Security and Governance Challenges in Africa's Largest Democracy''

REPORT 0F THE POST-2015 ELECTIONS CONFERENCE

“SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN AFRICA'S LARGEST DEMOCRACY''

SCDDD Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development

With Support from Directorate of Technical Cooperation in Africa, (DTCA)

Savannah Centre for D

Contact: Suite 3E Adisa Plaza Abdulsallami Abubakar Road Apo- Gudu, Abuja. [email protected] www.savannahcentre.org Tel: +2347039296332, +2348024240099

SCDDD is a registered independent non-governmental, non-partisan and non-profit “think-tank” committed to policy advocacy and analysis in the three thematic areas of Diplomacy, Democracy and Development. Savannah Centre's programmes are targeted at conflict prevention, management, democratization and sustainable development in Africa.

Report Amb. Abdullahi . A. Omaki, Executive Director SCDDD, Team Leader Evelyn Okwara, (Barr.)Programme Officer

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Ÿ Preface: …………...... iv - vi

Ÿ Acknowledgments: ……………………………………...... vii

Ÿ Executive Summary on Conference Proceedings, Conclusions and Appraisals ...... 1 - 14 Main Report of the Conference: Paper Presentations, Comments, and Discussions ...... 15 - 57

Ÿ Conference Recommendations and Appraisals: ……...... … 58 - 65 Annexures:

Ÿ Annex I: Message from the Chairman and Founder of SCDDD: …66 - 68

Ÿ Annex ii: Welcome Address by the Executive Director: …………. 69 - 75

Ÿ Annex iii: Key note Address by the Guest Speaker: ………….……76 - 91

Ÿ Annex iv (Paper 1): ………………………………...... 92 - 110

Ÿ Annex v (Paper 2): …………………………………...... 111 - 124

Ÿ Annex vi (Paper 3): …………………………………………...….... 125 - 137

Ÿ Annex vii (Paper 4): ………………………………...... 138 - 153

Ÿ Annex viii (Paper 6): …………………...... 154 - 163

Ÿ Annex ix: Conference Programme : ……………………………... 164 - 170

Ÿ Annex x: List of Participants: ...... 171 - 180

Ÿ About DTCA: ……………………………………………...... 181 - 184

Ÿ About SCDDD and Briefs on Founder: ………………………….. 185 - 186

Ÿ Conference Photo Gallery ………………...... 187 - 193

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' iii PREFACE critically challenged in areas of Security, onsistent with the Constitution Socio-economic difficulties and other and Electoral Laws of the Environmental factors that call for CFederal Republic of Nigeria, timely responses. These include high Nigerians went to the polls on 28th poverty levels, insurgencies in the March and 11th April, 2015 to elect the North–East and security challenges in President, Governors and members of different parts of the Country, huge the National Assembly and State Houses unemployed youth population, of Assembly respectively. proliferation of small arms and light weapons, weak institutions and For the first time since Nigeria's return to disconnect between Governance and Democracy in 1999, Nigerian the people, all of which that have over Electorates voted out the incumbent the years helped to entrench Government at the Federal and in inequalities, hence basis for continuous several state levels, thereby ending a 16- agitations, some of which unfortunately year governance by the majority party, are capable of leading to radicalization the People's Democratic Party (PDP). In and extremism in our societies. effect, on 29th May, 2015, the All Progressive Congress (APC) the leading Furthermore, it appeared that the Nigerian opposition party would responses of National Political assume the constitutional powers to Leadership to Security, Economic issues, govern at the Federal level and in the 22 Corruption, Youth unemployment States of the 36 States of the Federation. were generally perceived as unsatisfactory. For instance, despite the This recent shift in the National polity, rebasing of the Nigerian Economy suggests that Nigeria's nascent which led to its being called the largest Democracy is possibly taking Economy in Africa, wide spread incremental but significant steps poverty and resurgence of youth towards maturation. With a registered restiveness still persist. This scenario has voting population of 68.9 Million been compounded by shortfalls in oil people out of the national population export earnings and decline in the value of 167.8 Million, of which 29.4 Million of the Nigerian currency. In essence, people actually voted during the 2015 apart from the general air of uncertainty Presidential Election, Nigeria is easily and apprehension especially as the the largest democracy in Africa. Country battles the Boko Haram Nonetheless, the Country remains insurgent group, a disconnect between

iv the acclaimed posterity of the Nigerian stakeholder, is committed to leveraging Economy and the people, remains. on the success recorded during this political dispensation to strengthen the Finally, although, the elections were Nation's Security, Governance, Political regarded as largely peaceful, however, Accountability and Transparency. The challenges that Nigeria faced prior to Centre is grateful to the Directorate at and during the elections still remain. the Technical Cooperation in Africa Whilst it is important to have successful (DTCA), which supported the hosting of elections, periodic elections in this Conference, whose relevance and themselves, do not ensure good beneficiaries go beyond Nigeria and the Governance. There is therefore, an sub-region. overarching need by all Stakeholders to deliberate and develop holistic The overall goal and objectives of the 2- strategies and frameworks that will day conference was to interface with guide policy actions in order to representatives of the International sufficiently deal with these agitating Community of Nigeria, Media experts, National matters. Party Leaders, Leading Nigeria Scholars and Researchers in the field of Defense, Against the foregoing background of Security, Extremism and Terrorism, national insecurity and relatively poor Economic and Political Governance, levels of National Economic and International Monetary and Financial Political Governance, the Savannah Institutions, NGOs and other relevant Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Stakeholders to deliberate on strategies Development (SCDDD) under its that would best address issues of “Nigeria Beyond 2015 Project” Security and Governance in Nigeria, her organized a two-day Post–elections immediate neighbours, the Sub-region Conference with the theme: “Security and Africa. This is necessary as only and Governance Questions in Africa's sustainable security can guarantee largest Democracy” from 18th-19th development of the Continent. May, 2015. Indeed, Savannah Centre, Similarly, good Governance, along with other Civil Society groups, Transparency and Accountability are played very crucial roles in ensuring that pertinent for strengthening a Nation the elections were credible, fair, and its citizenry. The Savannah Center acceptable and peaceful, through the as a Think-Tank would share with the MacArthur Foundation Supported incoming Federal Government, the 'Council of the Wise Panel on 2015 outcome of this conference, including Elections'. The Centre, as a key its recommendations.

v The two-day Conference had three We commend this publication to all main components, namely: the Paper those interested in understanding the Presentations, Round Table Discussions imperativeness of this nexus, in and the Vision and Actions Sessions. particular the necessity for a new social While the Paper Presentations contract between governments and the component set the tone for the governed in Nigeria and the rest of deliberations as well as raised and Africa, an imperative necessity for not analyzed issues, the Round Table only the improvement of governance in discussions focused on Socio-economic the continent but prevention of and Security imperatives under the extremism and radicalization of groups auspices of the expanded Multinational in Africa which inevitably will pose Joint Task Force (MJTF) to address the severe security challenges in the Security and the Socio-economic continent and the world and ultimately imperatives of the region. The Vision its development and progress. and Action Session on the other hand, involved outlining of the Conference's resolution and specific recommendations that will be relevant for the formulation of policies by the Amb. Abdullahi A. Omaki, nooc, fsma, incoming Federal Government of Executive Director, Nigeria as well as guide other June 2015 Governments in the sub-region.

Finally, we extend sincere and deep appreciation to the Ag. DG. of DTCA, Mr. Shuaibu Suleiman, for his organization's faith in the Savannah Centre, which informed the basis for DTCA's support for this Conference, whose beneficiaries are not only Nigeria and Nigerians but our neiboughring Countries, sub-region and Africa. The discernable conclusion from this conference is the indisputable nexus between Peace, Security and Development.

vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The Savannah Center for Diplomacy ,Democracy and Development(SCDDD), wishes to first and foremost, express deep and sincere gratitude to the Directorate of Technical Co-operation in Africa (DTCA), and African Development Bank (ADB) for the funding support to host the Post 2015 Elections on” Security and Governance Challenges in Africa's largest Democracy” . This conference which is an off-shoot of the Center's previous one on credible and violence – free elections, is essentially to establish the nexus between peace, security and political stability that is anchored on good governance for sustainable development. In effect, the Center's principal desire is to establish whether, given the myriads of challenges facing Nigeria, the 2015 elections ,”would bring about a radical change, leading us to economic growth and political stability”. This conference is therefore, Savannah Center's additional contributions towards stabilizing our country and re-positioning her to effectively lead the African Continent. We wish to express very sincere and deep appreciations to his Lordship Justice Muhammed Lawal Uwais, former Chief Justice of Nigeria and Chairman, Savannah Center's Council of the Wise, for chairing the proceedings of the second day of the conference, Amb. Baba Gana Kingibe, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and the Vice-Presidential candidate in the annulled June 12, 1993 elections, who as a special guest of honour, Chaired the proceedings of the first day of the conference. We are equally grateful to Major Gen. Ishola Williams, who as keynote speaker, gave a very inspiring address that set the tone for the two days of the incisive discourses. We are thankful to all that presented papers as well as the Discussants during the session. Indeed all other participants, whose contributions made the conference the success that it was, deserve no less of our acknowledgment. The large turnout, 202 persons, attested to the interest that this conference rightly generated. The Savannah Centre, as always, is indebted to Dr.Fakunle Fagbemi and Professor Moh'd Salih, for jointly leading the visioning session that adopted the conference conclusions and Communique. Similarly, our team of rapporteurs, Sam Ekpa, Steve Egurube, Damian Agwu,Sam Dabeng and Olajide Ibrahim Lawal, can never be forgotten on this honours list to each of whom we owe deep gratitude. It is our hope that Nigeria, the sub-region and Africa, would indeed benefit tremendously from this pain-staking work, around a whole lot of challenges that continue to impact negatively on the development of our nation and continent.

Savannah Centre, Abuja, June 2015.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

BACKGROUND

Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the seventh most populous in the world. Its population as at 2006 was estimated at 167.8 million and a registered voting population of 68.9 million of which 29.4 million actually voted in the 2015 General Elections, a population that is higher than the voting population of any other country in Africa. This makes her Africa's largest democracy.

2. The 2015 General Elections in Nigeria were held against the backdrop of high insecurity, economic downturn, deep political divisions and public apprehension, particularly about the continued unity and stability of the country. Further challenges included terrorism, and insurgency in the North- East region; marked decline in the international market price of oil and the attendant decline in the national revenue and the international value of the Naira; high poverty rate; huge unemployed youth population; the proliferation of small arms and light weapons; weak national institutions and the virtual disconnect between governance and the people which had, over the years, entrenched sub-regional and national insecurity. These challenges, especially the breakdown of “social contract” between the governments and the people, as well as increasing radicalisation of distressed groups are not limited to Nigeria alone but her neighbouring countries, the Sahelo-Saharan region, the Horn of Africa and indeed, Central Africa.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 2 3. The Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development (SCDDD) under its “Nigeria Beyond 2015 Project”, organized a two-day Post-Elections Conference with the theme – “SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN AFRICA'S LARGEST DEMOCRACY” at Barcelona Hotel, Wuse II, Abuja, from 18 – 19 May, 2015.

GOALS AND OBJECTIVES

4. The overall goal and objective of the two day Conference was to interface with a cross-section of representatives of the international community in Nigeria and engage key stakeholders in Nigeria including media experts, party leaders, leading scholars and researchers in the fields of defence, security, foreign relations, economic and political governance, in debating strategies that would best address issues of security and governance in Nigeria, her immediate neighbours, and the sub-region.

5. This is necessary because of sustainable security and good governance characterised by transparency and accountability are essential for the overall development of Nigeria as well as many other countries in the sub- region. The Savannah Centre, as a Think-Tank and NGO, would share with the Federal and State Governments in Nigeria the outcome of the Conference including its recommendations just as it would, to other countries in the region through the African Union and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 3 ATTENDANCE 6. The Special Guest of Honour at the Conference was Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and one-time Minister of Foreign Affairs. The total number of participants was two hundred and two (202), comprising the members of the Centre's Council of the Wise, members of the Diplomatic Corps, members of the National Assembly, representatives of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and the media, some serving and retired senior Nigerian Foreign Service Officers, as well as some senior government officials. Similarly, some African independent researchers in the fields of security, economy, and development economists and academicians attended the Conference.

CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS AND DELIBERATIONS

7. The Conference was conducted through the presentation of a keynote address delivered by Maj. Gen (rtd) Ishola Williams, Secretary General PAN-AFSTRAG, on the theme of the conference, followed by five formal Paper presentations and discussions as well as one round-table discourse on the efficacy of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) to address the common security challenges in the Lake Chad Region. The papers presented included the under listed:- a) “Security and Governance Challenges in Africa's Largest Democracy”, A Keynote Address delivered by Major-General Ishola Williams (rtd); Executive Secretary, Pan-African Strategic and Peace Research Group (PAN- AFSTRAG);

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 4 b) “A New Security Architecture for Nigeria: A Holistic Approach to Rebuilding the Nation-State”, by Professor Habu Galadima, Director of Research, NIPSS, Jos;

c) “Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) in Africa, South of the Sahara: An Appraisal of Nigeria's Soft Approach Policy and the Niger-Delta Presidential Amnesty Programme”, presented by Ambassador C.L. Olaseinde, on behalf of the National Security Adviser, Col. Mohammed Sambo Dasuki (Rtd);

d) “The Multinational Joint Task Force and Sustainable Security of the Lake Chad Region: A Collective Approach for Resolving Common Socio- Economic and Security Threats in the Region”,by Dr. Zakaria Ousmane Ramadane, N'djamena, Chad;

e) “The Problems and Challenges of Managing Party Democracy, Intra- Party Conflicts, Divisions and Defections in Nigeria's Fourth Republic and Impact on National Socio-Economic Development”, by Professor Abubakar Momoh, Director-General, Electoral Institute, (INEC) Abuja; and

f) “A Holistic Approach for the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation of the North-East of Nigeria: A Region Ravaged by Terrorism and Insurgency; Focusing on The National and International Policy Options/Perspectives”, presented by Dr. Bulama Gubio, on behalf of H.E. Kashim Shetima, Executive Governor, Borno State;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 5 g) The last paper “Stabilizing the Nigerian Economy: The Imperative Necessity to Re-evaluate the National Infrastructure, Revenue Generation Policies, Current Public Expenditure and their Linkages to Development Goals” which was to be presented by the Governor of the Central Bank, did not take place as neither the Governor nor the discussants, all Federal Government Agents, did not show up, though the Governor had sent his regrets. However, the plenary of the Conference discussed the subject.

THE PLENARY SESSIONS: OPENING STATEMENTS 8. The presentations were preceded by the Welcome Address as well as the Remarks by the Executive Director of the Centre and the Chairman and founder, Prof. Ibrahim A. Gambari, respectively.

9. In his Welcome Address, Ambassador Abdullahi Omaki affirmed that the Centre was committed to policy analysis in the areas of conflict prevention and management, democratization and sustainable development in Africa, in an envisioned prosperous, politically stable and globally respected African continent, that is deeply rooted in the culture of good governance.

10. He explained that this conference, whose theme is security and governance for peaceful growth and development of Nigeria and Africa, necessarily underscores the nexus between security, peace, stability and progress of the continent.

11. In his Opening Remarks, Professor Ibrahim A. Gambari disclosed that four factors inspired him to establish the Savannah Centre as a Think-Tank

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 6 that would focus on the nexus between peace, democracy and Development, namely:

a. The seminal reports by two former UN Secretaries-General- Boutros Boutros–Ghali “An Agenda for Peace” and “An Agenda for Development” and Kofi Annan’s “In Larger Freedom”, which underscores the nexus between peace, democracy and development;

b. The new realities of the post 9/11 world characterised by the new scourge of terrorism, violent extremism, irregular armies and non-state actors, which were not previously envisaged;

c. The challenges of combatting these threats by promoting democratic security, political and security reforms in Nigeria, the African continent and global governance, and

d. The opportunity to train, teach, inform and share his experiences both as a scholar and diplomat.

12. Professor Gambari stated that the Conference was timely as it marked the third in the series of events undertaken by the Centre. He recalled that in November 2014 the Centre hosted a regional workshop on “Combatting Insecurity and Violent Extremism in the Sahel: Implications for Socio- Economic Development.” In January 2015, it hosted the Pre-2015 General Elections Conference which had huge positive impacts on Nigeria, its neighbours, the Sahel Region and the African continent. As a follow-up to that Conference, he disclosed that the Centre's Council of the Wise and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 7 some Civil society Organisations played prominent roles which had positive contributions to the success of the just concluded 2015 General elections in Nigeria. In the light of this, he concluded that the present Conference was convened to strategize on how to build on the successes recorded at the elections and establish the nexus between good governance and sustainable peace, growth and development of nations and our starting point is Nigeria.

13. The Chairman of the occasion, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, observed that the Conference was timely and the topics challenging, considering the high expectations of the participants as highlighted by Professor Ibrahim A. Gambari, the Chairman of the Centre and Ambassador Abdullahi A. Omaki, the Executive Director. He noted that Nigeria and indeed Africa, were living in exciting, challenging and interesting times and expressed the hope that the conclusions would be worth it in the sense of being able to help move Nigeria and indeed Africa to the next level of good governance and sustainable development.

14. He concluded by further expressing the hope that Nigerians had, by the successful outcome of the 2015 elections, purged themselves of the ghost of June 12 election which was adjudged fair and free. He urged the nation to build on the collective achievements of the efforts made by all key players.

PRINCIPAL CONFERENCE CONCLUSIONS A. SECURITY (National, Sub-Regional/Africa) 15. After rich, incisive and lively discussions, the Conference concluded, that:-

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 8 Ÿ Nigeria must seek to enhance her security through a combination of strategies through careful and full implementation of the provisions in the recently released National Security Strategy Document;

Ÿ The Nigerian Armed Forces should be well equipped with modern military wares to be able to respond effectively to the changing nature and patterns of the 21st Century warfare;

· The Nigerian Military and other security agencies need to improve on civil-military relations to enhance intelligence gatherings to assure of success of military operations and cited the current strained civilian-military relations in the North-East Region of Nigeria which obviously impact negatively on the prosecution of the on-going war on Boko Haram terrorism and insurgency;

· Nigeria should, urgently conclude negotiations to ensure the operational effectiveness of the Multinational Joint Security Task Force in the Lake Chad Region in order to develop, consolidate and strengthen bilateral and multilateral relations with her immediate neighbours by evolving strategic and tactical, military, socio-economic and political cooperation in combating the Boko Haram terrorism and insurgency in the region;

B: POLITICAL

Ÿ Political party organization and management in Nigeria should be based on established rules, guidelines and constitution of the party which should place great emphasis on internal party democracy ;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 9 Ÿ Political parties should move away from the current syndrome of political elitism to building a real political class, that is anchored on issues, interests and ideology to enhance Party discipline and the promotion of sustainable development of party politics; while discouraging defections or political normadism;

Ÿ The Justice Uwais Report on the nation's electoral reform require harmonization and to be adopted for implementation to ensure fairness and justice in the electoral contest. The Conference also called for the establishment of Special Courts on electoral matters which could be instruments of speedy dispensation of political and electoral justice;

Ÿ Politics should not be seen as a business with huge profits as currently the case with huge financial benefits to political office holders which has made competition for elective offices a “do or die” affair, hence the necessity to reduce the perks attached to public offices; and instead, promote service, integrity, accountability and transparency in governance;

C. ECONOMY

Ÿ The size and cost of governance should be reduced by collapsing appropriate MDAs and other institutions of Government as well as the appointees of Government and stream-line their entitlements with the Civil Servants and to ensure that they are kept within reasonable moral and economic limits taking into account the overall health of national economy and generations unborn. It is a gross injustice to pay political office holders, who may have served the nation for a maximum of 8

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 10 years, such stupendous financial benefits while paying Civil Servants after serving not less than 30 years such paltry benefits, accentuating the perpetuation of injustice and discouraging talented persons from embarking on Civil Service Careers;

Ÿ The success story of the Presidential Amnesty Programmes in the Niger Delta which terminates in December 2015 requires targeted review of its continuation to ensure its overall success so as, not to allow the region relapse into its turbulent past, and to also consider the possibility of a carefully worked out programmes for the North-East region, to address the peculiar issues that gave rise to the insurgency as well as the humanitarian consequences of the prolonged Boko Haram crises;

Ÿ The full implementation of the Fiscal Responsibility Act as well as enactment of operational capabilities of EFCC and ICPC to check corruption should not be negotiable, if the fight against corruption in all its manifestations is to be meaningful and impactful;

Ÿ The Government should pursue vigorously the ongoing policy on diversification of the economy to take note of the critical roles of Agriculture and Solid Minerals, as well as the absolute necessity to develop supportive infrastructure, especially Power to enhance the creation of industrial base for robust economic activities;

Ÿ While noting the principle of separation of powers between the different tiers of Government as enshrined in the nation's constitution, the Federal Government should not ignore the necessity for financial prudence, integrity and transparency to enhance delivery of dividends of

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 11 democracy nation-wide, hence hold all tiers of governments accountable for revenues they receive from the federation account; and

D. THE MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS

Ÿ The Media and Civil Society Organizations should be agents in the promotion of national interest, religious tolerance, peaceful co-existence, national integration and cohesion;

APPRAISALS 16. The hosting of the Conference was timely and the discussions were rich, frank, lively and robust. Furthermore, the Conference provided an opportunity for practitioners and scholars in the fields of security, economy and governance to diagnose the problems and challenges which could constrain security, political stability, growth and development. It noted that the foundation of governance should be based on integrity, honesty and service to the people, hence the appointees of government must be people of integrity, impeccable character, experienced, and complimentary visions with Mr. President and people who would see their services to the nation rather an opportunity for self-enrichment.

17. To effectively combat corruption and impunity in the country, government must summon necessary political will to establish special courts that would accelerate judicial determination of cases of corruption such as economic and financial crimes as may from time to time be referred to it by relevant agencies.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 12 18. The issue of security in which terrorism continues to be the most serious threats to peace and security in Africa, hence impacting negatively on development and growth of the continent, should continue to receive collective and multi-dimensional approaches and responses in order to bring this menace to humanity in perpetual check. Nigeria must apply measured political will and approach to overcoming this problem from two basic perspectives - nationally as well as finding and appropriate interface between bilateralism and multilateralism, in the context of the Lake Chad Basin Commission.

19. While several security experts, including the offices of the NSA and of the Service Chiefs, contributed effectively to this national discourse, the platform of which was created by the Savannah Centre, the same cannot be said of those in the realm of the economy and who are public servants. Our experts and bureaucrats in the CBN, Ministry of Finance as well as Political parties as decision makers, simply avoided the Conference without even the decency by many of them to express regrets. We at the Savannah Centre, saw this development as running away from responsibility or avoiding self evaluations of their roles which they already saw as negative to the national performance index. After all, the indices of a clear sick economy are now quite glaring - huge liabilities which include massive external indebtedness of over US60 billion, a club the nation glowingly excited in 2006, scandalous debts in the oil and gas industries where subsidies running into billions of naira as well as about N473 billion loans to pay salaries, the depletion of the Excess Crude Account from over $60b in 2007 to a mere $2b today, in less than just eight years, and a callous lack of implementations of the nation’s circles of annual budgets, speculated to be below 50%, testify to a largely negative national performance index.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 13 20. This painful realisation and indeed acceptance, can only lead to one conclusion, namely, that Nigeria’s leaders cannot and must never again, be allowed to administer Nigeria in the old format of business as usual. There must be change. Substantial and meaningful change, whose impact would lead the nation out of the murky waters of failed governance that is unfortunately, almost the case with Nigeria today. Other African countries need to learn from the mis-adventures of Nigeria, which easily nurture a fertile ground for instability. The new Government in Nigeria must clearly and quickly determine how to address the huge expectations that have arisen based on the palpable failure of the former governments.

21. Finally, Savannah Centre believes and it was confirmed at this Conference, that quick fixes in our national problems do not unfortunately exist. What is important however, is to make a determined new beginning that seeks the use of capable and integrity driven men and women to drive our nation’s critical infrastructural deficits in the areas of power and energy, security, education, health, transportation networks, in particular railways and roads and significantly grow the economy in such a strategic manner that can employ the teaming youth to divert them from unproductive ventures. Lastly, the new Government should strive to immediately reverse the erosion of respect and goodwill from the international community through the appointment of credible and an integrity driven men and women, to head very sensitive Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence, etc.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 14 MAIN REPORT OF THE POST -2015 ELECTIONS CONFERENCE ON “SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN AFRICA'S LARGEST DEMOCRACY'' Organized By The Savannah Centre F or Diplomacy , Democracy And Development Held at The Barcelona Hotel, W use II, Abuja 18 -19 May 2015.

BACKGROUND

igeria, Africa's largest Democracy successfully held her 2015 NGeneral Elections against the backdrop of high insecurity, economic down-turn, deep political divisions and public apprehension, particularly about the continued unity and stability of the country. These security challenges included terrorism, and insurgency in the North-East region; marked decline in the international market price of oil and the attendant decline in the national revenue and the international value of the Naira; high poverty rate; huge unemployed youth population; the proliferation of small arms and light weapons; weak national institutions and the virtual disconnect between governance and the people which had, over the years, entrenched sub-regional and national insecurity.

