~
MESOGEIOS Rustam Shukurov
The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 1
Mediterranee Traditionally, the relationships between Greeks and Turks in the Pontos histoire, peuples, langues, cultures during Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman times have been regarded in scho larly literature as a permanent deadly feud. Modem scholars usually interpret Greek and Turkic cultural elements as two antipodes, utterly hostile to each other. There is no doubt that such attitudes, though being one-sided, allowed to reconstruct in detail the political dimension of the Turkish-Greek relation ship, many aspects of ethnic, religious and cultural contest between two cul tures. At the same time, one must bear in mind that the basing of our modem explanation of medieval life in Anatolia on the later doctrines of Turkish Greek mutual negativism is hardly reasonable and even hazardous. From our knowledge of the conflicts of the Empire of Trebizond with the Muslims, we know surprisingly little about the peaceful forms of their mutual relations. However, war represents a crises in relations, a relatively short inter val in a long period of peaceful coexistence. It is obvious that permanent hos REVUE PUBUEE tility cannot benefit either party, and there undoubtedly existed some forms of AVEC LE CONCOURS peaceful relations between Turks and Greeks 2. However, these possible DU CENTRE NATIONAL DU UVRE Greek-Turkish daily contacts in the Pontos remain obscure for us. The present research is a development of those methods and ideas, which has been elaborated by the author of these lines in a number of studies, both published and forthcoming, dealing with the role of Eastern 3, and, especially, 6 (1999) Turkic ethnic groups in everyday life of the Empire of Trebizond 4. Basing on Pontic anthroponymy, which is preserved mainly in the Pontic private and public acts (the Acts of the Vazelon monastery in Matzouka!Ma~ka, the Trebi zond imperial chrysobulls, some inscriptions, and other texts ~\ I have been trying to trace Eastern ethnic elements among the inhabitants of the Pontos and to give an historical and sociological interpretation for the data extracted. The HERODOTOS present study contains as it were the pivot of the above-mentioned researches, namely, the list of Eastern names, which was once published in Russian and
Mesogeios 6 (1999) 8 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pantos 9 now is reproduced here with cmendations and additions, and considerably guistic background of many of his identifications seems now insufficient or revised historical commentaries. outdated. If the methods of identifying Greek, Latin, Slavie and Armenian names are rather convincing, the study of Eastern and especially Turkic names in Byzantine texts remains in its initial stage. The contemporary level of 011 the criteria of selection. Byzantine-Turkish studies needs an etymological work similar to Doerfer's compendium on Turkic and Mongol elements in Medieval Persian J2. Personal names as a source for reconstruction of the ethnic structure of the Certain problems arise due to the general problem of high variability of Byzantine society were studied for a long time. One can refer to the studies on spelling of Greek names in the Latc Byzantine texts. The problem, in particu Ravenna by A. Guillou and T.S. Brown, who analysed Latin and Greek names lar, has been described by Erich Trapp in his articles related to the Prosopo of the population of Byzantine Italy, or A. Kazhdan's works on Armenians graphisches Lexikol1 der Palaiologel1zeill1. The usual variability of written during the Komnenian rule in Byzantium 6, or A. Laiou's demographic studies forms of the names, nicknames and patronymic of non-Greek origin, in parti on the Macedonian peasant society 7. One should mention also those studies in cular, indicates that its single version preserved in that or another source is not social life of Byzantium based on Byzantine anthroponymy which were always an exact projection of its real phonetic form 14. recently conducted by French researchers 8. Pontic anthroponymy has already If the Arabic and Persian names are relatively easily recognisable, the iden been used for social and ethnic (Laz and Tzan) studies by A. Bryer 9. It should tification ofTurkic ones present numerous additional difficulties caused by the be noted that the results of these and other similar researches revealed that per obscurities of the history of Anatolia in general. sonal names are the most reliable and sometimes unique sources for elucida From the thirteenth to the fifteenth century the Anatolian Turkic personal ting various sides of Byzantine life. names were still in the process of transition from the old pagan Turkic names My main interest in the present research lay within the sociological and to the standard Muslim ones. This process of islamisation of personal names historical framework rather than the linguistic one. Nonetheless, I cannot pass first of all embraced the upper class of the Turkic society. For example, V. over the question of the identification of Eastern lexical elements in Greek Gordlevsky noted that, in the thirteenth century, members of the Seljuqid high texts, some methodological aspects of which will be discussed below. class had two parallel systems of naming : the Muslim first name was often Pontic Greek sources contain a considerable number of non-Greek names, . accompanied by the pagan surname, nickname or tribal name (e.g. Fal).r aI-DIn which remain with rare exceptions unidentified up to now. In my estimation, Doghmush, Mubariz ai-DIn Qara Arslan, Sayf aI-DIn Salur, Shams aI-DIn the overall number of unidentified names in the available sources adds up to Oghuz, in which the first Arabic element was accompanied by the Turkic nick little more than 40 percent of the total number of nicknames and family names. name or tribal name) J5. It is a well-known fact that remnants of the pagan past This corresponds in general to the figures of A. Bryer who, studying the Acts were more influential among the nomads and lower-class settled Turks, there of Vazelon, the main reservoir of Pontic anthroponymy, estimated standard fore, one may suggest that devotion to old pre-Islamic personal names might Greek names at only 47,3 percent; the remaining 52,7 percent of the Acts are well have been more consistent among them. The process of islamisation of unidentified names, the major portion of which is likely of non-Greek origin 10. the Anatolian Turkic anthroponymy continued at least until the seventeenth Certainly, these unidentified names could not be invented out of air by their century. The double names, being numerous in the earliest Ottoman defiers, owners and must be considered as a result of either a local Pontic modification almost vanished from the registers by the seventeenth century. In the Ottoman of Greek roots, or an outcome of Eastern, Kartvelian (Laz and Tzan), Arme caba defier of the liva of Trabzon from 1695 to 1731 the double Turkic-Mus nian and West European linguistic influences. My investigations are focused lim names are mentioned only occasionally 16. chiefly on Arabian, Persian and Turkic elements, identification of which On the other hand, we know too little about the real content of Turkic encounters some special difficulties. nomenclature from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. Therefore, we are The first remarkable attempt of gathering and explaining Turkic and other faced with the fact that a portion of Turkic names preserved in the Pontic Eastern elements including personal names in Byzantine sources was made by documents has no analogy in the available medieval sources. Gy. Moravcsik in his famous and still helpful lexicon Byzallfillo/urcica ". Furthermore, there is another serious difficulty of pure linguistic nature. However, Gy. Moravcsik omitted a considerable number of words and the lin- Now we can only guess at the origin and local peculiarities of the Turkish dia-
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 10 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 11 lects of the Pontos and neighbouring areas. Several waves of the Turkic no tion. All roots of the names chosen were checked through the dictionaries of madic expansion covered the region one after another. In the eleventh and the Laz language, which in some cases helped to identify Eastern loan-words twelfth century, the Oghuz tribes spread throughout eastern Anatolia. Next in Pontic Greek 21. century brought to eastern Anatolia a mixture of Turkic tribes and dialects including Oghuz, Qipchaq and perhaps also more eastern ones. Thousands of Turks of various tribes and languages were driven out of Central Asia and nor Eastern Anthropollymy. thern Iran under the Mongol pressure. The nomadic tide of the first half of the thirteenth century reached the westernmost areas of Anatolia. By the early Below follows the list of Eastern names, each entry of which contains the fourteenth century the return movement of the nomadic Turks from the west to following information: the east began. The Aq Quyunlu, Chapni, Dukharlu, Bozdoganlu and, possibly, 1. Family name or nickname of Eastern origin. Qara Quyunlu Oghuz tribes penetrated to the northern Pontos on their way 2. Baptismal name (if there is no baptismal name, an asterisk stays instead). from western Anatolia 17. During some sixty years Turkmens gradually moved 3. Etymology of the name. further south to inner Anatolia. The rise of the Ottoman power entailed the fur 4. Place. ther ethnic changes which were caused mainly by the Ottoman practice of 5. Time. deportations 18. 6. Social standing, profession and property of the name bearer. This permanent changing in the ethnic structure of the region is the main 7. Primary and secondary sources, which mention the bearer of the name. obstacle in finding the prevalent Turkic linguistic substratum for that or ano 8. Similar names in other contemporary medieval sources. ther time and place. The linguistic remnants of the diversity of these tribes and dialects are too poor and insufficient. Contemporary medieval sources preser No. 1: ved too few traces of living colloquial dialects of that time. Searching for Tur 1. All-tpo{)'rST\C; (AIl-T\POUKT\C;, AIl-T\POUtSTJc;, All-llPOUtstC;, AIl-OlPTtl~llC;, kic roots in the Pontic Greek texts can sometimes be compared to looking for AIl01POUKWC;, A\lOlpou't1;T\C;, AiJ.UPOU1~T\C;). a black cat in a dark room. Nonetheless, I believe that the corpus of the Greek 2. a) BMtAtlOC; ; b) recbpytoc; ; c) 'EM:ue£pwC; ; d) MEXJl£'t ; e) MtXaTt'" ; Pontic documents, being properly elaborated, one day will help in writing the .f) LlCEvl£pnE'iC; (AU~avopoc;). linguistic history of North-Anatolian Turks. 3. Tk.-Per. amir < Ar. 'amir« emir )) + Middle and Modem Gk. suff. For the list presented below I have chosen some dozen names of Eastern -OUtSllC; « Italian -uccio ?) 22, hence the name means « a little emir ». origin, which were selected from more than 2.000 personal names preserved 4. Trebizond, Constantinople. in the Trebizond Greek sources, and whose Turkic, Mongol, Persian or Arabic 5. Before 1437 - 15th century. roots are evident or can easily be traced. These names include both praeno 6. Noble family in Trebizond and after 1461 in Constantinople. mens and patronymics. All these names belonged to the persons, who lived in 7. PLP, 782-788 ; Janssens, 196 ff. the Empire of Trebizond or had any property there. 8. Cf : 'Al!llPUC; [Panaretos, index], All-tplSGvrapioc; ILaurent, index.] , Whi le selecti ng these names, I based on the general rules of transformation AIlUPUl"'llC; [Pallaretos, index], etc. of Eastern lexical elements in Middle Greek (including its local Pontic peculi arities) 19 and took into consideration available data of the Modem Turkish dia No. 2: lects (including vocabularies of some Turkish dialects of the vast region from 1. A\luptsatva, Tj. Kastamonu to Erzerum) 20. Despite all discussed obscurities, these Turkish dia 2. * lects are often the only surviving testimony for the ethnic and linguistic past 3. Tk.-Per. amirza « Ar. 'amir« emir» + Per. ziidah « born, son, off- of the region. The roots of the ex.tracted names were checked also throughout spring») + Gk. suffix atva. the dictionaries of Modem Greek and Pontic Greek to be sure in their being 4. Moutzoura (Mucura) in the bandon of Trikomia (Akc;:aabat). included as Eastern loan-words. The fact of their being borrowed by Modern 5. 1432. and Pontic Greek presents by itself a considerable support for my identifica- 6. Landowner.
Misogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 12 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of tlte Pontos 13
7. Laurent, 188~189. 5. Ca 1432. 8. PLP, 829 ; cf : ~a'us Emirza (= Amirza) [8eldiceanu, 1990, 24J ; cf also 6. Witness in a bargain. no. 1.8 ; see also: Shukurov (1995), 97. 7. AV, 141.9. 8. PLP, 1637. No.3 : I. Apa1tl1<;, 6. No. 6: 2. Auc,iv"tlo<;. I. f\ayouJrl1<;, 6. 3. Ethnic name Arab ; c! : Pont. apa1t11<; [Papadopoulos, 1, 136) < Tk.-Per. 2. a) 8£o8wpo<; ; b) 8£pwvo<; (husband of TUXl1Pi)· carab < Ar. Carab. 3. Tk. yaqub ; yahup < Ar. ya'qub. 4. Trebizond. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 5. 1432. 5. Late 13th c. 6. Paroikos (dependant peasant). 6. Landowners. 7. Laurent, 125. 7. A V, no. 106.250, 106.254 ; Moravcsik, 2, 32. 8. PLP, 1224; c! : 'Apmv [Libadellos, index.J, 'Apa~o<; [TH, 41.4). 8. PLP, 4150 ; a wide~spread Muslim name.
No. 4 : No. 7 : 1. Ao8AU~1tEKT]<;, O. j. nayo{mEva, 1). 2. * 2. ? 3. Tk. arslan, aslall « lion » [Clauson, 238 ; Radloff, 1, 547J (c! : Pant. 3. f\Ul'0U1t + Gk. suff. Eva. aOAclVT)<; « lion » [Papadopoulos, 1, 151 ; Symeonidis, 84, note 1], Laz. asla 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma'tka). ni with the same meaning [Marr, 127]) + Tk. bek/beg « chieftain, leader» 5. Ca 1260. [Clauson, 322-323]. According to P. Mackridge, the epenthetic consonant 8, 6. A nun, who bought 8 psomiaria of land. which appeared between the sigma and the lambda, may have made the 7. AV, no. 37. sequence aA (which is not found in Ancient and Modem Greek) easier to pro 8. PLP, 4148. nounce for Greek-speakers; c! : ea8Aa~m811 « it was enslaved or Slavicized» [Constantine Porphyrogenitus]. No. 8 : 4. Bandon of Sourmaina (Siirmene). 1. fOSclAnTl<;. 6. 5. 1432. 2. * 6. Landowner; the bearer of the name may be identical with Alp Arslan 3. ? Tk. ethnic name oguz, guz [e! : Moravcsik, 2, 115,213 : f01>1;oA1(119 Bek, a ruler of Taciddinogullan, who died in 1394, see: Shukurov (1995),97- Oyou1;aA1tl1<;l + Tk. alp " hero, Hercules » [Doerfer, 2, 526], hence, can be 98 ; Shukurov (1996), 79-80. translated as « an Oghuz hero ». 7. Laurent, 181. 4. Magere in the bandon of Trikomia. 8. PLP. 1543; c! : rAn1;wcr8AclV11<;. XAtat1;wcr8AaVl1<; [Panaretos, 76.31 ; 5. 1432. 79.4]. 6. Paroikos. 7. Laurent, 140. No. 5 : 8. PLP, 4279. 1. AttAaVt1;ii<;. O. 2.3evo<;. No. 9: 3. Cf : TtAaVt1;~<;. I. foucr~avavtat, oL 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 2. ?
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 14 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pantos 15
3. Gousman (see no. 10) + Pant. suffix -ovmt/-avtot/-avrwv/-av1U (from yavo~) might have been essential; cf also Pant. cmyov < sahan/zagan " kup Gk. -tavi.. at) designating a group of persons belonging to one and the same feme SchUssel » [Symeonidis, 151-152]23. family, land or nation [Symeonidis, 1979, 97-103J. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). 5. Ca 1260. 5. 1292, February. 6. Sold copper for 7 aspers. 6. Sold (together with cPovpvovr(WJrrtf no. 62) a parcel of land. 7. AV, no. 79.35. 7. AV, no. 115.21 (tOD~ rOuaJlaVOv1CX~). 8. PLP, 6414; a wide-spread Turkish name, ef : PLP, 6415. 8.- No. 13: No. 10: 1. '!avoKllC;, O. 1. roua/lOVOC;, O. 2. * 2. a) ? ; b) ? 3. ? Ott. yanak « cheek, face» lRadloff, 3, 59, 821 ; Uyghur. jaiiaq « coun- 3. Tk. dialectic Gousman < Ar. personal name 'uthman (Ott. Osman) ; the try» [Budagov, 2, 336]24. initial gamma represents the Arabic letter cayn. CAyn is a pharyngeal fricative, 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). but may well be pronounced more like a velar fricative (Greek gamma) (e.g. 5. 15th c.
in Tatar, initial cayn is represented by a g : the name Gabdulla for AT. C Abd 6. Landowner.
Allah, Gabdurahman for Ar. C Abd al-Rahman, etc.) (etymology and explana 7. AV, no. 151.7. tions of B. Brendemoen). 8. PLP, 7944. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). 5. a) Late 13th c. ; b) late 13th c. No. 14: 6. a) Landowner; b) witness. 1. KuhavaC;, 6. 7. a) AV, no. 104.9; b) AV, no. 102.17. 2. * 8. PLP, 4403. 3. Pont. XUAXOVtv « shield » < Ott. kalkan or qalqan < Tk. qalqaii [Papa dopoulos, 1,386; Symeonidis, \44 : xahav] + Gk. agent suffix a~ ; ef. Mong. No. 11: qalqa [Clauson, 621 ; Doerfer, 3, 1518; Radloff, 2, 251 ; Budagov, 2, 23]. 1. roua/lovwv, 6. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma'fka). 2. a) 'lwuVVaKllC; ; b) ? 5. Late 13th c. 3. Sec no. 10. 6. ? Owner of a stasis (atoats .. ou Kahava). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). 7. AV, no. 106,341. 5. a) Ca 1275, June; b) 1292, February. 8.- 6. a) Witness; b) landowner. 7. a) A V, no .. 60.48 ; b) AV, no. 115.36. No. 15: 8. PLP, 4403, 4404. 1. Kuv(,iKll~, 6. 2. a) rEWPYlOC; ; b) 0£pwvoC; ; c) Io.xivvll<; ; d) XPl(jT6&oUAO~. No. 12: 3. ? Tk. qan~iq « bitch, apostate» ; ef. Bashk. kal1s1k, Kaz. kG/l§lk lDoer I. Zuyavll~, 6. fer, 3, no. 1532 ; Clauson, 635 ; Radloff, 2, 127, 130] ; cf. : Laz. kandjughi 2. * « bitch » [Marr, 152] < qallfiq. 3. Mong. ~agan « white » ; but ef : Moravcsik, 2, 128-129 : « Das Wort 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma"ka). (,ayuvo~ « Per. shahill « WUrgfalke » ?) wird in den byzantinischen VogeI 5. a) Between 1261 and 1276, ca 1300; b) 1274; c) second half of the 13th und Falkenbiichern oft erwahnt », but the difference in accents (Zayavl1c;1Za- c. ; d) second half of the 13th c.
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 16 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks a/the Pantos 17
6. a) Witness; b) witness; c) landowner; d) donated land to the monasle~ No. 19: ry of St. John, Vazelon, landowner. 1. Kou1;;ou:>"a(c;), o. 7. a) AV, no. 42.11-12 ; no. 61.16, no. 83.13 ; b) AV, no. 91.16 ; c) AV, no. 2. * 106.43; d) AV, no. 47.1 ; no. 106.338-339. 3. ? Ott. kuzulu « sheep having a lamb» ; cf : Pont. Kou1;;i, Laz. kuzi 8. PLP, lO907-109 I 1. « lamb» < Ott. kuzl or kuzu [Papadopoulos, 1. 477 ; Symeonidis, 82 ; Marr, J59] 25. No. 16: 4. Bandan of Matzouka (Ma9ka). I. Kapac;, 6. 5. Ca 1397. 2. * 6. Former owner of a land. 3. Tk. qara « black}) [Clauson, 643-644]. 7. AV, no. 81.4, 81.9 ("mu Kou1;;ou:>..ii). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma<;ka). 8.- 5. Late 13th c. 6. Landowner. No. 20: 7. AV, no. 106.36. 1. K01Jl-.luvac;, O. 8. P LP, 11128 ; a wide-spread Turkic name, the first element of compound 2.M:wv. personal names such as Qara Muhammad, Qara Yusuf, etc. 3. Tk. ethnic name. 4. Bandan of Matzouka (Ma<;ka). No. 17: 5. Ca 1284, January; late 13th c. 1. Kaooll-.llloUPTlC;, 0 (KaolVllOUPTl<;, KaOUVllaUPTlC;). 6. Landowner; witness. 2. MlXarl:>". 7. AV, no. 87.11 ; 106.215-216. 3. Ar. qasim « divider, one who divides» + Per. pur« sari », i.e. « son of 8. PLP, 13448 ; Moravcsik, 2, 168. Qasim » ; this name seems to have belonged to a native Iranian, see: Shuku rav (1995), 96. No. 21 : 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma<;ka). I. KOUVOUKTlC;, 6. 5. Ca 1270 ; 1273 or 1288, August. 2. MaKapLOC;. 6. Praktor basilikos, witness.' 3. ? Oghuz ethnic name QmlqlQonuq [SUmer, 372)26. 7. AV, nos. 36.5-6 ; 88.12 ; 116.19 ('tOu KacrlvllOUPTl). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma<;ka). 8. PLP, 11369. 5. 15th c. 6. Hieromonachos, landowner. No. 18; 7. AV, no. 151.4. 1. KOtSa7ta, 6. 8. PLP, 13486-13487. 2. * 3. Tk.-Mang. kOfapa« nomad» [cf Radloff, 2,1645] ; cf Ott. gOfebe with No. 22: the same meaning. 1. KoiJproC;, 6. 4. Trebizond. 2. * 5. Late 13th c. 3. Iranian ethnic name kurd; cf Pont. KOiJPLOC;« Kurd » [Papadopoulos, 1, 6. An Ilkhan officer, envoi (elfi) and judge (yargufi) : Aksarayi, 156, 160, 486 ; Symeonidis, 75], Laz. qjurdi with the same meaning [Marr, 198J ; cf Shukurov (1996), 78 ; Shukurov (1995), 91-92. Koupncrtav (from kurdistim) in TH, 40,31 ; see also: Moravcsik, 2, 169, 175- 27 7. AV, no. 106.52-53. 176 , 8. PLP, 13332. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma'{ka).
