM AND THE SÜLEYMANCIS
Sufis have been prominent in the history of Turkish Islam, and Sufi orders in Turkey can be traced back to medieval Anatolia. Aspects of Sufism were discernible in Anatolia from the thirteenth to the eighteenth centuries (Papas, 2006, p. 83). Central Anatolia was on the main trade route of Central Asia, and the Ottoman western provinces were sites of the dervish lodges, which mark the foundation of Sufi communities through their literary representation and references to them in the historic record. These lodges “functioned as centers for the support, identification, and definition of religious communities formed around charismatic figures” (Papas, 2006, p. 84).
Between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries, in Turkey, as elsewhere,
Sufis organized themselves into religious orders (A. s. tariqa; pl. turuq; I. tarikat), and systematized esoteric and exoteric knowledge within different schools of thought. Thus, first in medieval and then in modern Anatolia, Nakşibendi as well as Qadiri Sufis studied and commented on classical Sufi texts, such as Ibn al-Arabi’s Futuhat al-Makkiyya and Fusus al-Hikam, Jalal al-Din Rumi’s Mathnawi-yi Ma’nawi, and Abd al-Karim al-Jili’s Al-Insan al- Kamil. Throughout the Seljukid and Ottoman periods, Sufi orders continued to be important in Anatolian cities.
Yavuz, among others, describes the modern face of Turkish Sufism. He shows that the Nakşibendi order, in its many different manifestations, continues to be an important part of Turkish life. Thus after a close examination of the Nakşibendi orders, Yavuz (2003, p. 134) concludes that
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(1) the Nakşibendi are by far the most politically active of the tarikats and indeed represent a model for virtually all subsequent major contemporary Islamic sociopolitical movements in Turkey; (2) the order is also the most useful avenue for understanding the social interactions between politics and religion in the country; and (3), the Nakşibendi orders played a formative role in the evolution of Islamic identity in Turkey by developing three patterns of interaction with the state: confrontation, withdrawal, and engagement.
Turkish Sufism takes the form of groups with a Sufi lineage at their core (like the Süleymancıs) and groups that contains some Sufi elements or teach Sufi values (like the Gülen-affiliated groups), but do not have Sufi initiations and master-disciple relationships. The following section examines the three most prominent contemporary Turkish piety movements showing Sufi influences, and compares the way the Sufi heritage has been drawn upon by them.
6.4 SUFI ELEMENTS IN THE THREE TURKISH MUSLIM MOVEMENTS
6.4.1 Sufism in the Gülen Movement
Fethullah Gülen is the charismatic leader of the Gülen Islamic learning and Muslim development movement, which takes form in numerous social initiatives, like schools, media companies, and local associations. Gülen and the people he inspired started to build schools in Turkey in the early 1980s. The first two of these Gülen-inspired high schools were established in 1982, one in Izmir and the other in Istanbul (Ebaugh, 2010, p. 29). Now, his followers in Turkey are estimated at 70 million, and activities run by them include Turkey’s leading newspaper (Zaman), a financial institution (Bank
Asya), a TV Channel (Samanyolu), hospitals (e.g., Sema Hospital) and hundreds of Gülen-inspired schools (Barton, 2006, pp. 156-158; Ebaugh,
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2010, pp. 10, 117). There are also Gülen-inspired Islamic social action organizations all over the world, for example, Affinity Intercultural Foundation in 2001 and Kimse Yok Mu Relief Organization in 2002. It is estimated that around the world as many as eight to ten million people are involved in Gülen-connected associations (Ebaugh, 2010, p. 118). Many of these groups are active in promoting interfaith dialogue, suggesting an outlook counter to that of Islamic radicals. Some see in this Gülen’s carrying forward the Ottoman approach to religious diversity within a multi-faith empire.
Several authors have alluded to the ‘Sufi’ character of Gülen’s movement. Terry Ray, for example (in Kim and Raines (2012, p. ix), referred to Gülen himself as an influential Turkish Sufi. However, Gülen never claimed to be a Sufi syeikh, nor did he try to model his movement or its affiliates as a Sufi brotherhood. He does not claim any authorization to act as a Sufi master and does not initiate anyone. Yet while he cannot be called a Sufi syeikh, Sufism (tasawwuf) was part of his early religious education and in various ways colours the kind of religious and social formation students receive through Gülen schools.
Among the most influential teachers Gülen had in his early years was a Sufi,
Sheikh Muhammed Lutfi Efendi (d. 1956) (Ebaugh, 2010, p. 33). Muhammed Lutfi Efendi had a unique principle in his life: ‘not having food without a guest’. Gülen was at one time a house-guest of the Syeikh, and then later, at ten years of age, became the Syiekh’s student. For the last period of Syeikh Efendi’s life Gülen continued to study at Efendi’s tekke, where he received spiritual lessons and practised Sufi principles and practices until the age of sixteen (H. C. Kim, 2008, p. 120).