2. Against the foregoing background, the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development (SCDDD) under its “Nigeria Beyond 2015 Project”, organized a two-day post-elections conference with the theme – “SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN AFRICA'S LARGEST DEMOCRACY” at Barcelona Hotel, Wuse II, Abuja, from 18 – 19 May, 2015.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 15 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES:

3. The overall goal and objective of the conference was to interact with a cross-section of representatives of the international community in Nigeria, media experts, party leaders, leading scholars and researchers in the fields of defence, security, foreign relations, extremism and terrorism, economic and political governance, and other relevant stake holders to debate strategies that would best address issues of security and governance in Nigeria, her immediate neighbours, the sub-region and Africa in general. The Savannah Centre as a Think-Tank would share with the Federal Government, the outcome of the Conference including its recommendations.

ATTENDANCE 4. The Special Guest of Honour was Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and one-time Minister of Foreign Affairs. The total number of participants was two hundred and two (202), comprising the members of the Centre's Council of the Wise, members of the Diplomatic Corps, members of the National Assembly, representatives of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and media, senior Nigerian Foreign Service Officers, and Government officials.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 16 WELCOME ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR ABDULLAHI. A. OMAKI, THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, SAVANNAH CENTRE:

5. In his welcome address, Ambassador Abdullahi Omaki, outlined the objectives and activities of the Centre since its inception. He stated that the Centre was committed to policy analysis in the area of conflict prevention and management, democratization and sustainable development in Africa. The Executive Director also explained that the Centre envisioned a prosperous, politically stable and globally respected African continent totally entrenched in the culture of good governance.

6. Continuing, he informed that this conference was the third in the series organised by the Centre on topical issues relevant to the peace, security, development and democracy in Nigeria, the West African sub- region and the African continent. He recalled that the first conference was held in November 2014 on “ Insecurity and Violent Extremism in the Sahel:Implications For Socio- Economic Development in Africa”, while the second was on the 2015 general elections, which had huge positive impacts on Nigeria, its neighbours, the Sahel Region and the African continent.

7. The Executive Director also informed that the Conference was the Centre's modest contribution towards stabilizing and positioning Nigeria to provide effective leadership to the continent. He explained that while the theme placed much emphasis on Nigeria's security, stability and progress, it was also intrinsically linked to Africa's peace and development. He further explained that the Conference was going to focus on two very important issues: Security and Economy as well as Good Governance, and that the final report would be shared with the incoming government, other African Governments and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 17 OPENING REMARKS BY THE FOUNDER/CHAIRMAN, SAVANNAH CENTRE

8. In his opening remarks, Professor Ibrahim A. Gambari disclosed that four factors inspired him to establish the Savannah Centre as a Think-Tank that would focus on the nexus between peace, democracy and Development, namely:

a. The Seminal Reports by two former UN Secretaries-General- Boutros Boutros Ghali “An Agenda for Peace” and “An Agenda for Development” and Kofi Annan’s “In Larger Freedom” all of which underscored the nexus between peace, democracy and development;

b. The new realities of the post 9/11 world characterised by the new scourge of terrorism, violent extremism, irregular armies and non-state actors, which were not envisaged;

c. The challenges of combatting these threats by promoting democratic security, political and economic reforms naturally, in the African continent and in global governance; and

d. The opportunity to train, teach and inform while sharing his experiences both as a scholar and diplomat.

9. He expressed satisfaction that although the Centre started small, it had, within the short period, made a reasonable impact. He also expressed optimism that the Centre was going to become a World–class Think-Tank.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 18 10. Continuing his remarks, Professor Gambari stated that the Conference was timely as it marked the third in the series of events undertaken by the centre. He recalled that the in November 2014 the Centre hosted a regional workshop on “Combating Insecurity and Violent Extremism in the Sahel: Implications For Socio-Economic Development” and that the communiqué issued at the end of that conference had become a reference document. He further stated that through its Council of the Wise and some Civil Society Organizations, the Centre played a prominent role and made positive contributions to the success of the just concluded 2015 General Elections in Nigeria.

11. In the light of this, he concluded that the Conference was convened to debate strategies on how to build on the successes recorded at the elections and that its recommendations would be made available to the incoming Government for consideration and implementation. Professor Gambari took the advantage of the Conference to inform of the new Logo for Savannah Centre and invited the Chairman of the Centres Council of the Wise, Honourable Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais to unveil the new logo of the Centre.

CONFERENCE CHAIRMAN'S REMARKS:

12. The Chairman of the occasion, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, observed that the Conference was timely and the topics challenging, considering the high expectations on the participants as highlighted by Professor Ibrahim A. Gambari, the

Chairman of the Centre and Ambassador Amb. Baba Gana Kingibe

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 19 Abdullahi A. Omaki, the Executive Director. He noted that Nigeria and indeed Africa were living in exciting, challenging and interesting times and opined that the general election was not as divisive as was characterised by Ambassador Omaki. He, however, stated that the divisiveness was restricted to the machination of a political party which was rejected by the Nigerian electorates at the polls.

13. According to him, the attempt to divide the nation failed and democracy and the quest for freedom were upheld. Furthermore, he opined that Nigerians had, by this successful election, purged themselves of the ghost of June 12 election which was adjudged fair and free. He urged the nation to build on the collective achievements of the efforts made by all key players.

14. He congratulated the Founder and Chairman of the Centre for the excellent manner in which the conference was organised. Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe also noted with appreciation, the spread and diversity of the participants and their interface with the representatives of the international community.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 20 KEY - NOTE ADDRESS: ''THE CHALLENGES OF STATECRAFT, GOVERNANCE AND SECURITY'’

15. The Keynote Address was presented by Major-General Olasehinde Ishola Williams (rtd). Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe was the Special Guest of Honour and the Chairman of the first session of the Conference.

16. The presenter structured his paper into seven main parts, namely: a) He identified the three dimensions of the human being as economic, psychological and social. He explained that the economic dimension concerned the individual's quest for livelihood and benefits while the psychological dimension was related to the individual's self- control and esteem on one hand and emotion, greed and fear, belief and faith, as well as self-actualization on the other hand. He further expounded that the social dimension had two components namely: the self, community and the nation on one hand while culture, health, education, and protections were on the other side;

b) Politics, Statecraft, Government and Governance and Us, General Williams explained that Government existed to provide security and development. He expatiated that Government had the responsibility to deter crime, violence, extremism, terrorism and external aggression; compel use of force where deterrence failed; reassure citizens about its capacity to maintain the rule of law, order safety and restore stability when necessary; meet the welfare needs of the people; respect the civil rights of the people and provide the enabling environment for economic growth and development;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 21 c) Actors in Governance: The presenter stated that there were categories of actors in governance who were engaged in both formal and informal relationships. He argued that interactions of the state/local, public/civil service decision makers, social services providers; political parties; media; professional bodies, industrialists; business groups, NGOs; and CBOs; and Cabals or interest groups criss-cross and inter-connect each other in the entire process of governance. He added that in spite of their shortcomings characterized by patronage, selfishness, parochialism and primordial interests, the middle class was needed in the course of this maze of human interactions to bring about the desired societal change. He argued that the Middle Class, which had compromised its integrity for material gains and self-aggrandisement, was to blame for betraying the aspirations of the people;

d) Citizens Responsibilities: The presenter acknowledged the responsibilities of citizens to the state, but argued that Nigerians rarely talked about the issue. However, he highlighted such responsibilities to include loyalty to the country; respect for the rights of others; obligations towards the present and future generations; participation in policy formulations, implementation and feed-back; choice of the right leaders and demand for accountability; and Participation in the maintenance of law and order;

e) National Security as Public Good: Major General Williams argued that national security as a public good involved:

I. Diplomatic capability for rallying allies; marshaling economic power to facilitate or compel compliance, and projecting culture as soft power;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 22 ii. Maintenance of an effective border agencies and armed forces;

iii. Implementing disaster and emergency preparedness in order to be free from military threats and political coercion;

iv. Maintain intelligence system to detect threats, avoid espionage, and protect the Authority and classified information; and

v. Create awareness of security (security consciousness);

17. Major – General Ishola Williams identified twelve major challenges of statecraft, governance and security as follows: i) Institutional building, systems and processes for human security within a national integrity framework with ethical foundation; Ii) Contractocracy and lack of national integrity architecture; iii) Competition and secularism; iv) Inter and intra-ethnic conflicts; v) Aids: vi) Acute Integrity Deficiency Syndrome; vii) Acute Innovation Dependency Syndrome and Acute International Donor Dependency Syndrome; viii) The loss of conscience and integrity of individual, institutional and community; ix) Administration not respect, envy and influence of the corruptible leaders which provides enabling environment for impunity; x) Religiosity is up but not spirituality which is the foundation of the national integrity architecture;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 23 xi) Majority are “fence sitters'' and inactive followership with minority, honest ethical voices demanding accountability; xii) Lack of respect and compliance with ethical rules and norms – written and un-written; xiii) Reluctance to collectively name and shame with total forfeiture of assets; and xiv) Increased impunity, inequality with sluggish decrease in poverty.

Mission for the Incoming Government: 18. The presenter counselled the incoming Government to focus on the following: i. Maintenance of national stability; ii. Sustenance of human capital development; iii. Building infrastructure; and iv. Strengthen integrity, institutions, systems and processes.

CONCLUSIONS: 19. The presenter, in concluding his presentation, argued that Nigeria should: a. Develop a new model of economy that would reduce the people's pain; b. Build an innovative public sector that would serve as incubator of ideas for better governance; c) Evolve a middle class and professionals that would accept the ethical and moral responsibilities for managing accountable Local Governments, States and the Federal Government; d) Adopt teaching, learning and research as priority for building a knowledgeable and productive nation; and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 24 e) Design a new security architecture that would reduce the peoples'' fears and strengthen national stability

CHAIRMAN'S COMMENTS:

20. In his remarks, the Chairman described the paper as frank, original, incisive and provocative and germane to the times that we live in and the challenges ahead. Furthermore, he argued that the paper had identified the problems of leadership and primary responsibilities of government. In that context, he counselled for a missionary leader to implement the national visions encapsulated in many reports. He also defined his term in particular the quality of leadership and citizenship. The Chairman noted that the paper was critical of the incremental erosion and the duplication of institutions and called for the collapsing of state institutions to make them more effective and viable.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 25 PAPER ONE: “A NEW SECURITY ARCHITECTURE FOR NIGERIA: A HOLISTIC APPROACH TO BUILDING THE NATION-STATE.”

21. The paper was presented by Professor Habu Galadima, Director of Research; National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS). The discussants were Lieutenant-General Isaac C. Obiakor (rtd) and Prof. Tommy Imobighe

22. The presenter stated that the changing global security environment in the 21st century had compelled states to go beyond the traditional concept of security to recalibrate their national security architecture and cited the example of Nigeria which in November 2014 developed the National Security Strategy Document. He said that the new security strategy document provided a framework for understanding national security objectives, spectrum of threats, and the strategies for coping or adapting to the threats. The presenter described Security architecture as a multi- layered cohesive security design, which has structure that defines the relationship between components parts and provides a framework for understanding national security objectives, spectrum of threats, and the strategies for coping or adapting to the threats.

23. Professor Galadima also informed that the new security architecture for Nigeria had the following design: a. Identification of Nigeria's national interests; b. Determination of the level of intensity for each interest; c. Evaluation of the issues, trends, and challenges with regards to interests;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 26 e. Determination of objectives; f. Consideration of alternative concepts that utilize needed resources to achieve the objectives; g. Determination of the feasibility, acceptability and suitability of the strategic options, h. Conduct of a risk assessment, and i. Presentation of policy recommendations.

24. He emphasized that the new security architecture, which was derived from the national security policy of Nigeria, provided directions and levels of coordination to all stakeholders in the security sector. He added that the new security strategy document had examined the geo-strategic environment and identified its external and domestic characteristics.

25. He stressed that while the external environment was characterized by globalization with attendant terrorism, insurgency and transnational crimes, democracy as a dominant political value; and global economy, Nigeria's internal security environment was characterised by intermittent polarisation and instability, high level of unemployment and poverty, mono-cultural economy, and low industrial and agricultural productivity. He added that other characteristics of the internal security environment identified in the new security document included corruption, low enrolment and declining quality of education, weak administration of justice, declining ethical standards, inadequate infrastructural and social services delivery.

26. The presenter further stated that the new security strategy document also identified the internal security threats to have included terrorism,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 27 transnational crimes, illegal bunkering/crude oil theft, climate change, communal and ethno-religious conflicts, poverty, kidnapping, proliferation of small arms and light weapons, illegal migration, economic and financial crimes, and cyber crimes.

27. On the strategies to deal with the threats, Professor Galadima disclosed that the new document contained a range of strategies for responding to both the external and internal security threats. These include National Defence Strategy as contained in section 217 of the Constitution and counter- terrorism strategy document called the National Counter- Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST). Other approach the presenter stated was the Soft Approach with the objective to reform, rehabilitate and prepare violent extremist offenders, providing security in the Niger delta, internal security, political security strategy, economic security, food security, and social security.