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeias 6 (1999) 18 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos J9
5. 1344, December. No. 26: 6. Sold land to the monastery of SI. John, Vazelon. I. Mouxouo€VO~, O. 7. AV, no. 100. 2. 0€ooropoC;. 8. PLP, 13606 ; cf : Koupnc)'rrl~, KoupuCmJn:ouAoC;, Koupn(J'ta~u (per 3. Tk.-Per. muhiddin < Ar. nlllhi ai-dill « that who revives the Faith ». sonal names in : AV, index; PLP, 13601-13605). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma<;ka). 5. Ca 1260. No. 23. 6. Witness. 1. MUX~O\HllC;, O. 7. AV, no. 24.12. 2. * 8. PLP, 19598; a wide-spread Muslim name. 3. Ott. mahmut < Ar. ma~miid ; cf : Pont. IlUX)lOUna < mahmiidiyye « Piasterstiick in Gold (zur Zeit Mahmuts 11)>> [Symeonidis, 64, 125, 134J. No. 27: 4. Bandon of Rhizaion (Rize). 1. nUKtUIPllC;, o. 5.1432. 2. i\AeSlOC;. 6. Paroikos. 3. Per. bakhtiyar « fortunate, rich» ; could it have been derived from the 7. Laurent, 162. Kurdish tribal name bakhtiyar ? 8. PLP, 17540, 17539; a wide-spread Muslim name, cf : PLP, 17539. 1.-0. Rosenqvist [Lazaropoulos (commentary), 436], reproducing the inter pretation proposed by M. Nystazopoulou CH £v rfi TaVplK:fj XEpaowjacp No. 24. 1[01/<;" Lovy5aia [=« The city of Sudak in the Crimean Peninsula »], Athens, 1. MouyaA'ta(c;), O. 1965, p. 18-19, note 52), suggested another etymology: a derivation from Gk. 2. a) Kupw~ftC; ; b) Krovcr'tuv'ttVOC; ; c) ... aKOV. n:aKTov « agreement, lease, tribute» (an old borrowing from the Latin pac 3. Tk.-Mong. mural, murul « sincere », ethnic name Mongol [Zajacz tum). kowski, 3, 111 ; Radloff, 4, 2174 ; SUmmer, 163-164J + ? suff. tai (Sr., Erzer.). However, this etymology seems rather implausible. It is true that there are 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mac;:ka). several analogous Byzantine words such as npocrootaplOC;, oll~ocrtaplOC;, 5. a) Second half of the 13th c. ; b) second half of the 13th c. ; c) second which denote those who pay n:pOcrOOlOV and Oll~OcrlOv respectively. We know half of the 15th c. also the word n:OKWlPlOC;, which, according to Du Cange, denoted that who 6. Witnesses. rributa exigi! (c. Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae 7. AV, no. ll7.10; b) AV, no. 28.7-8; AV, no. 163.13. Graecitatis, t. T, Vratislaviae, 1891, col. !O81) and which seems to derive from 8. PLP, 19411-19412; cf : Egyptian Mamluk name Mughultay. *n:OKTtov. But n:oKnoPllC;, as a derivation from nOK'tov, is not found in Byzan tine sources and hardly could have existed at all, for in Byzantine Greek, as it
No. 25: seems, there existed the suffix aptoc; only, not apllC; 28. 1. MouYOVA(llC;), O. On the other hand, the Genitive form '!ou nUKnapTl unambiguously shows 2. a) * ; b) *. that the word was regarded by the Greeks as being of non-Greek origin, and 3. Ethnic name murul « Mongol ". very likely of Eastern one (see no. 19, note 25). 4. a) Bandon of Matzouka (Mac;:ka); b) Chorohe in the bandon of Trikomia. 4. Trebizond. 5. a) Late 13th c. ; b) 1371, September. 5.1225 [see: Shukurov & Korobejnikov, 190 and 193]. 6. a) Owner of hereditary land (13 KO/lllon) ; b) paroikos. 6. High-ranking official in Trapezuntine fiscal administration [Oll~ocrtaKOU 7. a) AV, no. 105.38 (TOU MouYOVAll); b) Larnpros, 198.8. apXOVTOC;]. 8. PLP, 19417-19418 ; cf : MouyoVAllC; - paroikos in Constantinople 7. Lazaropoulos, Syn. 1[62 f. ('tou naKnopll), 1178 ; a wide-spread name (1334) and landowner in Constantinople (1334) [PLP, 19416, 19419], ITon:u among Persian and Turkish speaking people. /lOUYODA (1357) - a priest in Constantinople [PLP, 21798]. 8.-
Mesogeios 6 (J 999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 20 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pantos 21
No. 28: 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mao:;ka). 1. Ilmtol)'t~lll:;, O. 5. 15th c. 2. l>.ya1tT)l:;. 6. Priest, witness. 3. Pont. 1taltoutstv « footwear» [Papadopoulos, 2, 144] and Laz. paputzi 7. AV, no. 147.11. « woman's footwean) [MaTT, 178] < Ott. pabu~, babu~ (Gir., Or.) « footwear» 8. PLP, 24669. < Per. papush with the same meaning 29. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mar;ka). No. 32: 5. ? 1431, September, or the 16th c. 1. LaIlOUXT]~, O. 6. Scribe. 2. Mtxm;A. 7. AV, no. 137. 3. ? Chagh. samuq « ambergris» [Radloff, 4, 434]. 8.- 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mar;ka). 5. Ca 1265, March 27. No. 29 : 6. Priest, witness. 1. Ilatpati VI] or Ilatpatt vo~, O. 7. AV, no. 59.22. 2. e€ptav6~. 8. PLP, 24779, ef : Moravcsik, 2, 266. 3.Tk.-Per. badriddin < Ar. badr ai-din « luminary of the Faith » ; ef Pont. (Chald.) 1tatpativo~ <( a fat man with tipsy lurch » [Papadopoulos,2, 169]. No. 33: 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mar;ka). 1. llipo'Ut~al:;, o. 5. Late 13th c. 2. Atrov. 6. Landowner, a son of tOU KpllKOPll. 3. Tk. san « yellow, blond, pale », Ott. sanfa, sarufa « yellowish, bee ; 7. AV, no. 106.292. small bird with yellow back» ; ef : Pont. crapft~ « blond » [Papadopoulos, 2, 8. PLP, 22062, cf : IlatpatiVl]~ 0 IlouitaKll~ « Ar. Badr ai-Din Abii Bakr) 266] and Laz. sari ({ yellow» [MaTT, 183] ; possibly, the name meant « blond ». [Heisenberg, S. 70-71 ; Moravcsik 2, 249]. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mao:;ka). 5. Ca 1300. No. 30: 6. Witness. 1. nll"tsapa~, o. 7. AV, no. 56.14. 2. Krovcrtaviivo~. 8. PLP, 24938. Cf. : the name of Sarur;a (15th c.) in Ottoman defters [Bar 3. ? Tk. bifare < Per. biehare, beehara « poor man ». kan, 222, note 96 ; 229, note 106]. See also: Moravcsik, 2, 269, and PLP, 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Mar;ka). 24937. 5. 1302. 6. Witness. No. 34: 7. AV, no. 97.8. 1. LaXIl€A.iK(lll:;), O. 8. PLP, 23169. 2. * 3. Tk.-Per. shah « king » or Tk.-Per. shaykh « elder » < Ar. shaykh + Tk.- No. 31 : Per. meliklmalik « king » < Ar. malik. 1. La[30uAll~, O. 4. Bandon of Rhizaion (Rize), Trebizond. 2. ? 5. 1432. 3. Pont. cra[30uAtV [savulin] ({ plummet, adjusting tool» [Papadopoulos, 2, 6. Owner of a pasture, hereditary property in Mapavri, and three work 258] < Ott. §avul < Ar. shtiqul « plummet, sea plumb» [ef Karapotosoghlou, shops in Trebizond. 312] ; cf Per. shaqul with the same meaning. 7. Laurent, 110, 117-118; this name is perhaps mentioned one more time
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 22 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 23
in the same document in a corrupted form .0 LUXJ..lEAi<;x [Laurent, 59 ; Shuku 5.1432. rov (1995), 97]. 6. Witness. 8. PLP, 24977. Cf : Md.1K [Lazaropoulos, index], MaAiK [Panaretos, 7. AV, no. 168.12-13. 61.9] ; Moravcsik, 2,187-188,271. 8. PLP, 27698 ; ef : r;aklr - an Anatolian Turkish emir (12th c.) [SUmer, 1141. No. 35: 1. TL;aKapOltOUAO<;, o. No. 38: 2. 'Iooc'tVVT1<;. I. TL;uJ..lllC<;), a. 3. ? Chagh. r;aqar« servant» (both captive and wage-worker) [Radloff, 3, 2. * 1833 ; Budagov, 1, 461] 30 + Middle Gk. -ltOUAo<; denoting « son of» or bea 3. Tk. dialectal r;ame (Yak., Ak.) - the ending e of which, as Brendemoen ring diminutive sense « Lat. pullus « cub, youngster, etc. »), cf Pont. : ltOU noted, corresponds to the Persian pronunciation of the word - « mosque» < Alvi1wuAOv with the same meaning [Papadopoulos, 2, 223], hence, the name Ar. djami''" « Friday mosque» ; cf : Pont. tL;afli.v [Papadopoulos, 2, 375 ; means « servants's son» ; cf : Uzb. r;okar, Ott. r;aker; Per. : chiikar < Tk. Symeonidis, 56J, M.-Gk. tL;uJ..li, Laz., djami [Marr, 235] « mosque, Friday 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). mosque» < Tk.-Per. cami with the same meaning. 5. 1440, September 21. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 6. Donated land to the monastery of St. John, Vazelon. 5. 1364, December. 7. AV, no. 152.4. 6. Paroikos of the monastery of Soumela. 8. PLP, 27693. 7. MM, S, 279.16 : .ou TL;aflll. 8. PLP, 27730. No. 36: I. TL;oKa<;, a. No. 39: 2. * 1. TL;oJ..lIWUj<;, 6. 3. According to Mackridge, the name derives from Tk. ocak (cf : Pont. 2. 0EOBwpo<; . • L;aK(lv) and OtL;aKlv, M.-Gk .•L;aKI < Tk. ocak « fireplace» [Papadopoulos, 3. See: TL;0flll(<;) : Tk. cami 32 + Gk. suff. -[I]W'tT]<;; presumably, «that who 2, 373 ; 2, 122 ; Symeonidis, 107]) + Gk. agent suffix a<;, hence the name came from the region/district/quarter of Tzame ». means ({ a fireplace-maker» 31. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 4. Chorobe in the bandon of Trikomia. 5.1381, July. 5.1371, September. 6. Landowner. 6. Paroikos. 7. AV, no. 133. 7. Lampros, 198.8 : tov TL;oKiiv. 8. PLP, 27733. . 8. PLP, 27695 ; cf : TL;oKii<; = (:aka - a claimant to the Bulgarian throne In 1299-1300 [PLP, 27696, cl : T~axa<; in ODR, 3, 2134J. No. 40 : l. TL;oJ.louXi(u<;), O. No. 37: 2. ? 1. TL;aKEPT1<;, o. 3. Mong. personal name Jamuqa [Doerfer, 1, 18] ). 2. AvtpovIKO<;. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 3. Ott. r;aklr « blue, blue-eyed» [Clauson, 409 ; Radloff, 3, 1834; Buda 5. Second half of the 13th c. gov, 1,461] ; cl : M.-Gk. tcraK1Pl1<;, Pont. tcr0XOUPl1<;« blue-eyed» [Papado 6. ? Landowner's name passing into place-name. poulos, 2,431 ; Symeonidis, 145]. 7. AV, nos. 27.8, 28.2,108.4-5: tOU T1;,aflouXi, T1;,aJ..lOUxloU. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 8.-
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 25 24 Rustam Shukurov
No. 41: 4. a) Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka) ; b) Trebizond. 1. T~T\A.'i1t1i, 6. 5. a) 1264 ; b) 1432. . - 2. Ui(3aC;. 6. a) Author of a vanished document; b) paroikos from Daphnous (ElC 'tT\C; 3. Pont., M.-Gk. 0 t~EA£1t,;C; « nobleman, man of quality, dandy» < Ott. ~a4>voUOT\C;) . ~elebi [Radloff, 3, 1978 ; Doerfer, 2, 89-91]. 7. a) AV, no. 40.1-2 ; b) Laurent, 122. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 8. PLP, 28028, 28032. 5. D. 1406, May 20. 6. Monk. No. 45 : 7. Bryer, MO, 134. 1. TtAavtsfiC;, 6. 8. PLP, 27910 ; ef. : Panaretos, 74.20, 78.35, 79.9 (T~taAa1tfiC;, T~aAa- 2. ? 3. Chagh. tiliin~i [Radloff, 3, 1767], Ott. dilen~i « beggar, mendicant, sha- 1tfic;). meless one, niggard ». No. 42 : 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 1. T~tAT\1tT\V01tOUAOC;, 11. 5. 15th c. 2. MapouAa. 6. ? Donator. 3. ef.: T~T\Atn,; (no. 41) and -1tOUA.oC; (no. 35)34. 7. AV, no. 6.4. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 8.- 5. 15th c. 6. Donated land to the monastery of St. John, Vazelon. No. 46 : 7. AV, no. 3.2. 1. TOPlC01tOUA.oC;, 6. 8. PLP, 27937. 2. fEOOp'YtOC;. 3. Tk. ethnic name turk + Middle Gk. -1tOUAOC; (see no. 35) ; the name means either « son of a Turk », or « small Turk », or « young Turk », or sim No. 43 : ply «Turk» ; ef. Pont. tOUPlC01tOUAtV - « son of a Turk », «Turk ». 1. T~OUlCaMlvtOt, oi. 2. ? 4. Trebizond. 3. See : T~oulCaAac;. 5. 1306. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 6. Witness. 5. Second half of the 13th c. 7. Millet, 497 ; ef. Uspenskij, 142. 6. Landowner. 8.- 7. AV, no. 108.38. 8.- No. 47 : 1. TOUPlCOOEoOropoC;, 6. No. 44 : 2. NtlCT\4>OpOC;. 3. Tk. ethnic name turk (see also no. 46) + Byzantine Gk. name 8EOOo)- 1. T~oulCaAac;, 6. poC; ; the whole name may be understood as « a Turk, Theodoros by name » 2. a) NtlC,;tac;; b) *. (c! : Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, note 90). 3. Pont. tsOUlCaAac; « potter» from t~OUlCclAtv « earthenware» [Papado 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). poulos, 2, 390] < Tk. fuka1, ef. also Chagh. ~ukal, Ott. ~okal with the same meaning [Radloff, 3, 2006, 2165 ; Budagov, 1, 495] ; ef. : M.-Gk. to"oulCclAa 5. Late 13th c. 6. Sold and donate land to the monastery of St. John, Vazelon. « big earthenware pot» and t~OUlCaAclC; « potter» ; Laz. o-n-ehakhuli « ear thenware, crock» [Marr, 209]. 7. AV, no. 61.4, 61.12. Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 26 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 27