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According to Kim (2008), for Gülen, Sufis can be divided into two types: “those who stress knowledge and seek to reach their destination through knowledge of God (ma’rifat), and those who follow the path of yearning, spiritual ecstasy, and spiritual discovery (H. C. Kim, 2008, pp. 216-217)”. In this regard, Gülen favours the first Sufi type. Therefore, he does not distinguish between Sufism and Islamic law (Sharia). Nor has he attached himself to any particular Sufi sheikh for guidance; for him, the Qur’an is a superior master and guide. Yet, one can still see some Sufi concepts in his understanding, such as the concepts of tawba (repentance), zuhd (resistance against desire), tafakkur (meditation), and sayr ila Allah (journey to God) (Saritoprak, 2003, pp. 161-162). These are attitudes related to the cultivation of spiritual intimacy in Islam and all refer back to the exemplary conduct of the Prophet Muhammad (H. Kim & Raines, 2012, p. 134).
Gülen was also active in Nursî reading circles that were known as cemaat. The cemaat were a new type of association for religious study, founded initially in Turkey in the 1950s by Said Nursî (1877–1960). Nursî was an acclaimed commentator on the Qur’an, who nonetheless advocated combining general education (including the study of science) with Islamic learning. The cemaat were a kind of Islamic self-help organization, which used intimate learning circles, similar to the gatherings of Sufi brotherhoods
(tekke) but also in important respects different from them. According to Ebaugh (2010, p. 34), “the cemaat had no formal membership requirements, no initiation rites and required no specific building or room in order to convene; therefore, it was not a Sufi group”. Nonetheless, the Nursî cemaat did have some Sufi colouration which, according to Saritoprak (2003, p. 169), justifies considering them Sufi. For example, the Nursî cemaat practised zikir litanies and purification rituals in an effort to become closer to God; their interpretation of Islam reflected Sufi understandings and they practised
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 215 an ascetic lifestyle. So, although Gülen does not call himself a Sufi, he has what might be called a ‘tasawwuf-style’ of living, meaning that even though he and his followers are not attached to any particular Sufi order and have not become devotees of a Sufi sheikh, they still practise tasawwuf in a general way, in line with the Qur’an and the prophetic tradition embodied in the Sharia (Islamic law) (Barton, 2014, p. 291; Saritoprak, 2003, p. 169; Weller & Yilmaz, 2012, p. 150).
6.4.2 Sufism in the Nurcu Movement
Bediüzzaman Said Nursî is the charismatic figure at the centre of the Nurcu or Jama’at Nur movement. Nursî was born and raised in eastern Anatolia, an area where Nakşibendi Sufi orders had a significant influence. Therefore, Nursî felt that he benefited from the teachings of the Sufi masters. Probably because of this early childhood experience, many scholars have mistakenly defined Nursî as a Nakşibendi Sufi. Although Sufism had an important impact on his ideas and spiritual experiences, Nursî never identified himself with the Nakşibendi, the Qadiri order, or any other tarikat (Kuru & Kuru, 2008, p. 105).
However, taking the above into account, Nursî acknowledged that his most famous work of Qur’anic commentary (Risale-i Nur) and Sufism have similar ends, even if they achieve them by different means. Sufism aims at self- purification in order to experience the nearness of God, while Risale-i Nur emphasizes the need of aqidah (understanding). However, both aim at the clarification and unfolding of the truth of faith and at becoming closer to God (Nursi, 1994, p. 38). For that reason, Aydin argues that Risale-i Nur’s teachings are compatible with Sufism (Aydin, 2003, p. 219).
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Nursî refers to Sufi masters to justify his service of faith (Nursi, 1994). Further, he claims that Risale-i Nur accepts all of the benefits of Sufism without committing its followers to a Sufi path to ecstatic experience. In addition to this, the Nurcu have practices of ‘remembering’ God known as tasbihat, much like the Sufi zikir138 practices. They also encourage a strong sense of brotherhood among the ‘students of Nur’ based on ukhuwah (A. brotherhood), similar to a Sufi brotherhood. So, without establishing a formal Sufi group, in the view of Kuru and Kuru (2008, p. 108) Nursî tried to offer a way of reaching the goals of Sufism (spiritual refinement that brings greater intimacy with God) but using a more text-based and rational method.