28. The presenter also disclosed that in the draft document, the national security decision-making strategy was provided in the 1999 constitution. He named them as follows: a. The National Security Council; b. The Joint Intelligence Board; c. The Intelligence Community Committee; d. The National Security Agencies Appeal Committee; and e. The National Defense Council.

29. Professor Galadima in his conclusion noted obvious challenges which confront the new security strategy document as follows: a. Low-level involvement of the citizenry;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 28 b. Inadequate funding; c. Lack of political will to implement the provisions of the document, d. The cold war syndrome; e. Lack of citizen's security consciousness; f. Poor monitoring and evaluation mechanisms; and g. Absence of a coordinating agency.

CHAIRMAN'S REMARKS 30. The Chairman of the session commended the presentation but observed that the presenter was reviewing a document, which was not yet available to participants, making it difficult for easy connection and requested ONSA to avail participants with copies. The request was acceded to and each participant received a copy.

31. The first discussant, Lt. General Isaac C. Obiakor commended the professor Galadima for a good presentation, but expressed disappointment that the Nigerian security establishment was too secretive and still doing things as if the country was in the civil war era. He stated that many Nigerians were not aware of the new security strategy document and the revised National Defence Policy 2006. The discussant further suggested that the new security strategy document should be broken down into implementable formats by articulating contingencies and testing them otherwise, he said, the document could be worthless.

32. In his critique of Nigeria's approach to the insurgency in the North-East, Lt. General Obiakor was of the view that Nigeria was not proactive because it almost took two years to correctly define and respond to Boko Haram insurgency. Commenting on the Nyanyan bomb explosion,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 29 he criticised the uncoordinated and confused state of the intervention by the different agencies. He therefore expressed the need for the establishment of a coordinating agency who would then identify core agency that would then take charge in the face of an emergency. Furthermore, he expressed the need for the appointment of Substantive Deputies to assist the National Security Adviser (NSA). Concluding, Lt. General Obiakor concurred with the postulation of General Ishola Williams to the effect that Nigeria needed visionary leaders rather than the missionary leadership.

33. The second discussant, Professor Tommy Imobighe, agreed that although the new Security Strategy document was sufficiently comprehensive, it was not effectively used in addressing Nigeria's current security challenges. He criticised the hitherto narrow conception of security in Nigeria, unlike now where it is broadened to include as many subjects as possible. He added that there was, in effect, a proliferation of what security is, and that in spite of this, the response of the security Agencies had not been sufficient. He concluded by arguing that Nigeria must try to prevent the escalation of conflict into violence through effective preventive diplomacy, conflict prevention and resolution as well as the deployment of early warning system. However, in the event of violence outbreak, a negotiation team should be sent along with the soldiers deployed to resolve the conflict.

CHAIRMAN'S REMARKS 34. The Chairman of the Session, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, in his reaction to the presentation, observed that Boko Haram Insurgency was left to fester for too long and later became a menace. With regards to the Niger

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 30 Delta Region he noted that although there is relative calm in the Region now, there was need for contingency plans to take care of eventualities. He concluded by saying that there should be a clear distinction between insurgency, terrorism and criminality with regards to the Niger Delta Region. Finally, he expressed concern about the collapse of state institutions and limited Government resources.

GENERAL DISCUSSIONS 35. Professor Ibrahim A. Gambari acknowledged the difference between Security Architecture and Strategy. He noted that Security had been politicised. He also noted that the existence of security did not mean that there could not be state failure. Furthermore, he stated that non-military threats were not well defined in the National Security Strategy document and wondered why they constituted threats. He also expressed the view that he did not also subscribe to the idea of “soft approach” strategy to security issues. He made a case for the establishment of a National Intelligence Board where membership should include non-military personnel and that the National Security Adviser should not necessarily be persons of with military background.

36. A participant argued that Nigeria was not proactive in its response to Boko Haram insurgency. Another participant was of the view that transnational criminals recruited some young Nigerians and took them abroad for training and later brought them back to Nigeria as insurgents. One of the participants called for the de-federalization of the Nigerian Police Force (to allow for state police).

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 31 PAPER TWO COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM (CVE) IN AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA: AN APPRAISAL OF NIGERIA'S SOFT APPROACH POLICY AND THE NIGER-DELTA PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY PROGRAMME 37. The Paper was presented by Ambassador C. L. Laseinde, Director Operations, Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), on behalf of the National Security Adviser, Col. Mohammed Sambo Dasuki (rtd).

38. The Presenter stated that the Conference provided a unique opportunity for national discourse on important issues. In this regards, he argued that national security had been identified as a top priority in view of the multiple threats that had confronted the country in recent years. The Paper was structured into seven issue areas: a. Threats from violent extremism; b. De-radicalization; c. Strategic communication; d. Counter-radicalization; e. Economic regeneration; f. The need for greater coordination in West Africa and the Sahel; g. The Niger-Delta Security.

39. The NSA stated that the threats Nigeria faced were mainly from the radicalized and fundamentalist Islamic Group known as the Boko Haram, which first emerged in Borno State in 2000 under the founder and leader, the late Mohammed Ali. He explained that the movement then known as “the Nigerian Taliban” targeted the police and other security agencies largely to amass weapons.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 32 40. The Presenter disclosed that the group whose activities were initially contained eventually metamorphosed into Boko Haram under a new leader, the late Mohammed Yusuf, who sought to impose an extreme violent Salafist Sharia Legal system in the North. He further disclosed that from 2009 till date, under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau, the sect had killed over 10,000 civilians including women and children; kidnapping hundreds of people including more than 200 young girls from a school in Chibok. He explained that in response to the threats, the Office of the NSA had developed a National Counter Violent Extremism Programme which was unveiled on 18th March 2014. According to him, the National CVE Programme was the soft approach which was part of Nigeria's counter terrorism strategy that sought to raise awareness of the threat of violent extremism as well as shape policy and programming.

41. The NSA informed that the National CVE Programme was a four- pronged approach that encompassed peace, security, and development. He added that it was a totally non-military and a complementary approach involving the Federal/State Governments, Civil Society organizations, religious institutions, traditional and community leaders. He further explained that the CVE Programme utilized existing structures within and outside governments to deliver targeted programmes and activities that further the overall goal of stemming the tide of radicalization.

DE-RADICALIZATION 42. The presenter explained that de-radicalization involved: a. Convicted terrorist offenders; b. Suspected terrorists awaiting trial; c. An after-care programme for suspects released from custody and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 33 those who voluntarily renounce terrorism. He further explained that it involved the training of new generation of practitioners in the area of forensic psychology, religious instruction with particular emphasis on extremist narratives, art therapists, social workers, vocational and educational counsellors. The presenter posited that the after-care programme was community based and designed to aid in the rehabilitation and integration of former extremists and involved civil society organizations.

STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS 43. The presenter also explained that Nigeria's strategic communication was aimed at producing counter narratives by preventing moderate views in contrast violent extremism and thereby promoting core national values. He then informed that by this strategic communication, they engaged the media to ensure that its reportage on terrorist activities was done with high sense of responsibility. He further confirmed that if the efforts in strengthening their public diplomacy.

COUNTER-RADICALIZATION 44. The NSA further explained that this focused on community engagement, community relevance and education based projects designed to prevent recruitment of terrorists thereby reducing the potential for radicalization. He noted that the Society Against Violent Extremism (SAVE) Project, in the Office of the NSA was responsible for counter-radicalization.

45. He underlined the objectives as follows: a. Countering the drivers of radicalization; b. Encouraging CVE action in communities, Civil Society and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 34 Government institutions; c. Building community engagement and resilience; d. Using education as a tool for countering violent extremism; and e. Promoting religious tolerance.

Economic Regeneration 46. He stated that economic regeneration was a revitalization programme targeted at the States most affected by terrorism and insurgency. He explained that there is an Inter-ministerial Committee, development partners, and the office of the NSA, currently working under the aegis of the Presidential Initiative for the North-East, providing support succour for internally displaced persons (IDPs) through emergency relief, provision of food and medicines.

Need For Greater Coordination In West Africa And The Sahel 47. The presenter called for greater cooperation, a comprehensive and coordinated approach to tackle underlying structural economic problems. He also called on the governments of the Sahel to take back ungoverned spaces across the region to prevent radicalization by consistently investing in their population, building strong democratic and inclusive governments in which economic growth and stability could be achieved.

NIGER DELTA REGION 48. Finally focusing on Niger-Delta, the NSA attributed the militancy in the region to years of neglect of the economic development, environmental degradation, youth unemployment, and lack of access to functional education resulting in youth restiveness. He explained that earlier attempts to address these challenges by previous governments did not yield much

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 35 success until the late President Umaru Musa Yar'adua initiated the Amnesty Programme in 2009 resulting in significant reduction in violence and militancy. He further explained that although large scale militancy had declined, the problem had not been completely eradicated as there were intermittent disruption to oil production, illegal local oil refining and bunkering in league with foreign interests and oil/gas pipeline vandalism. He added that these remained a threat to economic security. The NSA therefore, stated that any contingency for the region must take cognisance of potentials for the resurgence of militancy in the region.

49. He, however, informed that the current national security policy in the region is to ensure the safety of oil installations and personnel, environmental degradation is reduced to the barest maximum, continued rapid economic development of the region to ensure youth security and education security for enhanced livelihoods.

50. The NSA concluded by underlining the importance of regional and international cooperation in efforts to address security threats posed to violent extremists and criminal networks, while building capacity and strengthening institutions.

CHAIRMAN'S REMARKS 51. The Chairman of the occasion, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe expressed reservation on the attribution of Boko Haram insurgency to Islamic fundamentalism. He noted that the national Counter Violent Extremism was a “vast area" in a long-term security project.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 36 Discussion 52. The first discussant, Ms Fatima Kyari commended the paper but observed that there had not been any tangible result from CVE. She pointed out that it is a new concept and depends much on the context in which one is looking at it. She suggested that there was the need for Government to be proactive in the management of conflict to avert escalation. The second discussant, Brigadier-General Saleh Bala (rtd) underlined the need to build constitutionally framed avenues for addressing problems and challenges and recommended the following: a. Accountability; b. Revisiting the National Media Act to allow for faith-based media outfits; b. Avoid personality-driven strategies, not contractor-driven; c. Avoid military mentality on statecraft; d. The Office National Security Adviser (ONSA) should operate within its constitutional provision.

He further observed that the document did not seek the views of the local leaders, State Governors, and Civil Society Organizations.

53. The third discussant, Honourable Aliyu Gebi, Chairman House Committee on National Security explained that it was not by accident but by design that Nigeria was where it is. He alluded that Maitatsine was being replicated in Boko Haram. He also argued that the apparent lack of parental control over their wards in the Northern States in particular, made it easy for Boko Haram to recruit them. He opined that the North-Eastern Region had been neglected for too long by successive regimes and wondered where the Victims Support Fund meant for the welfare and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 37 rehabilitation of the victims of the insurgency are. Honourable Gebi further explained that Boko Haram was a religious cult and not a sect and had a cycle. He observed that the paper presented did not address the real issues confronting the people. He recommended that religion should be regulated to check radicalization and wastage of funds on de-radicalization.

GENERAL DISCUSSIONS 54. The presentation provoked lots of reactions from participants who made the following recommendations: a. The need for a post-conflict development framework for the North- East; b. Need to disband Ad - Hoc Committees or Task Forces at the completion of their assignments instead of being allowed to metamorphose into new Agencies/Institutions; c. Need for the Child's Rights Act to be revisited to accommodate the Almajiris in the Northern States. e. The Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) was not only for the children of the elite but for all who met the admission requirements.

55. Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe summed up the discussions by calling for the building of strong institutions and not personalities in governance. Reacting to some observations made by participants, the Presenter, Ambassador Laseinde agreed with some of the views expressed by the participants and gave the assurance that the counter-radicalization and de- radicalization programme would eventually improve the national counter violent extremism.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 38 THE PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY PROGRAMME

56. The paper was presented by Mr. T.F. Mologe, Deputy Comptroller General of Immigration (rtd), a representative of the Niger-Delta in the programme. He traced the origin of the youth restiveness and agitations in the Niger-Delta region back to the failure of the post-independent Federal Government of Nigeria to adequately address the social, economic and political agitations of the Niger-Delta region as encapsulated in the Willinks Commission Report on Fears of Minorities of the Region. The agitation manifested in the Isaac Adaka Boro 12-day Revolution, Ken Saro Wiwa's Environmental Struggle, militant activities which led to the drop in the oil production thereby seriously affecting the economic life of the nation. In order to resolve the protracted insecurity, environmental and ecological degradation and neglect, the late President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua proclaimed an unconditional Presidential Amnesty on 25 thJune 2009 to militants who agreed to lay down their arms.