8.- 2. * 3. TIc-Per. J:z,asan < Ar. J:z,asan « good ». No. 48 : 4. Herakleia in the bandon of Sourmaina (Slirmene). 1. TOUPK09EptavOC;, o. 5. 1432. 2. a) BacriAetoc; ; b) NtKT\qx)poC;. 6. Place-name derived from the personal name. 3. Tk. ethnic name turk (see nos. 46-47) + Byzantine Ok. name 8EptavOC;; 7. Laurent, 98 : tOU XacravT\ ; Bryer, Estates, 438, no. 96. the whole name can be translated as « a Turk, whose name is Therianos » (cf. 8. A wide-spread Muslim name. Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, note 90). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). No. 52: 5. a) Late 13th c. ; b) second half of the 13th c. 1. Xat~i), o. 6. Landowners. 2. a) 8EOBropoC; ; b) ? 7. a) AV, no. 106.185; b) AV, no. 106.242. 3. Tk.-Per. haCl < Ar. /:tiijji « pilgrim », cf. : Pont., M.-Ok. xat~"C; [Papa 8.- dopoulos, 2, 230 ; Symeonidis, 87, 121] and Laz. khadji with the same mea ning. No. 49: 4. a) Trebizond ; b) bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 1. cl>ouPVOUt~t(O'tllC;, o. 5. a) 1306; b) 1364, December. 2. * 6. a) Witness ; b) priest. 3. Ou. juruneu, Tk. fmncl « baker» (jurun < Ok. q,oupVOC; « stove, furna 7. a) Millet, 497, Uspenskij, 148 ; b) MM, 279.26 : olxiac; tou Xat~i) tE ce » + Tk. suff. -~i) + Ok. suffix -[t]OOtT\<; ; ef. : Pont. q,oupouvt~i)<; [Papado peroc;. poulos, 2, 466] and Laz. jurundji [Marr, 240] « baker ». 8. ef. : Xat~Wl:uptC; < Tk.-Per. Haci-Mir or Haci-Air [Panaretos, index] ; 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). name of a man in the North-Anatolian region: Hac} [Caferoglu, 1942,293] ; 5. 1245 ; 1292, February. ef. : Moravcsik, 2, 343. 6. Landowner and seller of land. 7. AV, nos. 49.12 ; 115.21, 115.31. No. 53: 8.- 1. XOt~a AOUA-ou, o. 2. * w No. 50: 3. XOt~a : Tk. hoea < Per. kh iija, which in the Persian dialect of Khora 1. Xa~apoc;, o. san and Central Asia, i. e. Tajik, sounds also like khoja ; ef. : Pont. XOt~a<;l 2. a) ? ; b) BacriAetoc;. XOt~ac; [Papadopoulos, 2, 524 ; Symeonidis, 121] and Laz. khodja [Marr, 234] 3. Tk. ethnic name qazar (see: Moravscik, 2, 334-335) ; ef. : xropac; ti)c; « master, lord, teacher» ; AOUA-oU : ? from the Kurdish tribal name luW or from Xa~apiac; « Crimea, the Nothern Lands» (TH, 41.48) ; here denotes « Cri Per. lUlu < Ar. lu' lU' « pearl ». mean» (Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, note 90). 4. Trebizond. 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). 5. 1331. 5. a) Second half of the 13th c. ; b) ca 1301. 6. Court medic (9EP01tEutilC;). 6. a) Former owner of a land; b) donator. 7. Minns, 215. 7. AV, a) no. 108.6; b) no. 31.1-3. 8. PLP, 15160 ; XOt~taA-atiq,T\C; < Tk.-Per.-Ar. KhWaja La~if [Panaretos, 8.- 75.5, 75.25, 75.29].
No. 51 : No. 54: 1. Xacrav(T\C;), o. 1. Xoullaiac;, o.
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 28 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 29
2. * Arapes - or Arab (no. 3). 3. Per. Humiiy or humii (from Pahlavi hUmiik) a bird of prey (Pandion Kourtos - or Kurd (no. 22). haliaetus) ; according to an old Iranian belief going back to Pre-Islamic times, Koumanos (no. 20). if the shadow of humay's wings covers somebody's head, it brings a great for Chazaros (no. 50). tune and power to that person ; cf : Ott. hiima « paradisiacal bird» ; cf also : Tourko- with subsequent Greek root (nos. 46, 47, 48). Per. humiiyun « kingly, imperial ». Mougoules or Mongol (nos. 24, 25). 4. Bandon of Matzouka (Ma~ka). The names of A rapes and Kourtos could have indicated the ethnic origin of 5. 1364, December. their bearers. The nomadic Arabs, from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, 6. Paroikos of the monastery of Soumela. were numerous in Syria, Iraq, and western Anatolia. As to the Kurds, it should 7. MM, 279.25. be noted that they inhabited regions relatively close to the southern limits of 8. A wide-spread Persian name; though being a popular female first name, the Pontos. A powerful principality of the malkishi Kurds in C;emi~kezek as a nickname it could be suitable for men as well. (about 150 km to the south from the border of the Empire of Trebizond) sei zed to exist only during the reign of Uzun Hasan, the sultan of Aq Quyunlu in No. 55: 1452-1478, when, by his order, the harbendalu Tiirkmens took the city and 1. XouP'tstPtro't11~, 0 (XOUp'tSEpt(O't11~). neighbouring area from the Kurds 36. Kurdish mercenaries were sometimes 2. a) Eucr'taetO~ ; b) NtKTIopo~ ; c) NtKooTlJlo<; (NuJl
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 30 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 31
mea including Cherson 39. The Northerners of my list, a portion of whom Timur Lang of Samarqand as to « Ameras tis Tataris » 43, while some decades undoubtedly had Northern Turkic roots, might well have been the Grand Kom rlier the Mongolian animal calendar was designated as Tatarian by the ano- ~ « nenian subjects originating from the Northern possessions of the Empire. nymoUS author of the Horoscope for Trebizond (1336/1337) '. .. The family names Torkopoulos, Tourkotheodoros and Tourkotherianos Sources of the mid-thirteenth to the fourteenth century contam an mdlrect consist of two heterogeneous roots : the Turkic and the Greek ones. One can evidence of the influence of the Ilkhans of Iran upon the Empire of Trebizond. 45 suppose that this Turkic-Greek combination may indicate the prevalence of Trebizond acknowledged its subjugation to the Mongols as early as in 1246 • ethnic name « TUrk» among the Pontic Greeks in comparison with other tri According to Panaretos, some members of the Grand Komnenian ruling bal ethnic denominations of Anatolian Turkish clans. Indeed, the name turk dynasty had nicknames or honorary denominations of Turkic origin that was was the most common self-identification of the Turkic peoples and likely quite common among Mongol nobles : AchpougasIAq-Buqa, Anachoutloul 46 penetrated into the Pontos as early as at the first stages of the Turkic intrusion Ana-Qutlu and AzachoutloulAca-Qutlu • The chronicle of Panaretos gives an into Anatolia. exceptionally accurate transcription of these names proving that the Greek There are two other names Gozalp and Kounoukes (nos. 8, 21), which can population of Trebizond was accustomed to hear Turkic-Mongol appellations. be interpreted as Turkic tribal names. Goz, the first element of Gozalp, could Five Turkic and Mongolian names of the list, namely Zaganes, Mougal possibly appear from the well-known tribal name Oghuz, and Kounoukes per tars), Mougoul, Samouches, Tzamouchi(as) (nos. 12, 24, 25, 32, 40) could haps is a form of the tribal name of Qiniq 40. have belonged to the newcomers of Turkic-Mongol origin. These appear in However, it seems that the major portion of the Turks, who were mentio Pontic sources in the late thirteenth and are occasionally encountered until the ned in the Pontic Greek sources, were not nomads but peasants and crafts second half of the fifteenth century. They can be viewed as a unique evidence men 41. A special group is formed by the names related to handicraft. These are of the presence of Turkic-Mongol elements among the Pontic population. the names with the Greek ending a<;, which often signified workmanship and The Mongol presence in the Christian Pontos is not surprising. As C Aziz profession : Tzakas or « fireplace-maker» (no. 36), Tzoukalas or « potter» Astarabadi recorded, the Mongol tribes of eli Samaghar and eli Babuk roamed (no. 44, see also no. 43 : Tzoukalantoi) and Kalkanas or« shield maker» (no. along the southern limits of the Pontos even in the late fourteenth century. The 14). Sivas ruler Burhan aI-Din used these excellent fighters in his struggle against Foumoutziotes (no. 49) or« baker» represents a special case. The rootfur hostile Pontic emirs. Perhaps, the Mongols of our Greek sources originated nutzi derives from the Turkic furuncu « backer », which itself is a derevative ' from these Mongol nomads of northern Anatolia. However, as is well known, from Greek. Turkic furuncu or furunci is a combination of old Latin-Greek· not only the true Mongols were called Mughul but also Turks from eastern Tur phoumos or « stove» and the Turkic suffix -~ilci, which signifies here profes kestan, who came with khan Chingiz and who considerably outnumbered the sion and occupation. Thus, the old phoumos returned to Pontic Greek in its pure-blooded Mongols themselves. Therefore, it is possible, that the Mongols, Turkic appearance. It must be noted, that the very productive Turkic suffix -~iI mentioned in the Pontic documents, or maybe some of them, could easily be ci can be distinguished in other three names of the list: Atilantzes, Tilantzes, of Turkic origin 47. and also in the Mongolian Chourtziriotes. The suffix -~ilci in the form t~l1<; can Maybe the most astonishing example of the Mongol influence is repre be found as a loan-element in Modem Greek 42. sented by the name K6t~a1ta (no. 18). K6t~a1ta was likely pronounced by the These settled Turks, who brought to the Pontos these Turkic craft denomi Pontic Greeks as ko~apa, which entirely corresponds with the phonetic shape nations, perhaps came from neighbouring urban centres of Muslim Anatolia of the Tk.-Mong. ko~apa « nomad ». One of the Acts of Vazelon (late 13th c.) such as Sivas, Erzincan, Erzerum. mentioned this person in the following words : a1tO TpaTC£~ouv 0 \)io<; tOU ~eptavou tou affil1ato<\nlA.a1co<; tou K6t~a1ta 6 reOOpYto<; ( « George from Tre The Mongol presence. - The name Mougoules, an exact copy of mughul, blzond, son of Therianos, of the bodyguard of Kotzapa »). At the same time, the well-known Persian and Arabian reference to Mongols, was mentioned th~ ~eljuq historian Karim aI-Din Aksarayi made reference to this name trans twice by the Acts of Vazelon and Imperial chrysobull of 1371. On the other mIttIng it in the Arabic script in the form kuchabah 48, which is a quite accura- te tran . . . . hand, Pontic narrative sources usually called the Mongols Tataroi, which is sCnptlOn of the phonetiC ko~aba, a vanant of ko~apa. Thus, it should be another standard Persian and Arabic name of them. Panaretos referred to noted that the Greek and Arabic written variants of the name reflected slight-
Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 32 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 33 ly differing phonetic forms of the same word: kor;apa/kor;aba. Aksarayi's dan « an open field without building, arena, parade-ground, hippodrome, squ~ Kuchabah was a Mongolian judge and also a representative of the Ilkhan fis re ») denoting the central square that still exists in the eastern part of Trebt cal department, who in 1291 (690 H) came to the Sultanate of Rum along with zondffrabzon, and 1toup't1;io<; 54 « tower, castle» « Ar. bUrj). a group of tax collectors (see references in no. 18). The Trebizond Kor;apa, as One may arrive to a conclusion that some of these Oriental I~aned words we see in the Acts of Vazelon, had bodyguards and consequently he was a per were used as variant forms for the standard Greek ones. Thus, for Instant, such ek substitutes for maitanin and pazariotes as ayopa (square, bazaar, mar- son of quality and prominence. There cannot be any doubt that the Trebizond Gre • Ko(apa and Seljuq Ko(aba are variants of the same name, which belonged to ket-place, etc.), EIl1tOPtoV (trading place, market-place, etc.) a~d EIl~OPO<; one and the same person. (merchant) respectively were still in use, the latter word was mentIOned In the It is difficult to say when and wherefore Kor;apa stayed in Trebizond. Pre Horoscope bes)·d e pazarlO. tes 55 . sumably, Ko(apa visited the Pontos sometime at the turn of the fourteenth cen The similar penetration of new Turkic words into the Pontic Greek lin- tury as a representative of the Mongol Iranian Empire (a judge or tax-collec uistic domain can be traced in different layers of the Pontic everyday life. tor). !bove I have already noted that, according to Panaretos, some members of the Turkic-Mongol penetration into the possessions of the Grand Komnenoi is Grand Komnenian ruling clan bore double Greek-Turkic names: « 6 J\1;a quite understandable: the Empire's southern lands bordered with regions well XOU'tAOU KUP Mtxai)A », « KUP lEooPYto<; J\X1touy0<; » and « ;, Kupa "Av-:a explored by the Mongols. In the thirteenth century, the main road used by the A.E'YolleVT] J\vaxou'tAOU ». One should think, that these names were bUIld Iranian Mongols to deliver troops to Anatolia, as well as by the Mongol nobles, according to the models « George Komnenos Aqbuqa » or « George Aqbuqa tax collectors and merchants 49, lay across Erzincan (about 70 km to the South Komnenos ». Such strange Greek-Turkic names can be found in a contempo from the Trapezuntine border) 50. rary Constantinipolitan source of the fourteenth century as well : we know about a certain 0EOocbpa ;, e1tovolla1;o~VT] J\paxav'tAoUV 56, whose mother Turkish-speaking Byzantines. - The most interesting in the names pre~ Maria was the iIlegitimate daughter of Michael VIII Palaiologos and one of the sented is the fact that some of them were not a direct borrowing from Eastern wives of Abaqa (1265-1281), the Mongol emperor [khan] of Iran. The most nomenclature, but were constructed from the words of Eastern origin, which interes-ting is the fact that Panaretos in his subsequent narration referred to had already existed in the Greek spoken, language as loan-words. The names these Grand Komnenian princes using their Turkic nick-names only 57, what Kalkanas, Tzakas, Tzoukalas, Fourountziotes (no. 14,36,44,49) in these spe likely indicates the fact that in common usage these Turkic nick-names com cific forms did not exist in Eastern anthroponymy and therefore could not have pletely supplanted the original Greek ones. been brought directly from the Orient. All these names consist of an Eastern ' The Grand Komnenian official vocabulary, though being the most conser root and Greek formative suffix. One may suggest that first the Greeks had vative sphere of the language, did not avoid similar transformation. Two simi borrowed the Eastern roots kalkan, (ukal, ocak, furunci and only afterwards lar treatises of Pseudo-Kodinos on the Grand Komnenian official ranks (one of constructed the respective names using Greek formative suffixes. the texts is in prose and another one in « political» verses) preserve a number Therefore we must admit that as early as during the Grand Komnenian rule of such alternate designations, Greek and Turkic. In particular, the poetic ver the Byzantine Greeks used the Turkic kalkan for « shield », furunci for sion refers to « 1tpro'tomca8apto<; (5o-n<; allup't1;av'tapto<; KaA.Ei:tat Ka'tCt nep « baker », ocaklcak for « fireplace », (ukal for « pottery». There are few other cra<;) », while the prosaic text contains another pair of alternative titles: « aKo words of the mentioned type. This is 't1;epya for « tent, cattle-pen » « Tk. Aou80<; Tj'tOt 6 xoup't1;,;<; » 58 (the latter Turkic title has been discussed above, (erga), which was attested by Panaretos 51. Another one is found in the Horo the former derives from Ar. amir + Per. jan-dar « the commander of the body scope for Trebizond for l336 : the denomination pazariotes, which apparent guard detachment »). ly was constructed from the loan-word *pazares and Greek ending -[t] Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 34 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 35 However, it is obvious that in reality both of the Turkic denominations language. Apparently, the spoken dialects absorbed much more lexical borro- were much more popular and habitual than their old Greek variants : Pan are wings than medieval authors dared use in their written lan~uage. . tos and all other Trebizond authors used the « Turkic » name amirjandar only Many of the mentioned Oriental roots became the earlIest layer of Turklc and never its Greek match 1tprotomtaElapw<; 59. The official rank of xotJptS,,<; loan-words in Modern Pontic Greek : almost 25 percent of the roots mentio was mentioned by de Clavijo, the Spanish traveller of the early fifteenthcen ned in the list are found in the modern vocabularies of the Pontic Greek lan tury, who apparently was unaware of its Greek variant at all. Clavijo explains guage 65. Anyway, basing on the data of Pontic anthroponymy and the mentio that the « horci » (chourtzes) is an imperial official who carries the emperor's ned borrowings one comes to the following important conclusion. One may bow before his sovereign 60. This explanation is based on the meaning of the suggest, that there existed in the Pontos some linguistically influential group Tk.-Mong. word qurri, which, in particular, means « archer » (see above no. of Tourkophones or Turkish-speaking Byzantines, who introduced the Turkic 55). These examples lead me to assume that here also the Turkic variants were lexical elements into the Pontos. replacing (or even had already replaced) the standard Greek denominations. Such interpretation of Medieval data bases also on the recent phonologic A real symbol of this Greek and Turkish linguistic mixture is represented analyses of the modern Turkish dialects of the Pontos conducted by B. Bren by another amazing hybrid OEmtOtvaxat, in which the Greek despoina is demoen. According to Brendemoen 66, the Turkish language must have entered accompanied by a Turkic loan-element, which derives from the Turkic khatun the Pontic region by the fourteenth century. According to Brendemoen, the « noble lady, princess, queen »61. first bearers of this early Pontic Turkish dialect soon became bilingual and Thus occurred the « doubling» of certain names and notions in the minds spoke equally Greek and Turkish. Consequently, as Brendemoen suggested, at of Greek-speaking inhabitants of the Pontos. least as early as in the fourteenth century, in the Byzantine Pontos, there exis It is worth noting that the major portion of these variant Turkic words ted a group of bilingual (Turkish- and Greek-speaking) people. Brendemoen (excluding rerga, and perhaps, the mentioned princes's nicknames, and-mili places one of the earliest regions of the diffusing of Turkish in the Pontos to tary court titles) relate to urban life and sedentary crafts, therefore they were the south from Vakfikebir, suggesting that the language of this region « must brought to the Pontos by sedentary Muslims. Such an observation is in contra have been the language of Aq Quyunlu tribesmen ». At the same time, accor diction with the common scholarly im~ge of Greek-Turkish relationships, ding to medieval sources, the neighbouring region of Kerasous (Giresun) and because all we know about the neighbouring Turks from the narrative Greek Kenchrina (Kalecik-Hisartistii), in the fourteenth century, was inhabited by and Muslim sources from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century deals mostly some nomadic Turks, who, likely, belonged to Aq Quyunlu tribe and who were (if not exceptionally) with the nomads. Turkic nomads often crossed the Enwi the closest Turkmen allies of the Grand Komnenoi 67. Thus, the linguistic and re's border near Kerasous, in Trikomia, Matzouka, Chaldia and Cheriana. historical sources indicate approximately the same area as being an influential According to Libadenos, some of those nomads became allies of the local Turkish settlement in the Pontos. Greeks and possibly took part in the inner struggle in the Empire during the fourteenth century 62. So, the impact of Turkic dialects in the Pontic country The question of the Trebizond Muslims. - It is important to stress that the side might well have been much more sensible than in urban areas; nonethe initial bearers of the names listed very likely were aliens and newcomers. It is less, our sources keep silence about such influences. obvious that there could not be a name without a person, who bore and brought One can suggest also that survived Pontic texts reflect only a lesser part of it to the Grand Komnenian Pontos. Regarding the confessional identity of the the Turkic elements, which really existed in Greek, owing to the well-known persons mentioned it should be noted that some of them could have belonged phenomenon of the dichotomy of the official Attic dialect and colloquial one to non-Christians. All names of the list can be divided into two major groups. (or diglossia) 63. The Byzantine diglossia, which undoubtedly was an influen The first