6.4.3 Sufism in the Süleymancı Movement
Unlike the groups described above, which share some elements of Sufism although they are not connected formally to any particular Sufi order (A. tariqat, I. tarikat), the Süleymancıs readily acknowledge that they are linked with the Nakşibendi Sufi order. This has been confirmed by many scholars, including Yavuz (2003, p. 11) and Chernov-Hwang (2009, p. 194). The first evidence comes from the fact that the charismatic leader of the Süleymancıs was the thirty-third mursyid kamil (an initiating master of the highest level) of the Nakşibendi Sufi order. Tasawwuf and Sufi practices like rabita (oath taking), zikir (litany recitation), and khatim (zikir in a group run three times a week), have been important elements of the Süleymancıs’ education. These are taught in the Süleymancı boarding schools, and importantly, zikir and khatim are practised by all Süleymancıs. The Süleymancıs also take the initiation pledge (T. rabita, A. bai’at) to Syeikh Süleyman. This creates a spiritual connection between the disciples (telebe) and the Syiekh and also
138 ‘Zikir’ literally means ‘to remember’ (God).
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 217 with other disciples of the Syeikh, in other words with the rest of the global Süleymancı community. The members also regularly practise Sufi rituals, principally zikir rituals (consisting of multiple repetitions of short phrases from the Qur’an or reciting the ninety-nine ‘beautiful’ names of God) both in individual and in group devotions. Thus Sufi brotherhood undergirding the Süleymancı movement helps to create a strong and solid commitment among the Süleymancıs to live according to the way of hizmet (religious service).
6.5 THE SOURCES OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS’ CONCEPTION OF SUFISM
The main source of Sufi teaching within the Süleymancı tradition is a special book called Atun Silsile, which, in Turkish, literally means ‘godly chains’ (I. silsilah emas). The first part of the book explains the general idea of Sufism and what a Muslim needs to know. The second part describes 33 Sufi masters (mursyid kamil) who form the chain of spiritual initiation and authorisation in their line of esoteric Sufi teaching. According to the Süleymancıs, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, the charismatic initiator of the Süleymancı movement, is the last of these thirty-three Sufi masters. This means they consider that since his death there has been no other mursyid kamil (perfect master) and thus there is no other comparable spiritual authority in the world today.
According to the Atun Silsile, human beings (insan) have two bodies, maadi and rohani. The first one is the physical body, while the second is metaphysical. However, in order to survive, both need nourishment. While the maadi body is nourished by food, the rohani body must be nourished by nur Allah (A. the light of Allah), which comes from God through the person
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 218 of a Sufi master (mursyid kamil). If the metaphysical body (rohani) does not receive the light of Allah, then it will get sick and eventually die. Thus the death of the metaphysical body (maknawai) leads to a situation in which the maadi body lives, but in a state of (metaphysical) death.
It is considered important to learn Sufi teachings (tasawwuf) so one can receive the light of Allah and thereby nourish one’s spiritual being. In this regard, it is also said that the first step to becoming involved in a Sufi order (tarikat) is to find a true Sufi master (mursyid kamil hakiki). One needs to learn from him and submit to (obey) him so as to become his student (murid) who can then learn how to be blessed by the light of Allah.
This light is passed on in the following way. The messenger of Allah (Muhammad PBUH) takes the light of Allah directly from Him. The Sufi master (mursyid kamil) then takes it from the messenger of Allah and passes it on to ordinary people. All who are involved in or committed to the Sufi orders must love their mursyid. There is a common saying among Sulemancis that ‘a person sticks with the one he loves’ (‘al maru ma’a man ahabba’).
6.6 THE SUFI SPIRITUAL HIERARCHY AND BROTHERLY SOLIDARITY IN THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT
6.6.1 Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan as Mursyid Kamil
In the Sufi (tasawwuf) tradition, it is recognized that there are people who through spiritual cultivation have a very particular closeness to God. Such people are referred to as wali (pl. aulia). ‘Wali’ literally means the ‘friend’ of
Allah, so this is an especially high position which few people can reach, and
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 219 indeed the word is often translated as ‘saint’. The conception of walaya (A. sainthood) emerged from the ninth century (Cornell, 1998). Among the Süleymancıs there is an understanding of ranks of wali, among whom the highest is the wali kutub (A. pole saint). The wali kutub themselves have three levels: aktab, ghasul azam, and ulah. Aktab (A. pole of pole saint) is the highest of the three and such saints are called mursyid kamil (A. perfect masters and heirs of the Prophet). Kutub aktab (A. the highest pole saint) are also referred to as mursyid kamil (A. perfect masters), insan kamil (A. perfect human), syiekh (A. leader and noble person), or waris rasul (A. heir of the Prophet). They are the ‘friends’ of Allah, who can take light from Him and share it with human beings. The Süleymancıs regard Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan as a wali aktab and mursyid kamil.
The Süleymancıs believe that becoming a mursyid kamil is not something that one can ask for or which can be achieved through one’s own efforts; rather it is a position for which one must be chosen by Allah Himself. It is said that Syiekh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan made this clear when he said, “O my children [students], this [to become the mursyid kamil] is not my desire; I was chosen by Allah”.
Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan’s status among his followers, as a wali kutub of the highest rank, means that he still has spiritual authority, which is evident socially in a number of ways. Not only does he inspire the devotion of numerous followers, which has been the basis of the Süleymancı movement, but he also holds the highest position among the members and is accepted as their only Sufi master and advisor. His death has not diminished this role, as the Süleymancıs accept the view, expressed in the book of Altun Silsile, that a muryid kamil (such as Syeikh Süleyman) is capable of giving advice (irsyad) directly to his initiates through what is called ‘uwasi irsyad’ (A. guided
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 220 without meeting), even though he has passed away. In the Nakşibendi Sufi tradition, there are several reported cases of irsyad (A. guided) using the above mechanism, the most popular one involving Abul Hasan Harkani. With this mechanism of uwasi irsyad, the Süleymancıs maintain the idea of Syeikh Süleyman serves as the sole spiritual director on the esoteric plane for all initiates in the movement. He is also regarded as the final heir of the Prophet Muhammad PBUH, having been born to refresh the religion
(mujadid) of Allah after a period of a hundred years since the death of the next-to-last mursyid kamil.
Figure 26: Altun Silsile
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6.7 SUFI RITUALS OF THE SÜLEYMANCIS
Central to the Sufi character of the Süleymancıs is their attachment to the Sufi master, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan. This is embedded in the spiritual framework of Süleymancı teachings, which undergird classroom lessons, Islamic ritual, and everyday life in the dormitories. First, during the recruitment of students, interviewers try to detect the potential students’ true motives for studying in a Süleymancı school. This affects their choice of students. Once living in a dormitory, students absorb appropriate understandings through ritual habituation and personal spiritual contact with the abi, and, once initiated, with the Sufi master, Syeikh Tuhanan. For students who go on to advanced study, understandings are stabilized and maturated at the tekamul level. Finally, authority as a graduate of the Süleymancı schools is granted to the students on their completion of this level. Sufi rituals such as rabita (making a connection to the Sufi master, initially through initiation) and khatim (group zikir), described below, provide the setting and techniques for experiencing spiritual intimacy, via Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, with God.
6.7.1 Rabita: The Guru–Student Connection
As previously mentioned, among Süleymancıs and among Sufi brotherhoods generally, it is understood that in order to perform Sufi practices safely, one needs to devote oneself to a Sufi master. This can be done by making a pledge, generally called bai’at, to a Sufi master to establish a bond of loyalty and obedience. Through this bond a spiritual connection is opened. In the Süleymancı tradition, the pledge is called ‘rabita’. Originally derived from Arabic, this word was used in Turkish with the same meaning as bai’at, namely ‘to bond’ or ‘a bonding’. Among the Süleymancıs, it means a
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 222 connection (bond) between Syeikh Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan and his students.
The ritual of the rabita itself takes place in stages. Generally speaking, new applicants to the Süleymancıs will be asked during their interviews about their understanding of Islamic mysticism (tasawwuf). If they reject the idea completely, then they most likely will not be admitted as a student. If they accept the idea but have already taken a pledge with another Sufi master and show no intention of changing their minds to be bound instead to the Syeikh of the Süleymancıs, then they will also be rejected. An applicant who indicates that he or she would like to learn more about Sufism and ultimately form a spiritual connection with the Syeikh is likely (other things being equal) to be a successful applicant. It is very important to the Süleymancıs to make sure that their students are prepared to form this spiritual bond with
Syeikh Süleyman as their Sufi master.
When applicants have been accepted as students by the Süleymancıs, they are introduced to the study of Sufism (tasawwuf) using the Altun Silsile as a text. At the same time, they are given simple rituals to practise. They are then observed to see if they are ready for the next stage, the initiation. This period of observation is particularly important for beginners in the Sufi practice.
Only if they show the ability to regularly practise what they are taught to do, will they be asked if they would like to take rabita. I myself was once offered the opportunity to take rabita during my period of data collection at the Rawamangun Süleymancıs’ dormitory. However, for several reasons, including the fact that I was in the process of research, I declined the offer. However, as I observed, when a person accepts the offer to take rabita, and does so, then he will be required to practise the initiation prayers and litanies regularly. The rabita ritual is actually quite simple and short. One needs only
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 223 to recite a particular zikir (lit. remembrance [of Allah]; in practice, a short phrase from the Qur’an repeated a specified number of times) and imagine himself before the Syeikh making a personal connection with him. The ritual takes about fifteen minutes and is usually done in the early morning before the morning (fajr) prayer.
Among the Süleymancıs, there is considerable appreciation for students who have taken the rabita and practise it. This is because in taking rabita, a person officially becomes a real part of the Süleymancı brotherhood. By connecting oneself to the Sufi master, one actually connects to the rest of the Süleymancı membership all over the world. A person is then expected to maintain a program of spiritual life in the Süleymancıs’ way. During some rituals, the members of the movement who have taken the rabita are allocated special seating positions distinguishing them from the rest of the congregation.