57. Mr. Mologe informed that the Amnesty Programme was a structured intervention programme with specific mandate and a time frame to assist disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration of repentant ex-militants. He said that the programme is a security, political, economic and socially contrived conflict intervention prograamme with successes and challenges.

ACHIEVEMENTS 58 He disclosed that the DDR programme had largely taken care of youth restiveness in the region, stabilized and increased crude oil production. He also said that 13, 145 youths had received general and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 39 specialized skills training within and beyond Nigeria, while 4,698 are currently undergoing skills acquisition training in various areas and 100 were being trained in the Aviation sector some had and 1,300 were in different universities abroad.

CHALLENGES

59. Mr. Mologe informed that some of the ex-militants lacked basic requirements for the technical training programme; there is no clear link between the body responsible for the prgramme and the industries which makes it difficult for those trained to be absorbed into employment; some of the ex-militants lacked the will power and temporary sacrifices even when sponsored; and that some of them are apathetic to the programme; some multinationals such as the oil and gas companies who have their own in-house trainings such as the oil and gas forum. He recommended the replication of a similar human capital development intervention in other geopolitical zones and that the main progrmme should be sustained by the Federal Government. He added that Government should pay attention to making youths more employable with emphasis on self-employment.

GENERAL DISCUSSIONS

60. Most of the discussions on this paper expressed apprehensions on the possible termination of the programme after December 2015 and the fears of allowing the Niger Delta Region to relapse with its turbulent past hence the need to ensure targeted review to keep the scheme going hence ensure basic security in that region.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 40 61. Similarly, representatives from Borno State called for the establishment of such a programme to address some of the underlining causes of the Boko Haram terrorism and insurgency in the North-East , stressing that what was good for the Niger Delta Region should be good for other regions challenged by insecurity with huge humanitarian consequences.

PAPER THREE THE MULTINATIONAL JOINT TASK FORCE AND SUSTAINABLE SECURITY OF THE LAKE CHAD REGION: A COLLECTIVE APPROACH FOR RESOLVING COMMON SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SECURITY THREATS IN THE REGION

60. The paper was presented by Dr. Zakaria Ousman Ramadane. He structured his paper on the following issue-areas:

I Multiplicity and interdependence of Global Security Factors: Dr. Ramadane highlighted three main areas of the interdependence of global security factors, namely “perfect storms”, the changed nature of armed conflict and the emerging trends. He identified “perfect storms” to include failed governments, religious violence, lagging economies, disenfranchised population, and bulges of uneducated/unemployed youth. The changing nature of conflict were listed as those fought transnationally, among the population, asymmetric, and States pitted against non-state armed groups such as ethnic, religious and communal warriors. The emerging trends of global security factors in his analysis included globalization, international terrorism, pervasive insecurity and cultural clashes.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 41 ii. Regional driving impetus: The presenter observed that the Lake Chad Basin Commission Region (LCBC) is confronted by multiple global challenges and that no parts of the globe suffers more from global warming, rising food insecurity, and in-equitable/unjust world trading system that the LCBC. He reasoned that many problems had become regional in scope, such as spill over of conflicts, refugees and internally displaced persons, terrorism, Ebola epidemic, etc. He therefore canvassed support for regional cooperation and the rise of regional NGOs and civil society organisations in this regard.

iii. Destabilizing Trends in the Lake Chad Region: Dr. Ramadane identified political, socio-economic and cultural identity as the main drivers of insecurity in the Lake Chad Basin region. Related to the foregoing point, he identified the fragility of new democracies, such as in the numerous obstacles. Citing the cases of the Central African Republic (CAR), Dr. Ramadane recalled the do-or-die affair approach of politicians in may electoral contests. Focusing more on the CAR, Nigeria, Chad and the Cameroon, he cited the pervasive poverty and low/precarious standard of living, as well as corruption and mal-administration. Overall, he noted the poor civil-military relations in the Lake Chad Basin region, which is characterized by suspicion and mistrust.

iv. Destabilizing Social Trends: The presenter delved into the analysis of the destabilizing social trends in the region, namely: a) Large pool of under-educated; b) Unemployed, under-employed or unemployed youth (40 – 45%); c) Youth Bulge (those under 25, make 60% of the total population, who are most likely to be exploited by conflict entrepreneurs;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 42 d) Anger, frustration and fear arising from the conjoined nature of social inequality with underdevelopment; e) High pay-off associated with criminal activities; f) Migration and rural exodus; etc

v. Other Destabilizing Trends: Dr. Ramadane traced other destabilizing trends in the region to the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which was exacerbated with the collapse of Libya. Other identifications were ethnic and religious tensions; long porous borders; failure of government to provide adequate security; environmental degradation and climate change, as well as demographic pressures. Focusing closely on Government failure as a major destabilizing regional trend, the presenter listed the failure to address the genuine grievances of the people, vacuum created by the absence of effective governing structures and increasing scope and magnitude of the level of poverty. Focusing on refugees and internally displaced persons, Dr. Ramadane disclosed that IDPs estimated at two millions in the region constitute a tremendous drain on host country's scarce resources. The presented also drew attention to the ultimate resentment and conflict that arises between refugees and the host population for scarce resources.

vi. The Lake Chad Basin Commission: A Common Framework to Deal with Regional Problems: The presented traced the historical development, purposes and objectives, progress and challenges of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) from May 22, 1964 when it was established, to date. The foundation States according to him were Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, Central Africa Republic and Libya later joined as full members while Sudan and Congo came on board as observer members. The foundational

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 43 objectives of the Commission he stated are to foster cooperation and regional integration among its member States, including economic, social political and security objectives. In its 50 years according to Ramadane, the organization has accumulated enough experience to enable to take up transboundary security issues.

vii. The Concept of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF): Dr. Ramadane explained that arising from the pre-eminence of the security objectives of the LCBC, the Multinational Joint Task Force between Nigeria, Chad and Niger (MNJTF) was established in 1998 to deal with cross-border security issues in the Lake Chad region. However, the non-membership of Cameroon in the MNJTF created a huge security gap which largely accounted for the ineffectiveness of the Force. Largely reacting to this as well as the need to revitalize the security in the region, in particular, in view of new threat of Boko Haram, the 14th Summit of LCBC on 30/4/2012 took a decision to review that mandate as well as expanded the 1998 Security arrangement to include all the member-states of LCBC. On 8/5/2012, the framework for the MNJTF was established but not adopted by member states until Chibok girls were abducted and the consequent international outcries led to an expanded framework which now includes Benin Republic.

viii. Challenges for the Multilateral Security Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin: The presenter pointed out that the approach adopted by the MNJTF posed practical administrative and operational challenges, namely: the Ad-Hoc operational structures; the jurisdictional competence of the Executive Secretary of the LCBC in respect of military operations and troops administration; diverse political agenda; operational security, and cultural linguistic differences.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 44 ix. Way Forward: A New Vision in the Lake Chad Region: The presenter articulated the following vision for the Lake Chad Region: namely: a) The Multinational Joint Security Force must be backed by inclusive political and socio-economic policies that seek to control the drivers of insecurity and instability in the region and within; b) Equal access to resources (inclusive growth); c) Partnership with regional and international stakeholders; d) Synergy of action based on comparative advantage; e) Ownership of action by LCBC Members.

PAPER FOUR THE PROBLEM AND CHALLENGES OF MANAGING PARTY DEMOCRACY, INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS, DIVISIONS AND DEFECTIONS IN NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC

61. The paper was presented by Professor Abubakar Momoh, Director- General, The Electoral Institute, Abuja and discussed by Professor George Obiozor and Dr.YinusaTanko. The Session was chaired by Honourable Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais, the former Chief Justice of Nigeria.

62. Professor Abubakar Momoh began the presentation by delineating between African countries that practice democracy and others, like Nigeria that were in the process of democratization. He identified five (5) schools of thought: a. The Liberal Democracy;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 45 b, Inrementalist Democracy which seeks to know which comes first- development or democracy; c. Developmentalist Democracy; d. Accountable Democracy- making votes to count; e. Exclusive Democracy- the exclusive character of the political system characterised by voter apathy, low turnout, high incidence of violence and electoral infractions and zero-sum game by politicians.

63. Following the above analysis, he posited that Africa had been unable to build liberal democracy because its political elites had not transformed from being an elite into being a political class. He further explained that this had resulted in huge deficits for democratic project as rather than democratising, Africa was de-democratising.

64. Relaying on what he called “eclectic approach”, he stated that in the eight years former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) had five successive Chairmen, four Senate Presidents and two speakers of the House of Representatives. He also noted that under President Goodluck Jonathan's six years, the PDP had five Chairmen, some of them in acting capacity, and that from the First National Assembly to the Seventh, that the demographics had shown a high mortality of membership.

65. Professor Momoh hypothesised that the crisis of democracy in Nigeria, nay Africa, could be understood practically from two perspectives. He said the first was to imbibe and internalise liberal ethics that were concomitant to liberal democratic practice, and the second, he explained was the character, social attributes, conflicts and crises within political parties. He then contended that all the perverse attributes associated with

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 46 party democracies and intra-party crises and conflicts could be associated with the lack of liberal ethics.

66. The presenter desegregate and analysed the internal structures and attributes of political parties in Nigeria and averred that they did not conform to the traditional and classical roles of political parties. He therefore, concluded that build the polity and deepen democracy, Nigeria must rebuild the political party and also embrace liberal ethics.

The Nature Of Liberal Politics 67. The presenter identified the attributes of liberal politics as respect for the rule of law, human rights and due process administrative transparency, accountability, civility, tolerance, ruthless criticism and exposure to public investigation/scrutiny. He stressed that the Nigerian political elite concealed their past, bribe journalists who seek to intrude into their private life. He therefore, stated that there had not been a transformation in the character of majority of Nigerian politicians from being political elite to a political class. He also took a swipe at the political elite for the application of disorder as an instrument of state policy, what he deemed “the normalization of disorder.”

Characteristics of Nigeria's Political Parties 68. Professor Momoh identified the following factors as being responsible for the frictions, crises, conflicts and altercations in Nigerian Political Parties: a. Owners joiners dichotomy; b. Interest-based Membership-Political correctness; c. The nature of party recruitment; d. Candidate-Members-Party members;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 47 e. Party Leaders-Leader of Party; f. Financial Membership-Party Financiers; g. Party manifesto-Candidates Programme; h. Personality-based Politics-Issue-based politics; i. Lack of internal democracy; j. Lack of elite Consensus, and consultative regulatory rules; k. Political elite-Political class; and l, Lack of Party Education.

Impact On Political Party Practices 69. He said that all these had combined to impact on political party practices. a. Politics as warfare: He explained that a major outcome of the contradictions listed above was the conception of politics as warfare-the backlash of the lack of internal democracy; b. Cyclical and unending crises: He characterised this as the endemic nature of crisis in political parties citing states as Anambra and Lagos; c. Political Nomadism: according to the presenter, this is a situation of heavy haemorrhage and mortality of members and sometimes arbitrary, indiscipline, and inexplicable defections made by politicians.

70. He delineated political nomadism into linear nomadism and reversed nomadism. According to him, reversed nomadism was a situation whereby a defector from party “A” moved to Party “B” and from “B” to “C” and from “C” to “D” and so on only to return to his original Party “A”. He further explained that whether a member would defect in linear or reversed nomadism, would depend on the pull and push factors, internal party politics and the uncertain and unsettled contestation between old and new members.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 48 71. Professor Momoh summed up that there was the need to appreciate that all Nigerian Political Parties were fractured and had fundamental defects that would continue to make old and new members to continue to defect. He argued that this trend would be irreversible unless the structural and debilitating factors affecting the party structure were rectified.

72. He concluded his presentation by recommending that political parties in Nigeria must return to the original concept of party building and democratic values. In this regard, he stressed that party membership must be based on interests, issues, ideology, and commitment. He added that political parties must raise or build dedicated cadres and should be mass- based.

73. Professor Momoh advised that party leaders or executives and National Working Committees must take firm charge of and responsibilities for guiding and driving the values of the political party. He added that at all times, the party must be a fair umpire and mediator providing a level playing ground for all aspirants and being able to enforce compliance with electoral guidelines.

74. Dr. Yinusa Tanko, Chairman, National Conscience Party and first discussant called for the over hold of the Electoral Act to check political nomadism. He argued that the government should fund the twenty-eight (28) registered political parties in Nigeria for the purposes of fairness and equity. He argued against ownership of political parties by few privileged persons and proposed that members should own political parties. He condemned the sale of forms by political parties to members seeking to contest elections as those who win elections seek to recoup the money they

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 49 had expended instead of focusing on issues of development and welfare of the people.

