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MESOGEIOS Rustam Shukurov ~ MESOGEIOS Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 1 Mediterranee Traditionally, the relationships between Greeks and Turks in the Pontos histoire, peuples, langues, cultures during Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman times have been regarded in scho­ larly literature as a permanent deadly feud. Modem scholars usually interpret Greek and Turkic cultural elements as two antipodes, utterly hostile to each other. There is no doubt that such attitudes, though being one-sided, allowed to reconstruct in detail the political dimension of the Turkish-Greek relation­ ship, many aspects of ethnic, religious and cultural contest between two cul­ tures. At the same time, one must bear in mind that the basing of our modem explanation of medieval life in Anatolia on the later doctrines of Turkish­ Greek mutual negativism is hardly reasonable and even hazardous. From our knowledge of the conflicts of the Empire of Trebizond with the Muslims, we know surprisingly little about the peaceful forms of their mutual relations. However, war represents a crises in relations, a relatively short inter­ val in a long period of peaceful coexistence. It is obvious that permanent hos­ REVUE PUBUEE tility cannot benefit either party, and there undoubtedly existed some forms of AVEC LE CONCOURS peaceful relations between Turks and Greeks 2. However, these possible DU CENTRE NATIONAL DU UVRE Greek-Turkish daily contacts in the Pontos remain obscure for us. The present research is a development of those methods and ideas, which has been elaborated by the author of these lines in a number of studies, both published and forthcoming, dealing with the role of Eastern 3, and, especially, 6 (1999) Turkic ethnic groups in everyday life of the Empire of Trebizond 4. Basing on Pontic anthroponymy, which is preserved mainly in the Pontic private and public acts (the Acts of the Vazelon monastery in Matzouka!Ma~ka, the Trebi­ zond imperial chrysobulls, some inscriptions, and other texts ~\ I have been trying to trace Eastern ethnic elements among the inhabitants of the Pontos and to give an historical and sociological interpretation for the data extracted. The HERODOTOS present study contains as it were the pivot of the above-mentioned researches, namely, the list of Eastern names, which was once published in Russian and Mesogeios 6 (1999) 8 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pantos 9 now is reproduced here with cmendations and additions, and considerably guistic background of many of his identifications seems now insufficient or revised historical commentaries. outdated. If the methods of identifying Greek, Latin, Slavie and Armenian names are rather convincing, the study of Eastern and especially Turkic names in Byzantine texts remains in its initial stage. The contemporary level of 011 the criteria of selection. Byzantine-Turkish studies needs an etymological work similar to Doerfer's compendium on Turkic and Mongol elements in Medieval Persian J2. Personal names as a source for reconstruction of the ethnic structure of the Certain problems arise due to the general problem of high variability of Byzantine society were studied for a long time. One can refer to the studies on spelling of Greek names in the Latc Byzantine texts. The problem, in particu­ Ravenna by A. Guillou and T.S. Brown, who analysed Latin and Greek names lar, has been described by Erich Trapp in his articles related to the Prosopo­ of the population of Byzantine Italy, or A. Kazhdan's works on Armenians graphisches Lexikol1 der Palaiologel1zeill1. The usual variability of written during the Komnenian rule in Byzantium 6, or A. Laiou's demographic studies forms of the names, nicknames and patronymic of non-Greek origin, in parti­ on the Macedonian peasant society 7. One should mention also those studies in cular, indicates that its single version preserved in that or another source is not social life of Byzantium based on Byzantine anthroponymy which were always an exact projection of its real phonetic form 14. recently conducted by French researchers 8. Pontic anthroponymy has already If the Arabic and Persian names are relatively easily recognisable, the iden­ been used for social and ethnic (Laz and Tzan) studies by A. Bryer 9. It should tification ofTurkic ones present numerous additional difficulties caused by the be noted that the results of these and other similar researches revealed that per­ obscurities of the history of Anatolia in general. sonal names are the most reliable and sometimes unique sources for elucida­ From the thirteenth to the fifteenth century the Anatolian Turkic personal ting various sides of Byzantine life. names were still in the process of transition from the old pagan Turkic names My main interest in the present research lay within the sociological and to the standard Muslim ones. This process of islamisation of personal names historical framework rather than the linguistic one. Nonetheless, I