The next stage of the rabita is bestowal of the authority to give rabita to others. This is mostly given to students who have already graduated from the highest level of the Süleymancı education system, the tekamul. The tekamul is a relatively exclusive level of education, available only in Turkey. When students have completed this particular level, they are given authority to teach and give rabita to other people. This authority establishes a person in a distinct status and gives prestige. Such a person becomes the ‘arms of the Syeikh’, connecting initiates to Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan as their Sufi master. However, on an esoteric level, the initiation establishes an enduring spiritual connection between the initiate and Syeikh Süleyman, not with the initiating abi.
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6.7.2 Khatim: Group Remembrance Ritual
While rabita is an individual practice undertaken by initiates, khatim is normally practised in a group and includes people who are not initiates. The basic form of the khatim is a long recitation of zikir litanies, which can be divided equally among the members if it is practised in a group. The group practice is meant not only for personal spiritual benefit but also to foster the connection among Süleymancıs or between the Süleymancıs and outsiders. When outsiders attend, they can learn about Sufi spirituality as it is understood and practised by the Süleymancıs.
Among the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, khatim is scheduled three times a week in the evening, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Sundays. During my period of observation, the khatim was attended at times by as few as five people, or by as many as 150 or more members of the organization. The Süleymancıs welcome outsiders to participate in the khatim rituals, although this might be in a limited way because they have not been initiated to the Syeikh. This particular activity still provides outsiders an occasion where they can learn more about the Süleymancıs’ activities. For the Süleymancıs, the event is also a useful place for networking with other members. Further, it serves to display the Sufi features and identity of the Süleymancıs before the public.
6.8 IDENTITY
According to Bruinessen (Bruinessen, 1994, p. 19), Sufi orders fulfill a number of functions, not only religious but also non-religious. Each tarikat is a social network, and membership in a tarikat can bring one social contacts which are potentially useful for finding work, a place to live, help in
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 225 difficulties, and so on. For some members the tarikat is also a substitute for, or supplement to, family bonds, offering the emotional warmth and protection the initiate does not find elsewhere. Dominguez Diaz (2011, p. 230) has argued that ritual practice can showcase the identity of religious groups, as well as serve as a mechanism for personal religious transformation. In the case of the Süleymancıs, the Nakşibendi Sufi order of which they are a part fosters a strong sense of identity. By taking a rabita to the Syeikh, one not only connects to the Syeikh himself and through him to God, but one also connects to the entire body of students of the Syeikh everywhere. Initiates become part of the jamaah (the community) of the Süleymancıs. As they say, “Later we will be resurrected in the hereafter with our community. And we will be resurrected with the Syiekh among us”.
6.9 CONCLUSION: THE SÜLEYMANCIS AS A SUFI-ORIENTED PIETY MOVEMENT
This chapter has argued that the three Turkish-origin transnational Islamic movements use a common Nakşibendi Sufi heritage, each in their own way. Neither the Nurcu nor the Gülen movements claim to have followed any particular Sufi order (tarikat). However, many studies have shown that both
Said Nursî and Fethullah Gülen were inspired to a certain extent by Nakşibendi Sufism. This influence can be seen in the Sufi lifestyle practised by the members of both the Nurcu and Gülen movements. In addition to that, Sufi influence can be seen in the values they teach and in their activities and programs.
Of the three movements, the Süleymancı movement is the only one that claims an affiliation with a Sufi order, through its spiritual connection
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 226
(rabita) with its Syeikh, who is a master in the Nakşibendi godly chain of authority (silsilah) reaching back to the Prophet. The Süleymancıs have been able to preserve this classic form of Sufi spiritual community and esoteric practice in modern Turkey and actually extend it around the world today. They have been able to combine their variant of esoteric Sufism with other exoteric teaching in a way that is both familiar and attractive to Indonesians, despite the movement’s foreign origins.
This examination of Sufi linkages underpinning the Süleymancı global movement and of the ways these linkages have supported the growth of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia, lends further weight to the estimation thatt tarikat Sufism has a future as part of Indonesian Islam and can be successfully wed to modern institutional forms (cf.(Howell, 2012)).
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CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The establishment of the Turkish Süleymancı movement in Indonesia has been shown to exemplify the growing prominence and vigour of transnational religious movements. Since the appearance of the first universalistic religions, particularly Buddhism, which conceived a path of salvation which is in principle open to any human being, religions have been spreading beyond their place of origin to diverse geographic and cultural communities across the globe. After the formation of nation states, and the spread of bureaucratic organization across modernizing societies, the universalistic religions have become literally ‘trans-national’ religious movements, and increasingly rely on bureaucratic structures and modern communications technologies to maintain and build their global connections. The Süleymancı movement from Turkey, is one such movement. By effectively utilizing modern communications and bureaucratic structure, the movement has been able to extend beyond Turkey, first to European Turkish diaspora communities, and then to non-diaspora communities, including to Indonesia and maintain tight supervision across national boundaries. This study of the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia, the largest Muslim majority country in the world, but one with only a very small Turkish diaspora community has been investigated to show how the Süleymancı movement has been able to successfully establish itself and grow in the Indonesian context.