75. The second discussant, Professor George Obiozor, observed that politicians were a very important element in the society pursuing power. He added that politics was the modern equivalent of war and that politicians were ready to use every means available to achieve power. He advocated for the establishment of a political structure that would restrain political rascalism being witnessed in the country today. He recalled that in the Second Republic, Nigerian had manageable political structures. Professor Obiozor described Nigeria's politics as “cash and carry “ affair. He referred to the recently concluded general elections and expressed displeasure at the use of religion to score political points which he noted, was most disturbing as it threatened national unity.

General Discussions and Comments

76. In his contribution, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe agreed with the main thrust of the presentation but observed that there were no many concrete solutions to the issues raised in the paper. He also expressed the need to review the Electoral Act as suggested in the paper and further opined that the political class should include the right political culture and attitude in order to guarantee political stability and economic growth. He added that the electorate be properly educated to understand political party manifestos and government programmes.

77. A participant suggested that Nigerian legislators should be further encouraged to engage and interact with their foreign counterparts for the

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 50 purpose of enhancing the development of Nigeria's political culture. Another participant underlined the importance of holding leaders accountable.

PAPER FIVE “STABILIZING THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY:THE IMPERATIVE NECESSITY TO RE-EVALUATE THE NATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE, REVENUE GENERATION POLICIES, CURRENT PUBLIC EXPENDITURE AND THEIR LINKAGES TO DEVELOPMENT GOALS”

78. The paper was supposed to be presented by the Governor of the Central Bank but was not delivered because he did not show up and neither did the two discussants. However, the plenary of the Conference discussed the subject.

Professor Tommy Imobighe led the discussion on the topic. He acknowledged the need for government to pursue aggressively the policy of infrastructural development. He also noted that infrastructural development was capital intensive and government should encourage Nigerian business community to invest in the sector either under Public Private Partnership or with foreign investors. He called for a reduction in the size and cost of governance. He added that political offices should be made less attractive to check the “do or die” tendencies of Nigerian politicians.

79. Participants recommended that the Federal Government should pursue more vigorously the diversification of the economy with focus on solid minerals and agriculture and that States should be more innovative in their internal revenue drive to augment their finances. They advised that the

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 51 Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) should adopt innovative programme to generate more revenue and that the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFAC) should be made to carry out its full constitutional responsibility of revenue mobilization and allocation instead of concentrating mainly on allocation. They added that government Procurement Policy must conform with the principles of due process- transparency and probity.

PAPER SIX A HOLISTIC APPROACH FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION AND RAHABILITATION OF THE NORTH-EAST NIGERIAN REGION RAVAGED BY TERRORISM AND INSURGENCY: THE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL POLICY OPTIONS/PERSPECTIVES

80. The presenter, Dr. Bulama Gubio, on behalf of His Excellency Kashim Shettima, Executive Governor of Borno State, in his analysis of the background of the Boko Haram sect explained that in 2002, a group of men nicknamed Taliban established a territory in a border village called Kanamma in Yobe State, code named Kandahar. They started attacked on Nigerian cities and towns, including Bama and Gworza in Bornu State in 2004, Panshekara Police Station in Kano in 2007, Borno and some of Bauchi in 2009 under the leadership of Mohammed Yusuf. At that time the group could be said to be non-violent movement, under the late Mohammed Yusuf. In July, 2009, the sect launched several attacks on Police formations in Bauchi and Maiduguri and clashed with Nigerian soldiers in which nearly 1000 people lost their lives and the spiritual leader, Mohammed Yusuf was killed. The group resurfaced in 2010 under the leadership of Abubakar

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 52 Shekau with another name Jama'tul Ahlis SunnaLidda'AwatiWal-Jihad, “Group of the People of Sunna for teaching and Jihad”

81. They further recommended that cost of governance should be reduced drastically through the following reviews: i. Rationalization of state institutions and agencies in reality with revenue and financial challenges ii. Introduction of part-time legislation business (part-time Legislators) iii. Drastic reduction in salaries, allowances, severance pay and pensions for Legislators and Governors, in comparison with the situation whereby the most senior Civil Servants are paid about twenty Million Naira after thirty-five (35) years of service to the nation. The huge financial expenditure on Legislators, Governors and Political office holders makes a mockery of equity and fairness and constitute a big drain on the nation's financial resources.

82, Causes: The presenter attributed the circumstances that led to the groups' terrorism and insurgency activities to a complex of factors, namely: social, economic, environmental and political, among other others. He further noted that the fact that partisan politics in Nigeria had become a do or die affair had not helped matters.

83. The Sectoral Effects: The presenter contended that the types of crime perpetrated by the Boko Haram terrorists were the most heinous and traumatic in human history. He cited “...... the cases of orphans who watched their parents slaughtered, widows who were forced to witness the butchering of their husbands and thereafter taken as concubines, and old parents who screamed and groaned in pain and anguish while their only

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 53 asset in life – their children were forced away not to be seen or heard again”. The Executive Governor also cited the experience of one of the girls recently rescued from the Sambisa forest, and is quoted “.... We were kept and treated like animals. We were kept away from all that went on in the world. We were fed with raw maize flour and drank little water. Many died of starvation and brutality. We did not even know that our fellow Nigerians had participated in politics and elected our leaders.”

84. Continuing his presentation, the Governor explained that the prolonged Insurgency had impacted negatively in the socio-economic development of the North-East region. He added that the socio-economic, cultural, infrastructural institutional dislocations caused by the insurgency would require more than ordinary government budgetary allocations to put things back in shape.

85. Education: In the area of education, he informed that most public and private schools had been completely destroyed, communities had been frightened not to ever think of every sending their children to school. According to the Governor, about 900 schools in the State had been destroyed since 2011 and 176 teachers killed. The unimaginable destruction of educational infrastructure would require colossal resources to reconstruct. The Governor also acknowledged the challenge of recruiting teachers that will be willing to take appointments in the service because of fear. The Governor also decried the poor enrolment of school age children due to inability of the authority to enforce compulsory enrolment from primary to secondary schools. He called for friendly school environment and the provision of essential infrastructure, free feeding system, provision of learning, social activities and motivation of teachers.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 54 86. Water Supply: The Governor disclosed that the insurgents had destroyed most of the sources of water supply in the area by dumping dead bodies of their victims and other debris into water wells, compounding an already precarious water situation. Such evil designs he stated had affected wildlife in general and the smooth resettlement of the IDPs.

87. Health: The Governor declared that the entire health sector, including the rural health infrastructure was completely grounded as several health personnel were murdered and many kidnapped by the terrorist. Others were held captive to render services to terrorists in their camps. Arising from this situation he stated, health facilities are only available in the state capital and are overstretched. He noted that these hospitals need also urgent rehabilitation.

88. Economic: Alhaji Kashim Shettima submitted that due to the economic devastations visited on the state by the insurgents, scores of companies, including multinationals had moved out of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe States, further grounding economic activities and engendering massive loss of revenue to the States.

89. Internally Displaced Persons: The Executive Governor explained that the States in the region expended enormous resources on the welfare of internally displaced persons. For instance, the Borno State Government spent about 600 million Naira monthly on the maintenance of IDPs and over 20 million Naira on reconstruction, infrastructures and utilities. He stated that there are thirteen IDP camps and 120,553 IDPs as at March, 2015 in Borno State.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 55 90. The Need for International Intervention: The State Governor expressed the urgent need for the intervention by the international community to bring in their expertise for landmines clearing to facilitate the return of displaced persons. He also sought their assistance in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of schools and health facilities and other social amenities destroyed by the insurgents. He also called for the assistance of relevant international agencies to hunt, arrest and prosecute the extremist leaders and their sponsors. He proposed that efforts be made to de-radicalize the insurgents.

91. Youth Employment/Civilian Joint Task Force: The governor also called relevant Federal Government agencies to help identify the potentials and talents of members of the Civilian JTF with a view to absorbing them into their respective areas of competence. He also expressed the need for further training in education for them.

92. Drug Addictions and Managing Post-traumatic Stress Disorder: The Governor drew attention to the high level of drug-addiction among idle youths and called for a holistic approach in addressing the menace. The Governor also drew attention to the dehumanization and disorientation inflicted on their victims by the insurgents. He sought the specialized help of the relevant international and local agencies to help them return to normal life.

93. Conclusions: The Executive Governor of Borno State concluded that the North-East region is facing serious environmental and humanitarian crisis and therefore require urgent intervention to rehabilitate, stabilize and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 56 re-integrate the victims into society. He emphasised that this required special intervention program to salvage the region from the socio-economic quagmire it had found itself.

INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION OF THE REHABILITATION OF THE NORTH EAST REGION

94. In response to the call for international support for the post-conflict rehabilitation programme in the Northeast, the United Nations Country Coordinator in Nigeria, Mr. DoudaToure, informed that the UN was ready to intervene but that the organization would like to know the areas of such assistance, which must be based on request broken down in phases- shelter; early recovery (getting people back home and to on with their life); provision of water and sanitation, post trauma counselling; medical and health needs. Furthermore, he stressed the need for a long term plan for the region to focus on reconstruction and rehabilitation. He added that the World Bank, African Development Bank and Donor Agencies are better positioned to finance these.

Justice Muhammad Lawal Uwais, GCON, Chairman, Savannah Centre’s Council of the Wise and Chairman of Day 2 of Conference

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 57 CONFERENCE RECOMMENDATIONS AND APPRAISALS:

95. After thought-provoking, incisive and lively discussions, the Conference recommended as follow:- SECURITY: a. the need for security shift from military-centred to military-civilian centred. Mindful of the military's cherished role as security provider, calls on all security organs to play their pivotal role in protecting citizens' life and property as well as protecting them from fear and physical harm; b. the primacy of developing integrated comprehensive national security policies addressing the major military and human security concerns; c. the need to redress the current communication deficit by improving on information sharing by the defense and security establishments on a need-to-know basis with stakeholders and the citizenry; d. the urgent need to address the proliferation of institutions of State with overlapping functions with the view to stream-lining their functions, and also cutting the cost of governance as well as reducing unnecessary bureaucratic misunderstandings; e. that the Office of National Security Adviser (ONSA) should properly enlist and engage other relevant agencies and stakeholders in implementing the laudable initiatives by the NSA which resulted in the operational framework documents to enhance effective and efficient security and defence service delivery;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 58 f. necessity for adopting, nurturing, developing, consolidating and strengthening bilateral and multilateral relations with Nigeria's neighbours by evolving strategic and tactical, military, socio-economic and political cooperation with Nigeria's neighbours, particularly Niger, Cameron and Chad, Benin Republic as well as Mali, Sudan, Algeria, Burkina Faso in combating the Boko Haram terrorists; g. that Nigeria should seek to enhance her security through a combination of strategies. First, is through careful and full implementation of the various provisions in the recently released National Security Strategy Document. Second, through a revitalized Bilateral arrangement with her immediate neighbours, namely Cameroun, Chad, Benin Republic, Niger as well as Mali, Algeria, Sudan and Burkina Faso. Third, through Multilateral arrangement by way of an expanded Multinational Joint Security Task Force (MJSTF) under the auspices of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), taking into account the strategic location of Benin Republic to Nigeria's security interest; h. the urgent conclusion of negotiations on legal status as well as the modalities of the operational effectiveness of the Multinational Joint Security Task Force to enhance the security of the Lake Chad Region;

POLITICAL: i. the urgent need for party building and the institutionalization of management mechanisms in the aftermath of the 2015 elections; j. that political party organization and management in Nigeria should be based on the rules, guidelines and constitution of the party. In this

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 59 regard, parties and members should always allow internal party democracy to prevail; k. the supremacy of party constitution in handling internal party disputes, so long as these are not in conflict with the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution and the Electoral Act as amended; l. that the Political Parties move away from the current syndrome of political elitism to building the real political class whose focus is anchored on sustainable development of party politics; devoid of the current political nomadism whose sole purpose for power acquisition is to satisfy the parochial interest of its political class (not of the people). In order to attain this, it is important that parties are built on interests, issues and ideology; m. that inter-party cooperation and understanding should be strengthened; n. that the Nigerian political parties must return to the original concept of party-building and democratic values, guided by a disciplined political class in order to stem the spate of defections that have characterized the Nigerian political system;

MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION: o. that the media to strictly adhere to professional ethics, standards of journalism, and any violation should attract severe sanctions;

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 60 p. that the Media and Civil Society Organizations should strive to be agents in the promotion of national interest, religious tolerance, peaceful co-existence, national integration and cohesion;

ECONOMY: q. the necessity for full implementation of the Fiscal Responsibility Act to check corruption as well as strengthen the relevant State Institutions, such as the EFCC and ICPC; r. the necessity to merge institutions performing similar functions to cut cost as well as strengthen them; (NDE/SMEDAN/NAPEP); (VIO/FRSC), (ICPC, etc) s. that while due process as a procurement policy is important and necessary, it must be conducted in transparent manner; t. that the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFAC) should assume responsibility for the mobilization of revenue instead of concentrating mainly on allocation; u. the Nigerian-State should expedite action on the compensation of victims of Boko Haram terrorism and insurgency through the established and funded Victims' Support Fund; v. the establishment of a special economic programme for the affected States of the North-East, focusing on rehabilitation, resettlement and reconstruction; w. the success story of the Presidential Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Region which terminates in 2015 needs targeted review to forestall the relapse of the region into its turbulent past. The Conference also recommends a similar arrangements to address the peculiar issues arising from the insurgency in the Nort-East region, while noting the singularity of purpose for the General T.Y Danjuma's

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 61 Victims Support Funds; x. that the Governors of the North-East States and indeed of the entire North, should come out with a blueprint that addresses the issues of vocational and skills-acquisition education for the youths in order to help reduce youth restiveness in the region; y. the necessity for the incoming Federal Government to urgently give priority attention to the special economic programme for the North East, a region ravaged and traumatised by the Boko Haram insurgency; z. part time legislative business should be carefully considered as this will drastically reduce the huge cost incurred by the nation to maintain a horde of legislators and their aides; za. salaries and allowances of legislators should be reduced in line with economic realities and their severance pay must be realistic and in comparison to those of civil servants, who after over thirty years of meritorious service and even at the highest salary grade level, are paid less than twenty million naira; zb. effective use of taxation as veritable source of government revenue for socio-economic development; and zc. interface with Nigerians in the Diaspora, as well as Nigerians with investments outside, to encourage them to bring their funds to invest in specific sectors of the Nigerian economy.