cannot pass first of all embraced the upper class of the Turkic society. For example, V. over the question of the identification of Eastern lexical elements in Greek Gordlevsky noted that, in the thirteenth century, members of the Seljuqid high texts, some methodological aspects of which will be discussed below. class had two parallel systems of naming : the Muslim first name was often Pontic Greek sources contain a considerable number of non-Greek names, . accompanied by the pagan surname, nickname or tribal name (e.g. Fal).r aI-DIn which remain with rare exceptions unidentified up to now. In my estimation, Doghmush, Mubariz ai-DIn Qara Arslan, Sayf aI-DIn Salur, Shams aI-DIn the overall number of unidentified names in the available sources adds up to Oghuz, in which the first Arabic element was accompanied by the Turkic nick­ little more than 40 percent of the total number of nicknames and family names. name or tribal name) J5. It is a well-known fact that remnants of the pagan past This corresponds in general to the figures of A. Bryer who, studying the Acts were more influential among the nomads and lower-class settled Turks, there­ of Vazelon, the main reservoir of Pontic anthroponymy, estimated standard fore, one may suggest that devotion to old pre-Islamic personal names might Greek names at only 47,3 percent; the remaining 52,7 percent of the Acts are well have been more consistent among them. The process of islamisation of unidentified names, the major portion of which is likely of non-Greek origin 10. the Anatolian Turkic anthroponymy continued at least until the seventeenth Certainly, these unidentified names could not be invented out of air by their century. The double names, being numerous in the earliest Ottoman defiers, owners and must be considered as a result of either a local Pontic modification almost vanished from the registers by the seventeenth century. In the Ottoman of Greek roots, or an outcome of Eastern, Kartvelian (Laz and Tzan), Arme­ caba defier of the liva of Trabzon from 1695 to 1731 the double Turkic-Mus­ nian and West European linguistic influences. My investigations are focused lim names are mentioned only occasionally 16. chiefly on Arabian, Persian and Turkic elements, identification of which On the other hand, we know too little about the real content of Turkic encounters some special difficulties. nomenclature from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. Therefore, we are The first remarkable attempt of gathering and explaining Turkic and other faced with the fact that a portion of Turkic names preserved in the Pontic Eastern elements including personal names in Byzantine sources was made by documents has no analogy in the available medieval sources. Gy. Moravcsik in his famous and still helpful lexicon Byzallfillo/urcica ". Furthermore, there is another serious difficulty of pure linguistic nature. However, Gy. Moravcsik omitted a considerable number of words and the lin- Now we can only guess at the origin and local peculiarities of the Turkish dia- Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 10 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 11 lects of the Pontos and neighbouring areas. Several waves of the Turkic no­ tion. All roots of the names chosen were checked through the dictionaries of madic expansion covered the region one after another. In the eleventh and the Laz language, which in some cases helped to identify Eastern loan-words twelfth century, the Oghuz tribes spread throughout eastern Anatolia. Next in Pontic Greek 21. century brought to eastern Anatolia a mixture of Turkic tribes and dialects including Oghuz, Qipchaq and perhaps also more eastern ones. Thousands of Turks of various tribes and languages were driven out of Central Asia and nor­ Eastern Anthropollymy. thern Iran under the Mongol pressure. The nomadic tide of the first half of the thirteenth century reached the westernmost areas of Anatolia. By the early Below follows the list of Eastern names, each entry of which contains the fourteenth century the return movement of the nomadic Turks from the west to following information: the east began. The Aq Quyunlu, Chapni, Dukharlu, Bozdoganlu and, possibly, 1. Family name or nickname of Eastern origin. Qara Quyunlu Oghuz tribes penetrated to the northern Pontos on their way 2. Baptismal name (if there is no baptismal name, an asterisk stays instead). from western Anatolia 17. During some sixty years Turkmens gradually moved 3. Etymology of the name. further south to inner Anatolia. The rise of the Ottoman power entailed the fur­ 4. Place. ther ethnic changes which were caused mainly by the Ottoman practice of 5. Time. deportations 18. 6. Social standing, profession and property of the name bearer. This permanent changing in the ethnic structure of the region is the main 7. Primary and secondary sources, which mention the bearer of the name. obstacle in finding the prevalent Turkic linguistic substratum for that or ano­ 8.
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