This thesis has addressed this question through the lens of transnationalism theory, opportunity space theory and the concept of glocalization. As background, the thesis reviewed the origins of the Süleymancı movement as a
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 228 proselytizing religious organization active in the public sphere in secular modern Turkey and then followed accounts of its transformation into a transnational movement, initially in countries with large Turkish diaspora communities, through the practice of hizmet (religious service).
7.2 THE SÜLEYMANCIS AS A TRANSNATIONAL RELIGIOUS REVIVAL ORGANIZATION IN INDONESIA
The UICCI’s name reflects the organization’s efforts to identify its outreach in such a way as to be acceptable within the legal framework of religious administration in Indonesia, and not cause alarm to the Indonesian public. In a similar way, the Süleymancı organization in Indonesia later adopted the term ‘pondok pesantren’ to describe its outreach centres.
While the Süleymancıs have made some adaptations to the Indonesian social environment, the branch there is firmly integrated into the transnational bureaucratic organization. The Süleymancı organization in Indonesia is linked to the Süleymancı movement in Turkey and to branches of the movement in other parts of the world through a formally constituted, multi- level organization, the main office of which is in Istanbul, Turkey. Followers of the Süleymancı movement in Turkey and in Turkish diaspora communities have been crucial to the operation of this transnational organization. They donate their services to the organization, making many kinds of short and longer visits to Indonesia, and some have moved there to help run the Indonesian Süleymancı branches. Turkish Süleymancıs in wealthier regions of the world also donate funds that are crucial to running the organization in Indonesia. However, in Indonesia and elsewhere, local Muslims have been important partners in the establishment of the organization and, as the
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 229 movement has grown in Indonesia, in its everyday operation. Thus, alongside the formal bureaucratic structure that links the Süleymancı movement across time and space, other informal and highly personal linkages have formed and help underpin formal global linkages.
The thesis has also described the religious bonds, such as initiation and obligation to one’s initiating teacher (rabita), that helps motivate commitment to the organisation and contributions to it. The rabita connects the Süleymancıs to their Sheikh, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, founder of the Süleymancı movement, and so also to fellow initiates and the movement generally.
The Süleymancı education system, like the formal organisation that delivers it, also spans the globe. It has four levels, ranging from basic to advance.
However, the advanced level of Islamic education is only available in Turkey, which means that students wanting to graduate from this highest level of Süleymancı education must travel to Turkey to study. As noted, students from Indonesia who have gone on to advanced study in Turkey see this as a positive thing. If chosen to go, they have the opportunity to experience the Islamic culture of Turkey, with its long history stretching back to the Ottoman era and the time of the last caliphate in the Islamic world. They are, however, then morally obliged to serve the organization as teachers and administrators, often in countries other than their place of origin. These moral bonds further reinforce the strength of the formal administrative structure, which binds the Süleymancı movement across local and national boundaries.
Unlike the transnational militant and fundamentalist Islamic groups in
Indonesia, documented by Hasan (2009), Süleymancı organizations value
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 230 peaceful accommodation to Islam and religious diversity. This is demonstrated by their identification with the ahlussunnah wa al jamaah, of which the largest Indonesian Islamic voluntary organization is the Nahdlatul Ulama. It is also demonstrated by their reliance on the practices of the Hanafi School of Islamic law, while still accepting the validity of other schools of law, such as the Syafi’i School (dominant in Indonesia). This identification is reflected in the UICCI curriculum and in its ritual practices, which are similar to that of NU pesantren. The UICCI also promotes Nakşibendi Sufi practices, which are condemned by scripturalist and Islamist movements.