APPRAISALS 96. The hosting of the Conference was timely and the discussions were frank, lively and robust. Furthermore, the Conference provided an opportunity for practitioners and scholars in the fields of security, economy and governance to diagnose the problems and challenges

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 62 which could constrain security, political stability, growth and development as well hamper the realization of the objectives of Nigeria's Vision 2020: 20 Economic Blueprint which aims to make Nigeria one of the twenty leading economies in the world in the year 2020.

97. The foundation of governance should be based on integrity, honesty and service to the people. Appointees of government must be people of integrity, impeccable character, experienced, and complimentary visions who would see their service to the nation rather an opportunity for self-enrichment. Furthermore, government must be transparent, accountable and based on the rule of law and respect for human rights.

98. To effectively combat corruption and impunity in the country, government must summon political will to establish special courts that would accelerate judicial determination of cases of corruption such as economic and financial crimes as may from time to time be referred to it by relevant agencies.

99. As a matter of urgency, government is encouraged to continue to expand some of the existing strategic youth empowerment programmes such as YOU-WIN, Internships and Entrepreneurship programme.

100. Finally, the issue of security in which terrorism continues to be the most serious threats to peace and security in Africa, hence impacting negatively on development and growth of the continent, should continue to receive collective approach and responses in order to bring

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 63 this menace to humanity in perpetual check. Nigeria must approach this from two basic perspectives - nationally as well as finding an appropriate interface between bilateralism and multilateralism, in the context of the Lake Chad Basin Commission. The Conference addressed these levels reasonably well and what is left is for measured political will to be appropriated in order to affect the different levels of engagements that would enhance the security of our region.

101. While several security experts, including the offices of the NSA and of the Service Chiefs, contributed effectively to this national discourse, the platform of which was created by the Savannah Centre, the same cannot be said of those in the realm of the economy and who are public servants. Our experts and bureaucrats in the CBN, Ministry of Finance as well as Political parties as decision makers, simply avoided the Conference without even the decency by many of them to express regrets. We at the Savannah Centre, saw this development as running away from responsibility or avoiding self evaluations of their roles which they already saw as negative to the national performance index. After all, the indices of a clear sick economy are now quite glaring - huge liabilities which include massive external indebtedness of over US60 billion, a club the nation glowingly excited in 2006, scandalous debts in the oil and gas industries where subsidies running into billions of naira as well as about N473 billion loans to pay salaries, the depletion of the Excess Crude Account from over $60b in 2007 to a mere $2b today, in less than just eight years, and a callous lack of implementations of the nation’s circles of annual budgets, speculated to be below 50% testify to a largely negative national performance index.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 64 102. This painful realisation and indeed acceptance, can only lead to one conclusion, namely, that Nigeria’s leaders cannot and must never again, be allowed to administer Nigeria’s in the old format of business as usual. There must be change. Substantial and meaningful change, whose impact would lead the nation out of the murky waters of failed governance that is unfortunately, almost the case with Nigeria today. Other African countries need to learn from mis-adventures of Nigeria, which easily nurtures a fertile ground for instability. The new Government in Nigeria must clearly and quickly determine how to address the huge expectations that have arisen based on the palpable failure of the former government.

103. Finally, Savannah Centre believes and it was confirmed at this Conference, that quick fixes in our national problems do not unfortunately exist. What is important however, is to make a determined new beginning that seeks the use of capable and integrity driven men and women to drive our nation’s critical infrastructural deficits in the areas of power and energy, security, education, health, transportation networks, in particular railways and roads and significantly grow the economy in such a strategic manner that can employ the teaming youth to divert them from unproductive ventures. Lastly, the new Government should strive to immediately reverse the erosion of respect and goodwill from the international community through the appointment of a credible and an integrity driven man or woman, to head the very sensitive Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 65 ANNEXURES Annex I:

Message from the Chairman and Founder of SCDDD Prof. Ibrahim A. Gambari

The Representative of the President-elect Major General Muhammadu Buhari, Excellencies and members of the Diplomatic Corps, The Representatives of State and Non-state Actors, Members of the 'Council of the Wise' of Savannah Centre here present, The Chairman and Special Guest of Honour at this Conference, Lead Paper Presenters, Gentlemen of the Press, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Let me join the Executive Director of the Savannah Centre to welcome each and every one of us to this conference with the theme “Security and

Governance Challenges in Africa's Largest Prof. Ibrahim A. Gambari, Chairman Democracy”. This is the third in the series of conferences in the last six months by the Savannah Centre.

2. The topicality of the theme and timeliness of this conference cannot be overemphasized. We may recall, the Savannah centre had towards the tail-end of last year from 5-7 November, 2014 hosted a similar conference with the theme “Combating Insecurity and Violent Extremism in the Sahel: Implication for Socio- Economic Development. The communiqué issued at the end of that conference became a reference document. Again, Savannah Centre played a prominent role and made positive contributions to the success of the 2015 General Elections along with other Civil Society groups, through its “Council of the Wise”. That crucial role, along with other Civil Society Groups helped ensured that the elections were credible, fair, acceptable and peaceful. Hence, it becomes imperative for us to build on the successes recorded in the elections by hosting this post-election

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 66 conference where the clear and pressing challenges of security and governance facing us in Nigeria will be discussed. Whilst it is good to have successful elections, periodic elections in themselves, do not ensure good governance. Elections are not an end in themselves rather a process leading to the real business of governance.

3. Ladies and gentlemen, my primary background is academic. The opportunity to train, to teach and inform, formed the basis of my desire to establish the Savannah Centre to focus on the nexus between peace, democracy and development. I've called it Savannah because it is located in Abuja and this part of Nigeria is a Savannah. I was inspired by two UN Secretaries-General, both Africans, Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan. They both wrote seminal reports. Boutros-Ghali issued a report in 1992 called "An Agenda for Peace", in which he laid out a post- Cold War agenda and argued that there can be no development without peace and emphasized the need for preventative diplomacy and conflict resolution. He followed that in 1994 with "Agenda for Development", wherein he further argued that there can be no durable peace without sustainable development. In 2005, Annan issued "In Larger Freedom" in which he argued that there can neither be peace nor development unless people have the right to decide who will rule them and how, and the promotion of human rights is central to national activities. Additionally, formulation on post 9/11 world, where the new scourge of terrorism, violent extremism, irregular armies and non-state actors were not envisaged. Thus, combating these pose great challenges requiring timely intelligence, accurate and creative approaches, sound strategies at sub-regional, regional and global cooperation. That is what helped inspire me to establish a think tank that will pull the three together. Peace, development and democracy are inextricably linked. Other think tanks deal with one or other of these three, but my argument is that it is vital to examine the nexus between all of them. We have started small, but thinking big. We have a dream of becoming a World- class think tank. Within a short period, I make bold to say that we have made a reasonable impact.

4. Meanwhile, it would amount to overstating the obvious when I say the expectations from the in-coming government are huge and thus, knowing that the patience of Nigerians is limited, this Conference would be an avenue for the incoming government to examine and consider adopting some of its recommendations which may help to bring to fruition the desired change which

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 67 the citizens of Nigeria seriously yearn for. The goodwill the in-coming government enjoys among Nigerians who are desirous of change should be reciprocated by the in-coming government by providing effective leadership based on knowledge and experience.

5. The current socio-economic challenges, such as high poverty level, huge youth unemployment, persistent power-blackout despite huge amount of money invested, and above all the perennial disconnect between the government and the citizens that has inevitably led to high levels of distrust on the leaders and the rest of the citizens, must be tackled headlong. The government should as a matter of priority open and strengthen communications between the government and the citizens. Trust building between the government and the citizens would make the people feel carried along in the business of governance.

6. The current wave of insurgency and insecurity in the country has introduced additional dimensions to the challenges facing the country. Meanwhile, the recent success recorded by the military in the fight against Boko Haram must be commended and built upon. The non- military threats to national security must now be given utmost priority.

7. Let me not pre-empt the resolutions and communiqué that will be coming out from this Conference but needless to say that with the caliber of people that have assembled here and the quality of discussions, I am convinced beyond any iota of doubt that we are going to have a robust deliberation with actionable recommendations for our policy makers. The result of which will contribute to moving our dear country Nigeria forward to a new level of accomplishment and pride not only to Nigerians but Africans, the black people everywhere and the world as a whole.

8. Ladies and gentlemen, once more, I welcome each and every one of us to this Post-2015 Elections Conference and wish us all a fruitful deliberation.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 68 Annex II:

WELCOME ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR ABDULLAHI A. OMAKI, nooc, fsma Executive Director, Savannah Centre For Diplomacy, Democracy And Development (SCDDD)

PROTOCOLS On behalf of the Savannah Centre, may I very warmly welcome each and every one of you to this Conference on “Security and Governance: Challenges in Africa's largest Democracy”. This is the third conference to be organized on topical subject of keen interest to the country, sub-region and Africa, in the last six months. May I recall that, in November 2014, with support from UNECA,

Savannah Centre organized its maiden Amb. Abdullahi Omaki, ED Regional Conference on Insecurity and Violent Extremism in the Sahel Region: Implications for Social-Economic Development. Our respected National Security Adviser gave the keynote address which was adopted as a reference document. In mid-January this year, with support from MacArthur and Ford Foundations as well as in partnership with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, DC, organized a conference on the just concluded 2015 national elections in Nigeria. Both of these efforts have huge positive impact on Nigeria, our neighbouring countries, the Sahel region and indeed the entire African continent.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 69 2. The Savannah Centre was founded and registered in 1992 by Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari. A distinguished and humble royal blood from Ilorin, a great son of Nigeria, easily one of the most respected African diplomats and a global diplomat, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, by founding this great Centre, is attempting to pay back to his roots in Nigeria and Africa, the benefits he had been favoured with by his home country Nigeria and Africa, which provided him with the platform to be a shining example at the world stage.

3. As a non-governmental, non-profit organization committed to policy analysis in the areas of conflict prevention, management, democratization and sustainable development in Africa, the Centre's vision is for “a prosperous, politically stable and globally respected African continent totally entrenched in the culture of good governance”. This vision is anchored on a mission for excellence in policy research, dialogue, advocacies and training in the Centre's three thematic areas of diplomacy, democracy and development.

4. The Savannah Centre had prior to today, operated under the logo which gave the global outlook as its objectives. As a young organization with teething challenges, we have to be realistic about such an ambition but above all, felt it necessary to synchronize such a world view ambition with the clearly stated objectives of the Centre contained in its concept paper, which limits its operational theatre to the African continent. It is for that reason that we have found it necessary, to unveil at this Conference, Savannah Centre's new Logo that clearly depicts its operational space as Africa within the context of the world. As I speak, all our contacts and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 70 appropriate authorities are being simultaneously informed of this migration. We thank you for your understanding and support.