group comprises names consisting of a Christian first name and a tial structural element of the linguistic space in. the Pontos 64, prevented spoken patronymic of Eastern origin. Their first Greek Christian name indicates their elements, including, probably, Turkic loan-words, from penetrating onto nar being Christian by faith, while Eastern family name testifies that their forefa rative texts usually written in more or less successful imitation of the Attic dia thers might well have been strangers and non-Christians. We assume that lect. It is obvious that the surviving texts are incapable of reflecting the real names in this group belonged to assimilated Turks, who had adopted Christian extent {)f the foreign linguistic influences upon the Pontic Greek colloquial names when baptised, or were their descendants. A number of family names Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 36 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 37 relating to this group consist of two elements, Greek and Eastern (e.g. TO<\J>p name of Eastern origin), and who, according to my interpretation, were unas IC01tO\JM><;, TO\JplC0geooropo<;, TO\JpIC09tptuvo<; [nos. 46-48]). These names similated non-Christian subjects of the Grand Komnenoi. could also belong not only to the baptised Turkic aliens but also to so called Those who bore the standard Islamic names such as Machmoutes and tourkopouloi and mixobarbaroi, born in mixed Greek-Turkish marriages, as Hasan(es) (nos. 23, 51) and had no baptismal first name, very likely, were well as to their descendants 68. Muslim subjects of the Grand Komnenoi. According to my list, a considerable portion of the Turkish newcomers In this connection, the names Tzame(s), Tzamiotes, which derive from assimilated with the local Greeks. We can judge about it basing on the fact that jam{ « mosque », represent a special interest. Whether these names sho~ld be the majority of those who bore Turkic names adopted Christian first names, regarded as an indication of the presence of a mosque or even mosques III the therefore they were baptised. Although these native providers of Turkic lexi Empire of Trebizond ? As we know, in Constantinople the first mosque appea cal elements entered the Christian society, they seem to have been retaining red as early as in the eighth century in basilikon praitorion and, perhaps, was their mother tongue ; moreover they managed, as was shown above, to alter intended for the Arab prisoners of war 70. The presence of a mosque in Con gradually the Pontic linguistic situation. They were subjects of the Grand stantinople was occasionally mentioned later (in the eleventh century, in 1055/ Komnenoi, many of them were Christians, but they retained their Turkic 1056, 1189, 1204, 1262) 71. In 1189, an Arab author referred to a large com names and, possibly, continued to speak Turkish (see also in this section munity of Muslim merchants in Constantinople, who gathered for prayer in the below). Constantinople mosque 72. The second group comprises Eastern names proper (first names or nick On the other hand, the role of the Pontos and especially Trebizond as a names), i.e., those not accompanied by family names or bearing other seman commercial centre, which linked the Northern Black Sea region and the Mus tic elements of Greek origin, or identified in the sources by terms of kinship lim Near East, goes back to the first half of the ninth century. The commercial with Christians. As for the second group the conclusion drawn by A. Laiou, importance of the Pontos and neighbouring areas was noted by many of who studied the anthroponymy of the Macedonian peasant society of the four Byzantine and Arab authors 73. Later, in 1197, 1200 and 120511206, at least teenth century, is of great interest to us. Laiou found that people identified· by three attempts of the Byzantine authorities to hamper Muslim trade in the baptismal name only (in Laiou's case they were Christian names), were not Black Sea region resulted in acute political conflicts with the Seljuqs. In 1205/ numerous and had little or no property whatsoever. As a rule, these people f206 the trade war entailed the well-known Seljuq military campaign against were newcomers in a community, whose ties with the other villagers were Trebizond 74. These facts prompt us to assume that a Muslim merchant colony had pos rather loose 69. However, in my case the most important is the fact that the names of the second group, probably, belonged to un assimilated aI,iens, 'both sibly appeared in the Pontos and, likely, in Trebizond long before the establi newcomers and adherents of different faiths, who did not belong to a Greek shing of the Grand Komnenian rule there. The already mentioned place-name Christian community. maitaninlmaydan in the eastern suburb of Trebizond, which was mentioned by This suggestion can be substantiated by the following facts. First, these Panaretos in the late fourteenth century, possibly is a vestige of the presence names are referred to only on one occasion, although this can be traced only in of the Muslim merchants. Otherwise, the borrowing of this word by Greeks the Acts of Vazelon. Consequently, these names were not patronymics and sub seems quite inexplicable. This word could have been brought to Trebizond sequently vanished following the christianisation or the death of their bearer. only by Eastern citizens, and, most likely, merchants. It is possible that the Second, such names are never mentioned in the list of witnesses to these or Muslim colony in Trebizond was situated in the eastern suburbs ofthe city, not another transactions. It can be explained by the fact that they were not Chris far from the Trebizond commercial port. Therefore, it would be natural to sug tians and therefore could not act as a witness. Third, a proportion of such per gest that these Muslims, who lived somewhere around maydan, had a mosque sons was average or rich proprietors. Although this inference contradicts somewhere in the eastern suburbs, traces of which are attested by the names Laiou's conclusion, the point is that the Trebizond society was not as reli Tzame(s), Tzamiotes. giously homogeneous as the Macedonian because these people were adherents of different faiths. In the list these names were identified with an asterisk [ * J. Latent turkicisation. - Description of the inner structure and real extent of There are 21 persons in my list, who bore only one name (first name or nick- the Turkic influence should be the subject of future investigations. However, Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 39 • 38 Rustam Shukurov .' oi. ElticrTl<; ltpO'tE i. VEt , . a'~oi. Ol TouplCOl 'tOU noV'tou l1'tav l:lt'YAcooaot 1(plO'ttaV. , one may state by this time, that military activity of the Grand Komnenoi did 9EtEl on v, ,,,",,-' 11 Evapl;l1 tOU , ElCl:loX11 itEpi « ),av90vovto<; ElCtOUPlCl0)10U », IlE .,...crTI 'tT\V Olt?ta , not preserve the Christian Pontos from the infiltration of the Turks. In reality, Ilta yEa , ~OV noV'to apxi~Et 'tT\v Elt01(11 tIDV MqaAwv KOIlVflVIDv, ltOAU ltplV 'tT\v ElCtOUPlCl0)10U v, , • Turkish cultural element in the Christian Greek society was much more lCatalC'tT\crTI 'tT\<; TpaitE~ouvta<; alto tOY MEJ(IlEt B (1461). influential than has been conceived before. This influence manifested itself first of all in a number of the Turkic loan-words, which were used in Pontic everyday life. It is worth emphasising once again that around a quarter of the Abbreviations Eastern roots, which can be extracted from the Pontic personal names, later I. Languages and dialects: entered the modern Pontic Greek vocabulary. These roots as well as some other Eastern words known from the sources of the time of the Grand Kom Am. : Turkish dialect of Amasya. nenoi are the earliest layer of Turkic loan-words in Pontic Greek. It should be Ak. : Turkish dialect of Ak<;aabat. stressed also that many of Turkic loaned words in Modern Greek have repre Ar. : Arabic. sented not so much a result but rather a background of the further process of Bashk. : Bashkir. Chagh. : Chaghatay. turkicisation and islamisation during the Turcocratia. Chald. : Greek dialect of Chaldia. The whole complex of these evidences of Turkish penetration into Greek Ener. : Turkish dialect of Erzerum. Orthodox society of the Pontos I would esteem, with due caution indeed, as the Gir. : Turkish dialect of Giresun. earliest stage of the Turkish expansion in the Pontic region, which continued Gk. : Attic Greek. until the capture of Trebizond by Mehmed II in 1461. These changes in ethnic Kaz. : Kazakh. structure of the Pontic population one may call a latent turkicisation, for these Crim. : Cri mean Tatar. Laz.: Laz. transfonnations represented almost inappreciable process, cognizing neither M.-Gk. : Modem Greek. by the subjects, nor by the objects of turkicisation, and because of it were too Men. : Turkish dialect of Menifon. vaguely and unsystematically reflected in the available sources. Mong. : Mongol. Meanings and sequels of the Turkic-Greek cultural and ethnic interchange Or. : Turkish dialect of Ordu, should be considered in their proper historical perspective and from the point Ott. : Ottoman Turkish. Per. : Persian. of view of their remote consequences. The Ottoman seizure of Trebizond was Pont. : Pontic Greek. anticipated and facilitated by the latent turkicisation of the Greek society it~elf. Sr. : Turkish dialect of Stirmene. The Turkish language, Turkish mode of life, various signs of the neighbouring Ter. : Turkish dialect of Tercan. Turkish world had become familiar, habitual and maybe even intimate to the Tk. : Turkic. Pontic Greeks by the middle of the fifteenth century. And when Turks ceased Tk.-Per. : a Turkic word borrowed from Persian. Yak. : Turkish dialect of Vakfikebir. to be unknown and dangerous people, at length the instinct of self-preservation Uzb, : Uzbek. failed Greeks. 