The moderate approach of the Süleymancıs in Indonesia has proven useful in two ways. First, it is able to find acceptance in Indonesia, where most Muslims reject radical Islam. Second, it is able to create a successful outreach program. Indeed, its moderate attitude to religious pluralism,139 and its role
139 The vast majority of Indonesian Muslims are moderate and positive in attitude toward the religious pluralism. This can be seen from their acceptance of the Pancasila, set out in the Preamble to the Constitution, as the basis of the state. The Pancasila, or Five Principles of citizenship, include as their first principle keTuhanan Yang Maha Esa (‘belief in One God’). Read together with passages in the Constitution on religion (agama), the Pancasila guarantees religious freedom. Historically, there have attempts by some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia through rebellion such as that of the Darul Islam movement (Dijk, 1981), or via Islamic parties that have sought by democratic means to amend the Constitution to require the state to impose Islamic law on Muslim citizens. But all these attempts have failed (Baswedan, 2004; Hosen, 2010). This is because Islamic parties calling for Indonesia to be an Islamic state when Indonesia has had free elections have never won a majority of seats. This has shown that Indonesian Muslims are overwhelmingly pluralist. In addition, the existence of two large Muslim organizations with significantly different approaches to Islamic exegesis and law (the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah), rather than one dominant group also arguably encourages the community to be more open towards
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 231 in encouraging the peaceful co-existence of different religious tendencies in society, justifies treating it as, in Asef Bayat’s (2005, 2007) terms, a ‘post- Islamist’ piety movement (see also Barton (2014, p. 289)). Its ‘post-Islamist’ posture is also evident in its avoidance of politics in Indonesia, and in the fact that it does not aim for an Islamic state.
Since its establishment in 2005, the United Islamic Cultural Centre of
Indonesia (UICCI), the Indonesian branch of the Süleymancıs, has opened seventeen branches across the country. This has made it the most successful Süleymancı organization in the Asia Pacific region. The Süleymancı movement in Australia, however, has grown comparatively little over a longer period of time, even though it helped found the Indonesian branch and Australian Süleymancıs make significant contributions to the UICCI.
This thesis has also demonstrated that the success of the Süleymancı movement in Indonesia has been facilitated by its sensitivity to its new cultural environment, and its effective utilization of what Yavuz (2003) called ‘opportunity spaces’ in Indonesian society.
7.3 THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT AND ‘OPPORTUNITY SPACES’ IN INDONESIA
In Indonesia, as in Turkey, the success of the Süleymancı movement can be attributed to its practical and effective use of ‘educational opportunity spaces’. In Turkey the Süleymancıs have been able to find and utilize opportunity spaces in education, politics, and the economy. In Indonesia the the complexities of social life and recognize the diversity of opinion among Muslims, even on matters of Islamic law and how it should be applied in a modern nation state (Mujani, 2007).
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UICCI (Indonesian Süleymancı organization) has utilized only the ‘education opportunity space’ recently expanding because of the popularity of private Islamic education, and especially Qur’an memorization. While private Islamic education has been offered by many providers in Indonesia, the Süleymancı movement has been able to compete by offering free Islamic studies tuition and high quality dormitory accommodation with provision for students to attend general curriculum schools. They also offer a distinctive
Turkish Ottoman Qur’an memorization method, which, it claimed, yields much faster results than other methods currently used in Indonesia. The Süleymancı’s unique method for memorizing the Qur’an, its study system, and its institutional setting met the educational needs and piety aspirations of a significant number of young Indonesian Muslims, especially those from less affluent homes.
A number of other factors have served to attract students and movement supporters in Indonesia. The Süleymancıs run a second charitable service (hizmet) program alongside their free Islamic education program: qurban (the ritual distribution of meat to the Muslim community). Charity to fellow Muslims is a particularly important commitment for Süleymancıs. Since its foundation in Turkey, the movement has emphasized this form of service as an important religious duty. Another factor in the popularity of the
Süleymancıs in Indonesia is that they have by now produced a number of Indonesian graduates who have subsequently gone on to become teachers (abi) in UICCI dormitory schools. These abis are now playing important roles in the UICCI schools and are seen by the Indonesian public as exemplars of what the Süleymancı educational system can produce.
The Süleymancı hizmet in its several forms has enabled the movement to attract significant approval and patronage in Indonesia. Local supporters
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(ikhwan) of the Süleymancı movement are also contributing to the establishment of schools in cities across Indonesia (for example in Kalimantan, Aceh and Medan) and supporting their local schools.
While access to a growing Islamic education opportunity space in Indonesia has been shown to have facilitated the Süleymancıs’ establishment there, it is worthwhile pointing out the historical and social factors that have made possible the expansion of that ‘opportunity space’ in Indonesia. These include both developments in the political and in the economic spheres in the years leading up to the arrival of the Süleymancıs and in the time of their recent operation there.
7.3.1 The Indonesian Government and Democracy
After the demise of former President Suharto’s authoritarian New Order in 1998, and the advent of the Reformasi (Reform) era, democratic reforms allowed the formation of independent political parties, inclulding many new Islamic parties, and a much broader range of religious expression. It became easier, also, for religious groups and movement of all sorts to operate freely in the country. While there has been a considerable restriction of religious expression since 2005, nonetheless mainstream Islamic groups clearly affirming syariah and not challenging the democratic state (like the
Süleymancıs) have actually enjoyed both popular and government support.
7.3.2 Economic Neoliberalization
In the 1990s in Indonesia the New Order government began to loosen state control over the country’s economy. This economic liberalisation continued in the post-1998 period of political reform and facilitated further expansion
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 234 of the Indonesian middle class. That early period of rapid growth of Indonesia’s middle class had begun in the 1970s in the early years of the New Order as a result of that regime’s strenuous push for economic development and expansion of education (both in state schools and in Islamic schools prepared to include general curriculum studies). The New Order economic development programs and investment in education benefitted Indonesian children in the Islamic schools sector as well as others and resulted in the growth of a ‘new Muslim middle class’ (Hefner, 2000).
The continuing growth of Indonesia’s new Muslim middle class in the Reformasi period has meant that in Indonesia, as in Turkey since its economic liberalisation, Muslims oriented to religious charities have had more funds to offer, and Muslims generally have increased their aspirations for quality Islamic education with a global outlook for their children. The
Süleymancıs have been able to join home-grown charities and schools catering to Muslim middle class families aspirations to use their money to conduct pious lives.
7.4 ADAPTATION OF THE SÜLEYMANCI MOVEMENT IN THE INDONESIAN CONTEXT
Using the concept of ‘glocalization’, this thesis also explored other factors that helped the Süleymancı movement to attract Indonesian Muslims and gain support from the Indonesian government.
By the time the Süleymancı movement arrived in Indonesia it was already a well-established transnational religious movement with standardized institutional practices. In Indonesia, the movement adapted to local understandings. One example of this was the way in which the movement
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 235 presented its Islamic boarding schools to Indonesians. Initially, Süleymancı dormitories were called asrama Turki, which literally translates from the Turkish word ‘yurt’ (I. asrama). After several years, the Indonesian Süleymancıs recognized that this term did not properly represent their idea of a boarding school, nor was it attracting Indonesian Muslims. This was primarily because the word ‘asrama’ means ‘shelter’ rather than ‘Islamic boarding school’.
The Süleymancı movement adopted the local term, ‘pondok pesantren’, meaning ‘Islamic boarding school’, for its schools in Indonesia. This enabled the movement to connect its dormitory, character-focused, religious education with similar, well-respected, and widespread indigenous religious educational institutions in Indonesia. This facilitated popular local understandings of the Süleymancı educational approach. It also meant that
Süleymancı boarding schools were entitled to support from the Ministry of Religious Affairs. In Indonesia, the Ministry of Religious Affairs is tasked with providing support to educational institutions or pondok pesantren.
Notably, however, the Süleymancı movement made a distinction between its pesantren and other pesantren in Indonesia. To highlight its unique educational program, specifically speed-learning to recite the whole Qur’an from memory, the Süleymancı movement officially renamed its centres ‘Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz Sulaimaniyah’ (Sulaimaniyah Qur’an Memorization Islamic Boarding Schools). This name was first used for the UICCI Rawamangun school in East Jakarta.
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7.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RESEARCH
This case study of a Turkish transnational Islamic reform movement in Indonesia is the first of its kind. Previous studies of the Süleymancıs have focused on the Süleymancı movement in Turkey, and the movement’s early spread into Turkish diaspora communities in Europe. This study is the first to investigate the movement’s development in Asia. It is also the first to study the movement from the perspective of transnational organizational dynamics.
This study demonstrates that in a region such as Indonesia, where the Turkish diaspora community is hardly evident, a Turkish religious movement can not only be successfully established but also develop significantly. It follows, therefore, that the successful development of a Turkish Islamic piety movement need not be confined to Turkish diaspora communities. Nontheless, this study shows the vital importance of Turks, in their home country and in diaspora countries, to outreach efforts in poorer Muslim heritage regions, that are the developing countries where significant number of Muslims lives. Moreover one might speculate that the recipient branches in poorer countries, such as in Indonesia, benefit the global Süleymancı organization, not only by enlarging its sphere of influence but by offering opportunities for more pious Turkish Süleymancıs to cultivate their own piety through donations of funds as well as of their own time and talents.
7.6 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE WORK
At the outset it was noted that Indonesia is now home to two other Turkish transnational movements with somewhat different programs. Further work might examine the Gülen movement in Indonesia from the same theoretical
PhD Thesis | Western Sydney University | Firdaus Wajdi | Page 237 perspective, in order to provide a more systematic comparison of these movements.
Further work might also examine Süleymancı organizations in other Muslim- heritage regions that do not have a Turkish diaspora community, to identify other circumstances that have helped or limited the movement’s growth there.
In general, there is a need for studies that provide a more complete picture of transnational Islamic movements. At present, studies of Islamic revivalist movements are weighted towards state-capture and violent groups, and groups originating from Arabia, Central Asia, and South Asia. Further work could redress this imbalance. It would also allow for further theoretical refinement and better appreciation of the cultural and political scope of transnational Islamic movements. This would provide a better understanding of transnational Islamic movements in the contemporary world.
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