2. Bibliographical abbreviations: Les Turcs byzantins du Pont (resume). - L'auteur traite de la presence de la commu naute turque dans l'Empire de Trebizonde pendant les XIIIe-XVe siecles, en se basant sur Aksarayi : Kerimuddin Mahmud Aksarayi, Miisameret iil-alzbiir : Mog~llar ~amalllnda des donnees de I' anthroponymie pontique. Il suppose que ces Turcs du Pont etaient des chre Tiirkiye sel~uklulari tarihi (= « Conversation of news: a history of Sal!uqs In Mongol tiens bilingues. Aussi il propose une nouvelle hypothese de « turcification latente », selon times»), mukkademe ve ha§iyelerle tashih ve ne§reden O. Turan (= « editIOn, preface and Jaquelle la turcification initiale du Pont commence 11 I' epoque des Grands Comnenes, long annotations of 0, Turan »), Ankara, 1944. . temps avant de la conquete de Trebizonde par Mehmed II (1461). AV: F. Uspenskij _ V. Beneshevich, Vazelonskie akty: materialy d/'a istorii kreSljans- kogo i monastyrskogo zemlevladenija v Vizantii Xlll·XV vv. (= « 11le Va~elon acts: mate 01 f3u;avrlvoi TOVp/col TOU ll6vrou (Jr£piJ..T/YlT/). - 0 auyypaq,eQ<; El;rlYEi 'tT\V !tapou rials for the history of peasant landownership in Byzantium from the thtrteenth to the fif- aia 'tT\<; tOUPICllC11C; ICOlvo'tT\'ta<; Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 40 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 41 olara.k siirg~nler » (= « ~~portations : a method of conquest and colonisation of the Ottoman Grammatika chanskogo (lazskogo) jazyka (= « Grammar of the Tzan Empire»), In : Istanbul Universitesi Iktisat Fakiiltesi Mecmuasl (= « Collected studies of h Marr: N . M arr, Faculty of Economics of the University of Istanbul») 15 (1953-1954), s. 209-237. t e e »), St. Petersburg, 1910. . . languag G M'II t Inscriptions byzantines de Treblzonde », Bulletm de correspondan- , ~eldiceanu, 1990.: N. Beldiceanu - R. 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Lampros, « Tpane~o'UVttaKOv cOpo(J1comov tOU EtOUC; 133!> » (= « The Horo nenos, the Emperor of Trebizond »), Neor; W1]voPvr7pmv (= « New keeper of knowledge on Hellenistics ») Il (1905), p. 187-198. scope for Trebizond for the year 1336 »), Neor; iU1]vopv7}.umv (= « New keeper of know ledge on Hellenistics ») 13 (1916), p. 33-50. . Laurent: V. Laurent, « Deux chrysobulles inedits des empereurs de Trebizonde Ale Symeonidis : Ch. Symeonidis, « Lautlehre der ti.irkischen Lehnwiirter im neugriechi ;;s8~V - Jean IV et David Il », .i4PXElov IIovTOu (= « Pontic Archive ») 18 (1953), p. 241- schen Dialekt des Pontos », }\PXElOV IIovrou (= « Pontic Archive») 31 (1971-1972), S. 17- 231. : .J:O. R.ose.nqvist, The hagiographic dossier of St. Eugenios of Trebi L~aro~ulos Symeonidis, 1979: Ch. Symeonidis, « Die Nominalendung -avt(ot), -avto>v, -avta im zond . a crUlcal edUlOn wuh mtroduction, translation, commentary and indexes Uppsala 1996. , , neugriechischen Dialekt des Pontos », .i4PXElOV IIovrou (= « Pontic Archive ») 36 (1979), S.97-103. . Libadenos: Avopeou Al/3aoTJVov /3ior; ICai epra (= « The life and works of Andrew Tzitzilis : G. Tzitzilis, Griechische Lehnworter im Tiirkischen (m it besonderer Beriick Llbadenos »), ed. Od. Lampsides, in : .i4PXElov IIovTOu (napapTrJJla 7) (= « Pontic Archi ve », «Supplement 7 »), Athens, 1975. sichtigung der anatolischen Dialekte), Wien, 1987. Uspenskij : F. Uspenskij, Ocherki iz istorii Trapezundskoj imperii, Leningrad, 1929. Mesogeios 6 (1999) 42 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 43 Zajaczkowski : A. Zajaczkowski. Najstarszo.. wersja turecka « Husriiv u sirin » Qutba Borodin. Vizantijskaja Italija v VI-VIII w. (=« Byzantine Italy from the seventh to the eigh (= « The oldest version of" Khusraw and Shirin " in Turkic »). Warszawa. 1961. t. III : th century»), Barnaul. 1991 ; A. Kazhdan. Armjane v sostave gospodstvujuschego klassa Slownik (= « Lexicon »). Vizantii v XI-XII w. (= « Armenians in the ruling class of Byzantium in the eleventh and twelfth century »). Erevan. 1975 ; idem. «Kharakter i evolutsia gospodstvujuschego klassa v Vizantii XI-XII vv.» (=« Character and evolution ofByzantium's ruling class »). Byzan Notes tinische Zeitschrift 66 (1973), S. 47-60. On the Slavic anthroponymy see for instance: I. Dujcev. « Slavjanski mestni i lichni imena vav vizantijskite opisni knigi » (= « The Slavic 1. My special thanks are due to Professor Bernt Brendemoen (University of Oslo) and place-names and anthroponomics in Byzantine registers»). Izv. na Inst. za balgarski ezik 8 ~ofessor Peter Mackridge (University of Oxford) for their extensive help in linguistic ques (Sofia. 1962). p. 197-215. On the anthroponymy of Armenian sources s:e also: N.G. Gar tions. If shortcomings remain. the fault is not their but mine. The present study was made so'ian. «Notes preliminaires sur l'anthroponymie armenienne du Moyen Age ». L'anthropo possible by the support of the Russian Foundation for Studies on Humanities (RGNF). nymie : document de I'histoire sociale des mondes mediterraneens medievaux / Actes du col 2. On positive transformations of both Byzantine and Turkish cultural types during the loque internationaL. Rome. 1996. p. 227-239. long history of their coexistence see: M. Balivet. Romanie byzantine et pays de Rum turc : 7. A. Laiou-Thomadakis. Peasant society in the Late Byzantine Empire: a social and histoire d'un espace d'imbrication greco-turque. Istanbul. 1994. One may mention also the demographic study. Princeton. 1977. recently published Turkish researches such as K. Emiroglu's Trabzon-Ma~ka Etimoloji 8. V. Kravari - J. Lefort - C. Morrisson (00.). Hommes et richesses dans l'Empire byzan SozLUgii (= « Etymological dictionary of Trebizond-Matzuka ») (Ankara. 1989) and Omer tin. t. 11. Paris. 1991 : «Anthroponymie et societe villageoise (Xe-XIVe siecles) ». p. 225- Asan's Pontos Kiiltiirii (= « Culture of the Pontos ») (Istanbul. 1996). which are a conside 238. rable step in the understanding of the actual complicity of the Pontic history. 9. A. Bryer. « Rural society in Matzouka ». in : A. Bryer - H. Lowry (ed.). Continuity 3. Under this not quite precise definition of Eastern I mean Arabic. Persian. Mongol and and change in late Byzantine and early Ottoman society. Birmingham - Washington D.C.. Turkic. 1986. p. 79-80 ; idem. « Some notes on the Laz and Tzan (I) ». Bedi Kartlisa. vol. XXIII 4. R. Shukurov. «Tjurki na pravoslavnom Ponte v XIII-XV vv. : nachal'nyj etap tjurki XIV (52-53). 1967. p. 190-191 (= idem. Peoples and settlement in Anatolia and the Cauca zatsii ? » (= «Turks in the Christian Pontos from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century: the sus, 800-1900. Variorum collected studies series. London. 1988. nos. XII. XIVa). first stage of Turkification ?»). in : S. Karpov (ed.). Prichernomorie v srednie veka (= « The 10. A. Bryer. « Rural society in Matzouka ». p. 79-80. Black Sea region in the Middle Ages »). Moscow. 1995. pp. 68-103 ; idem.« Eastern ethnic 11. G. Moravcsik. Byzantinoturcica. 1-11. Leiden. 1983. elements in the Empire of Trebizond ». in : I. Sevcenko and G. Litavrin (editors-in-chief). 12. G. Doerfer. Tiirkische und Mongolische Elemente in Neupersischen, 1-4. Wiesba Acts, 18th International Byzantine Congress. Selected Papers: Main and Communications den. 1963-1975. (Moscow, 1991). vol. 11 : History, archaeology, religion and theology. Shepherdstown. 1996. 13. Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit. Bd. 1. Wien. 1976. p.75-81. 14. E. Trapp. «Probleme der Prosopographie der Palaiologenzeit ». lahrbuch der Oster . 5. F. Uspenskij - V. Beneshevich. Vazelonskie akty: materialy dlja istorii kr~stjanskogo reichischen Byzantinistik 27 (1978). S. 181-201. I monastyrskogo zemlevladenija v Vizantii XIII-XV vv. (= « The Vazelon acts: materials for 15. V. Gordlevskij. Gosudarstvo Sel'dzhukidov v Maloj Azii (= «The Saljuqid State in the history of peasant landownership in Byzantium from the thirteenth to the fifteenth cen Asia Minor »). Moscow-Leningrad. 1941. p. 55-56. tury »). Leningrad. 1927 ; on the Acts of Vazelon see also: F. DoIger. « Zu den Urkunden 16. A. Velkov - N. Shengelija (ed.). Osmanskie dokumental'nye istochniki 0 Gruzii i des Vazelonsklosters bei Trapezunt ». Byzantinische Zeitschrift 29 (l929/1930}. pp. 329- Zakavka(je (XVII-XVIII vv.) (= « Ottoman archive sources on Georgia and Transcaucasia, 344. which is reprinted in : idem. Byzantinische Diplomatik. Ettal. 1956. pp. 350-370 ; S. 17th-18th c. »), t. 11, Tbilisi. 1989. p. 536-845. About 1500 entries of the caba defter contain Lampros._ « i\vElC30tov XPOOOj30UAAov i\A.E;iou tOu MeyoAou K0f.1VTlvOU aUtOlCpOtOPOc; a little more than twenty double names such as. for instance. Qara Mu~tafii (p. 548). Yiinus Tp07te~OUVtoC; » (= « An unpublished chrysobull of Alexio~ the Grand Komnenos. the walad-i Qara Khan (p. 652). Mu~ammad walad-i Aybek (p. 678). Awliyya walad-i Arslan (p. Emperor of Trebizond »). NEoq t.uqvo,uVTj,uwv (=« New keeper of knowledge on Hellenis 692). CUthman walad-i Khudawerdi (p. 716). Ismacn walad-i Tash-Timur (p. 720) and so tics ») 11 (1905). pp. 187-198; F. Miklosich - J. MUller. Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi forth. ~a:r~ et profana. V. Vindobonae. 1887. pp. 276-281 ; V. Laurent. « Deux chrysobulles 17. Bryer. Greeks. p. 133-134; R. Shukurov.« Between peace and hostility: Trebizond m&hts des empereurs de Trebizonde Alexis IV - Jean IV et David 11 ». }\pzeiov flovrov and the Pontic Turkish periphery in the fourteenth century ». Mediterranean historical (=« Pontic Archive») 18 (1953). pp. 241-278 ; Mlzar,A. rou flavapErov 1repi rwv MeraA.WV review 9/1 (1994). p. 50-54. Ko,uV77vWV (= « Michael Panaretos about the Grand Komnenoi »). ed. Od. Lampsides. 18. O.L. Barkan. « Osmam Imperatorlugunda bir iskan ve kolonizasyon metodu olarak Athens. 1958 (hereafter Panaretos). See also the list of bibliographical abbreviations below. sUrgUnler» (= « Deportations : a method of conquest and colonisation of the Ottoman Empi 6. A. Guillou. Regionalisme et independance dans l' Empire byzantine au Vile siecle : re »). in : Istanbul Oniversitesi Iktisat Fakiiltesi Mecmuasl (= « Collected studies of the l'exemple de l'exarchat et de la Pentapole d'ltalie. Istituto storico italiano per alto medio Faculty of Economics of the University of Istanbul ») 15 (1953-1954). p. 209-237. evo. Studi storici. fasc. 75-76. Roma. 1972 ; T.S. Brown. Gentlemen and officers .~ imperial 19. R. Hartinann. « Zur Wiedergabe ttirkischer Namen und Worter in den byzantinischen administration and aristocratic power in Byzantine Italy (AD 554-800). Rome. 1984 ; O. Quellen ». Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Klasse for Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 44 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos 45 Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst 6 (Berlin, 1952) ; D. Oikonomides, Die Lautlehre des Ponti . ted I'n the Late Byzantine times. Even if such a form existed it hardly helps much su ffiIX eXls schen, Leipzig, 1908 ; A. Papadopoulos, 1GTopl1(~ rpaJ.lJ.lanrr, rr,~ 1!OV'rl1(r,~ ,swA£nov to explain the abnormal Genitive of the name. . . (= « Historical grammar of the Pontic dialect»), Athens, 1955 ; P. Georgiadis, Die lautli 29. Another possible interpretation: Pont. 1ta1t1to~ « grandfather» or M.~Gk. 1ta1ta~ chen Veriinderungen der turkischen Lehnworter im Griechischen, Dissertation ... , MUnchen, . t + Gk suff -ou'tYT\(" hence the name means « a small priest» (Mackridge). «pnes » . . ~'I':I' , 1974. 30. This etymology first has been suggested by A. Bryer (Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, note.90). 20. Turkiye' de halk aglZlndan derleme sozlugu (= « Dictionary of vernacular dialects of 31. Another interpretation: Tk. ~aqa « child », Chagh., Crim. ~aqa ; cf : ~aga « chIld» Turkey»), c. 1-12, Ankara, 1963- ; A. Caferoglu, Dogu illerimiz aglzlarmdan toplamalar in Am., Merz., Ter., Old Russian chaga with the same meaning [Zajaczkowski, 41] ; but cf : (Kars, Erzerum, C;oruh ilbayilklarl aglzlarz) (= « Collections from dialects of the Eastern ~aka « iskambil oyunu » [Emiroglu, 65]. See also: Moravcsik, 2, 310. provinces [dialects of the districts of Kars, Erzerum, C;oruhl »), Istambul, 1942 ; idem, 32. The etymology of this name has been suggested by A. Bryer (Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, Kuzey-Dogu illerimiz aglzlarlndan toplamalar : Ordu, Giresun, Trabzon, Rize ve yoresi note 90). aglzlarz (= « Collections from dialects of the North-Eastern provinces: dialects of Ordu, 33. Brendemoen supposes that T~aJ.1.o\)xi(a~) and l:aJ.1.0UXT\~ (no. 32) may well be two Kerasous, Trebizond, Rhizaion and environs»), Istambul, 1946 ; idem, Anadolu Dogu ille variants of the same name. rimiz aglzlarmdan toplamalar : Kastamonu, C;ankm, C;orum, Amasya, Nigde ilbayllklarz 34. The etymology of this name has been suggested by A. Bryer (Bryer, Greeks, p. 138, aglzlarz (= « Collections from dialects of the Anatolian Eastern provinces: dialects of the note 90). districts of Kastamonu, C;ankm, C;orum, Amasya, Nigde »), Istambul, 1943 ; Omer Asan, 35. Though I have no doubt that the root of the name sounds as XO\)P't~1i, I agree that the Pontos kulturii (= « Culture of the Pontos »), and especially: s. 269-330 (SozIUk) ; K. element -T\pt, as Mackridge noticed, still represents a puzzling problem for my explanations. Emiroglu, Trabzon-Ma~ka Etimoloji Sozliigu (= « Etymological dictionary of Trebizond 36. Sharaf-khan BidIisi, Sharaf-name (= « The book of glory»), tr. into Russian by E. Matzuka »). Vasilieva, Moscow, 1967, t. I, p. 220-222 ; Sh. Mustafaev, Vostochnaja Anatolija : ot Akko 21. More details on the technical criteria of the distinguishing of Eastern roots in Pon junlu k Osmanskoj imperii (= « Eastern AnatoUa: from the Aq Quyunlu to the Ottomans »), tic Greek sources see : R. Shukurov, « Tjurki na pravoslavnom Ponte v XIII-XV vv. » Moscow, 1994, p. 18-19. See also: V. Minorsky, « Kurdistan and Kurds », in : The Ency (= « Turks in the Christian Pontos from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century»), p. 69-72. clopaedia of Islam, new edition. 22. For the interpretation of -ou't~T\~ I indebted to P. Mackridge, who commented my 37. A. Sanjian, Colophons of Armenian manuscripts (1301-1480): a source for Middle etymologies in his letters of 8 November 1995 and 28 November 1998 and whose other sug Eastern history, Cambridge, 1969, I: 1338; R. Shukurov, «Between peace and hostility», gestions see also below. On the mentioned suffix see also Papadopoulos, 2, 126, where it p.28-29. apparently mistakenly is derived from Slavic. 38. On Kuman names see also: E. Zachariadou, « Noms coumans aTrebizonde », Revue 23. Mackridge supposes that it is far more likely to derive Za'YaV1l~ from Ott. zagan < des etudes byzantines 53 (1995), p. 285-288. Per. « black kite» (his letter of 28 November 1998 to the author of these lines) than from 39. A. Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea, Cambridge (Mass.), 1936, p. 161-162; G. Bra zaganos ; Mackridge's interpretation was supported by Brendemoen as well (his letter of 10 tianu, Recherches sur le commerce genois dans la mer Noire au Xllle siecle, Paris, 1929, p. December 1998). 170. As early as in the late 19th century two Trebizond imperial lead seals of the end of the 24. Mackridge suggested that 'IavaKT\~ might be a variant of a well-known Byzantine 13th century or the first half of the 14th century were found in Cherson, what is another indi name naVVaKT\~. On the other hand, it should be noted that the standard shape for the lat cation of the Grand Komnenian presence in Cherson ; see: N. Bogdanova, « Kherson v X ter name in the Acts of Vazelon is 'I Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999) 46 Rustam Shukurov The Byzantine Turks of the Pantos 47 46. Panaretos, 64 and 66 ff. Cf : E. Zachariadou, « Noms coumans a Trebizonde ». nomenes du dialecte medieval du Pont »), i4pxelov I10VTOV (= « Pontic Archive ») 26 47. F. SUmer, Oghuzs (=« Turkmens »), s. 163-164. (1964), p. 267-276. 48. Aksarayi, 156. 65. See, nos. 4, 14, 19,28,29,31,36,37,38,44,49,53,55. 49. On more details see: R. Shukurov, «Eastern ethnic elements in the Empire ofTre 66. The letters of B. Brendemoen to the author of these lines of 5 November 1995 and bizond », p. 77-78. 2 December 1998. 50. See, for instance: Aksarayi, p. 145-146. 67. R. Shukurov, «Between peace and hostility», p. 58-60. 51. Panaretos,63.24; Morvcsik, 2, S. 312; Od. Lampsides,« Tzerga », Ilovflalro cPvJl 68. A.G.K. Savvides, « Late Byzantine and Western historiographers on Turkish merce Aa (=« Pontic Journal ») 1/10 (Dec. 1936); Doerfer, 1,291; A. Bryer,« Greeks and Turk naries in Greek and Latin armies: the Turcoples/Tourkopouloi », The making of Byzantine mens: the Pontic exception », p. 143, note 130. history: studies dedicated to D.M. Nicol, London, 1993, p. 122-136 ; on Turks in Byzan 52. TH,4O.27. tium see also: C. Brand, «The Turkish element in By.zantium (11th-12th centuries) », Dum 53. Panaretos, 75.29; A. Bryer, « Greeks and Turkmens : the Pontic exception », p. 140 ; banon Oaks Papers 43 (1989), p. 1-25 ; E. Zachariadou & A. Kazhdan, «Turks in Byzan Moravcsik, 2, S. 180. tine service », Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan & A.M. Talbot, New York - 54. H. Gregoire, « Les veilleurs de nuit a Trebizonde au XIVe siecle », Byzantinische Oxford, 1989, col. 2129-2130. Zeitschrift 18 (1909), p. 490-499; A. Bryer,« Greeks and Turkmens: the Pontic exception », 69. A. Laiou, « Peasant names in fourteenth-century Macedonia », Byzantine and p.140. Modem Greek Studies 1 (1975), p. 71-95 ; eadem, Peasant society in the Late Byzantine 55. See for example: Bessarion, 'EYKaljJ.lOvei, Tpa1rE'ovvra (= « Eulogy of Trebi Empire, chapter IV: «Names ». zond »), ed. Od. Lampsides, i4PXeiov Ilovrov (=« Pontic Archive ») 39 (1984), p. 60.14; 70. Constantine VII called mosque JlayicroLOv, apparently a derivation from the Arabic 62.25 ;TH, p. 40.19. masjid which seems to have been conformed with the well-known words Jloyov, JlayEia/llo- 56. MM, I, p. 136; Moravcsik, 2, S. 71. Yla, llaYllCo<;. See: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, Greek text ed. 57. Panaretos, p. 66.14,67.15 ; 78.19. by Gy. Moravcsik, English translation by RJ.H. Jenkins, Washington, 1967,21 (line 14). 58. Pseudo-Kodinos, p. 341-342, 348, 345. 71. M. Balivet, Romanie byzantine et pays de Rum turc, p. 35-36. See also: A. Ducel 59. See : Panaretos, 65.21, 67.14 ; Lazaropoulos, LzS, 1668; Laurent, p. 54, 151,202 lier, «Mentalite historique et realites politiques : l'islam et les musulmans vus par les Byzan et commentaires ; A. Bryer, « The Faithless Kabazitai and Scholarioi », in : Maistor: Clas tins du XIIle siecle », Byzantinische Forschungen 4 (1972), p. 46-47, 53 ; « Mosque », sical, Byzantine, Renaissance Studies for R. Browing, Canberra" 1984 (idem, Peoples and Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan & A.M. Talbot, New York - Oxford, 1989, settlement in Anatolia and the Caucasus, 800-1900, Variorum collected studies series, Lon 11, p. 1418. It must be added another evidence neglected in the aforenamed studies: « wa don, 1988, no. VII), p. 312, notes 11, 12; Moravcsik, 2, S. 66-68. Cammara masjida al-qus!an!iniyyat wa aqamafi-hi al-salat wa al-khu!bat li-tughrulbik » [ca 60. Clavijo, Embajada a Tamorlan, ed. Fr.L. Estrada, Nueva Collecci6n de Libros Raro 447/1055-1056] (Taqi ai-Din Maqrizi, Kitab al-suluk li-maCrifat duval al-mulUk (= « The so Curiosos, vo!. I, Madrid, 1943, p. 75-76. path to knowing the royal dynasties »), Cairo, 1934, 111, p. 32. 61. Panaretos, p. 72.27, 76.3 ; cf : Panaretos, p. 78.29 ; E. Zachariadou, « Noms cou 72. M. Balivet, ibid. mans », p. 285-288. 73. E. Lipshits, Ocherki istorii vizantijskogo obschestva i kul'tury (Vlll-pervaja polovi 62. Libadenos, p. 74.26-30, 82.3-8 ; A. Bryer, « Greeks and Turkmens », p. 125, 132 ff, na IX v.) (= « Essays on the history of Byzantine society and culture [in the eighth and the map ; idem, « The Tourkokratia in the Pontos : some problems and preliminary conclu first half of the ninth century] »), Moscow-Leningrad, 1961, p. 93-94. sions », Neo-Hellenika 1 (1970) (= idem, The Empire of Trebizond and the Pontos, no. XI), 74. Nicetas Choniates, Historia, ed. J.L. van Dieten, Berlin - New York, 1975, 1, p. 528- p. 41-42 ; R. Shukurov, «Between peace and hostility», p. 47-62. 529; Histoire des Seldjoucides d'Asie Mineure d'apres l'abrege du Seldjoucnameh d'lbn 63. On the Byzantine diglossia see for instance: R. Browning, Medieval and Modem Bibi, texte persan publie par M.H. Houtsma, Leiden, 1902, p. 33 ; Ibn al-Athir, Chronicon Greek, Cambridge, 1983; idem,« Dialects », Dumbanon Oaks Papers, p. 618 ; idem,« Lan quod perfectissimum inscribitur, ed. C.T. Tornberg, Leiden, 1853, t. 12, p. 160 ; C.M. Brand, guage », Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan - A.M. Talbot, New York _ Byzantium confronts the West (1180-1204), Cambridge (Mass.), 1968, p. 137-138 ; Cl. Oxford, 1989, p. 1175-1177 ; idem, « The language of Byzantine literature », in : The Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, London, 1968, p. 116-117, 164-165; M. Kursanskis, «L'Em « past» in Medieval and Modem Greek ,culture, ed. by Sp. Vryonis, Los Angeles, 1975, p. pire de Trebizonde et les Turcs au XIIle siecle », Revue des etudes byzantines 46 (1988), p. 103-134; G. Dagron, «Formes et fonctions du pluralisme linguistiqu~ a Byzance (IXe-XIIe Ill. On the role of international trade in the Pontos see also : E. Zachariadou, « Trebizond siecle) », Travaux et Memoires 12 (1994), p. 219-240 ; K. Dietrich, Untersuchungen zur and the Turks (1352-1402) », i4pxeiov Ilovrov (= « Pontic Archive ») 35 (1979), p. 352- Geschichte der griechischen Sprache von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zum 10. Jahrhundert 356. n. Chr., Leipzig, 1898; E. Trapp, «Learned and vernacular literature in Byzantium: dicho tomy or symbiosis? », Dumbarton Oaks Papers 47 (1993), p. 115-129. See also a helpful survey of the Modem Greek diglos~ia : E. Petrounias, « The Modem Greek language and diglossia », in : The « past» in Medieval and Modem Greek culture, p. 193-220. 64. D. Vagiakakos, « ~lal..elCtl1(a ElC tov II£cratOlVllCOV Ilovto\) » (= « Quelques phe- Mesogeios 6 (1999) Mesogeios 6 (1999)