5. Today, by the special grace of Almighty God, we are gathered here, for the third time in the series of Savannah Centre's conferences. This conference, which is an off-shoot of the Centre's previous efforts for credible and integrity-oriented electoral process, devoid of violence, is essentially to underscore the nexus between peace, security and political stability as well as with development and growth, not only in our country but Africa and indeed, the world over. Insecurity, particularly arising from threats of terrorists activities in North, West, East and Central Africa, are largely led by terrorist organizations such as the al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), the Movement for the Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MOJWA) in the North and West Africa, Boko Haram and Ansaru in Nigeria and recently, in parts of Cameroun, Chad and Niger Republics, al-Shabab in East Africa while the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) in Central Africa. The threats from the activities of these terrorist groups are not only very complex but have huge adverse effects on the security, stability, development and growth of our regions and ultimately the whole of Africa.

6. A leading military strategist and former Chief of Army Staff of Nigeria, a scholar and now politician, General Abdulrahman Danbazau, at the Daily Trust Dialogue on January 22, 2015, posed some very pertinent questions, confirming the relationship between peace, stability and economic progress. He wondered whether “the 2015 elections would bring about a radical change leading us to economic growth and political stability. Whether they would improve Nigeria's image in which Transparency Corruption Index depicts Nigeria as one of the most corrupt nations on

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 71 earth? Whether they would improve Nigeria's poor governance image as depicted by the 2013 Mo Ibrahim Index of African Governance? Or would the 2015 elections provide the opportunity to improve Nigeria's status in the UN Human Development Index, from being among the low developed to highly developed countries in the world?”

7. Finally, General Dambazau asked, “to what extent would the outcome of the 2015 elections significantly reduce the risks of terrorism to which Nigeria presently occupies the fourth most risk position (ahead of Somalia) in the world, according to 2014 Global Terrorism Index or turn things around in the world of cybercrimes in which a computer crime and security survey ranked Nigeria as the most internet fraud country in Africa and the third in the world?” Happily, very happily indeed, General Dambazau is a prominent member of the All Progressives Congress which won the 2015 elections.

8. The 2015 elections in Nigeria, regrettably, were the most divisive elections in the history of our country – they polarized our country in terms of religion, ethnicity and the North-South divide. The language employed by the politicians was grossly intemperate, falsehoods becoming the order of the day in which some of our print and electronic media became accomplices, for failing to determine appropriately what constitutes our Nation's core national interest hence the need for strenuous efforts not to torpedo the fragile peace that holds our nation together. The blind ambitions of our political class to obtain power at all costs turned our people against themselves and ignored the imperative necessity to pose the right questions on how to move our nation to the next level. A nation at peace with herself, to focus on selfless service with courage and exhibiting

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 72 deep loyalty that is transparent enough as well as accountable to the people in a secured entity and ready to lead not only our country but Africa, with pride and honour for the progress and growth of our continent. Fortunately, despite our political rascally misbehaviors, God in His infinite mercies did not forsake Nigeria. In spite of the attitudinal short-comings of our political class, He guided our country through largely peaceful and credible elections. We acknowledge the roles played by the international community just as the Civil Society groups as well as our own Council of the Wise and the National Peace Committee in ensuring that Nigeria did not disintegrate as had been widely feared. In all of these, the divine hand of God clearly manifested and that is central to the peace we have today.

9. Beyond the elections, comes the most difficult part. Healing our nation and marching it forward for the badly needed peace, stability, progress and sustainable development. This Conference therefore, is the contribution by Savannah Centre towards stabilizing our country and re- positioning her to effectively lead our continent. While the theme of the Conference places emphasis on Nigeria, indeed our country's security, stability and progress are intrinsically linked to Africa's peace and development.

10. The two-day Conference is sub-divided to cover the security questions during its first day while issues relating to growing the economy are slated for the second day. The resource persons have been carefully chosen and we expect not only robust presentations and discussions, but critical analysis by all participants. We must remember that the mantra of change which was the underlining consideration in the 2015 elections is not an albatross around the neck of not only the new sheikhs in town but on all

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 73 of us, if Nigeria is to politically and economically reorganize herself to come out of her current socio-economic, political and security challenges to provide a focused leadership for the nation as indeed Africa and the black race, in a world that has become not only competitive but dominated by economic giants that can secure themselves. The report of this Conference would be shared with the incoming government in Nigeria, other African countries, as well as the UNECA, with the hope for a coordinated approach to the report's utilization, continent-wide.

11. In conclusion, let me thank most sincerely, the Directorate of Technical Cooperation in Africa (and African Development Bank) for her support in hosting this timely Conference. The Savannah Centre is grateful to all our resource persons, participants, the CSOs, the media and members of the diplomatic corps for honouring our invitation. We are greatly indebted to our Special Guest of Honour, H.E. Ambassador B. Kingibe, former Secretary to Government of the Federation for accepting our invitation. Equally, we are proud to have as our Keynote Speaker, the respected General Williams whose address is expected to set the tone in our collective match for a new Nigeria, ready to give a purposeful sense of direction to Africa. We cannot thank enough our humble and deeply patriotic former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Muhammed Lawal Uwais, for always being available to Savannah Centre. As Chairman of our Council of the Wise on the 2015 Elections, we thank you most sincerely and all the other members of the Council, some of who are here today, for your sacrifices and patriotic duties to our nation. The representative of H.E. the President-elect, we are proud for this recognition and promise to sustain this partnership by constantly reminding the government of its campaign promises and the new social contract with the citizens of Nigeria.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 74 12. I thank you for coming and welcome you to relax and enjoy the discourse in the next two days. May I therefore, respectfully invite, my teacher, friend, elder brother, but always my boss, the Founder and Chairman of Savannah Centre, Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, CFR, to make his opening remarks. My Boss, Sir.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 75 Annex III:

KEY NOTE ADDRESS BY MAJ. GEN. (RTD) OLASEHINDE ISHOLA WILLIAMS

IN THE MOMENT OF CRISIS, THE WISE BUILD BRIDGES AND THE FOOLISH BUILD DAMS. - NIGERIAN PROVERB

Gen. Olaseinde Ishola Williams

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 76 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 77 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 78 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 79 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 80 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 81 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 82 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 83 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 84 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 85 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 86 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 87 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 88 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 89 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 90 Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 91 ANNEX IV ( PAPER 1) NEW SECURITY ARCHITECTURE FOR NIGERIA: A HOLISTIC APPROACH TO REBUILDING THE NATION-STATE Professor Habu Galadima

National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Nigeria. A. INTRODUCTION The security environment in the 21st Century has continued to pose very serious questions to the traditional concept of security. Indeed, it is inducing many states in the international system to recalibrate their national security architecture, especially as the security environment continues to experience new and more complex challenges to the traditional concept of security.

In the Westphalia world of strong states, the Professor Habu Galadima international system was marked by inter-state conflicts among states rather than within them. In a Hobbesian world, the state is the primary provider of security: if the state is secure, then those who live within it are secure. Since the end of the Cold War, there is a simultaneous horizontal and vertical broadening of security with the emergence of new threats that individual governments can no longer provide credible responses without bilateral or multilateral actions.

There is a gradual incorporation of “new” non-military aspects of security, such as environmental, economic, demographic, along with crimes,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 92 terrorism, health, information, immigration and other aspects (or sectors and dimensions as called by some) into security. Similarly, other non-state referent objects, such as individuals, local communities, and groups of people with common ethnic, religious or ideological characteristics, have also been integrated. In this process, the legitimate concerns of common people and their perpetual quest for individual security in their daily lives are gradually being accommodated.

Nigeria, like many countries in the world, has continued to experience new and more complex challenges to the traditional concept of National Security. The position occupied by the country in the ranking of many prominent organizations around the world illustrates the precarious nature of the situation that has made it even more worrisome.

While the security situation is deteriorating, there appears not to be a coordinated and synchronized effort within the security sector to deal with threats to security in the country. National security and indeed the security sector are still seen in Nigeria from the prism of the cold war era, which views security as a state-centric concept that revolved around the use of threat and warfare as tools of statecraft in order to ensure continuation, enlargement and survival of the state. The National Institute for Policy and Strategic studies, Kuru, made a clarion call to the government to initiate the process of developing a National Security Strategy for the country during the Eminent and Expert Group Meetings in 2011 and 2012, consecutively. More calls were heard from other institutions and eminent persons for the comprehensive National Security Policy. The Office of the National Security Adviser set the machinery in

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 93 motion for the development of strategy document. After series of stakeholder meetings, the country was bequeathed new security architecture for the country. The new security architecture for Nigeria is called “National Security Strategy: Federal Republic of Nigeria, November 2014”. The new national security architecture emerged to bridge an important gap in the country's security strategy. The country never had a holistic national security strategy document before 2014. This was the first of its kind. The only available document is the National Defence Policy of 1986, which is currently undergoing a review. The country now has the National Security Strategy Document and the National Counter-Terrorism Strategy Document. Both documents were launched by the President in February 2015.

Let us raise a few questions at this point. What is the nature of Nigeria's new security architecture? Is this a holistic approach to rebuilding the nation-state? What are the challenges to the new security architecture?

UNDERSTANDING THE NEW SECURITY ARCHITECTURE FOR NIGERIA Security architecture is a multi-layered cohesive security design, which has structure that defines the relationship between component parts and provides a framework for understanding national security objectives, spectrum of threats, and the strategies for coping or adapting to the threats.

It provides overall strategic guidance and establishes the vision that will guide national security decisions at all level. Thus, the architecture for the new

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 94 national security strategy follows the following design: a) Identification of Nigeria's National Interests. b) Determination of the level of intensity for each interest. c) Evaluation of the issues, trends, and challenges (threats and opportunities) in regard to interests. d) Determination of objectives (ends). e) Consideration of alternative concepts (ways) that utilize available or needed resources (means) to achieve objectives. f) Determination of the feasibility, acceptability and suitability of the strategic options. g) Conduct of a risk assessment. h) Presentation of policy recommendations. Below is the graphic representation of the adapted model of strategy formulation for Nigeria's new security architecture. Source: U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE, Department of National Security and Strategy, June 2006

The new security architecture provides direction to all stakeholders in the security sector as well as provides levels of coordination. As an unclassified document, it provides an effective strategic communications for stakeholders.

THE NATURE OF THE NEW SECURITY ARCHITECTURE The new security architecture was derived from the national security policy of Nigeria as contained in the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), Sections 14-

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 95 24. It establishes the strategic vision or grand strategic direction for the administration in power. It provides the “objectives,” and the ways and means to achieve them. Defining the objective (end), therefore, is a critical first step in the strategy formulation process. If the objective is too vague or poorly understood, no amount of resources or careful consideration of ways to employ those resources will ensure success. On the other hand, defining an objective too narrowly may restrict the ways and/or means available. Finally, understanding of the objective is critical to determining success or failure of any particular strategy.

The new security strategy for Nigeria began with the national interest of the country. The national security interests provide detail to the nation's needs and aspirations, in terms of the relationship between the foreign and domestic aspects of national security, and are thus the start point for defining strategic objectives for national security related strategies. The interests include among many others, “the preservation of its sovereignty, territorial integrity and constitutional order, as well as the practice of full democracy, political pluralism, and the rule of law, freedom of enterprise, human rights and fundamental freedoms”. Usually, interests are stated as fundamental concerns of the nation, and written asdesirable conditions without verbs, action modifiers, or intended actions.

It examines the geo- strategic environment and identifies its external and domestic characteristics. The external environment was viewed in the document as characterized by: · Globalization, along with its attendant intra-state conflicts and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 96 transnational crimes: terrorism, drugs and human trafficking, cyber-crimes, illicit financial transactions, trafficking in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs). · Democracy, as the dominant political value with its core principles of majority rule, respect for human rights, rule of law, elections, political pluralism, and good governance. A number of countries that were under authoritarian rule are now democratising. · The global economy is experiencing a new dynamism as a result of the growing global competitiveness of the emerging markets. · Nigeria's domestic security environment is complex and dynamic. It is anchored on a federal political structure, a market economy, social pluralism, a large youth population, vibrant media, a diversified civil society. Nonetheless, the country is characterized by intermittent polarization and instability, high level of unemployment and poverty, mono-cultural economy, and low industrial and agricultural productivity. Major challenges include corruption, low enrolment and declining quality of education, weak administration of justice, declining ethical standards, inadequate infrastructural and social services delivery, especially energy. These are potentially destabilizing forces in the domestic environment.

Threat Assessment This section evaluates the issues, trends, and challenges (threats and opportunities) in regard to interests. It provides for a national threat assessment with the following as threats: · Terrorism · Transnational organized crimes · Crude oil theft/illegal Bunkering

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 97 · Undermanned borders · Climate change · Communal and Ethno-religious conflicts · Pastoralist/Farmers Conflicts · Politics of federalism in Nigeria · Governance. · Poverty. · Kidnapping. · Proliferation of SALW · Proliferation of weapons of Mass Destruction. · Illegal migration. · Economic and Financial Crimes. · Information Technology and Cyber security · Environmental security.

Strategies to Deal with the Threats This section considered the alternative concepts (ways) that could utilize available or needed resources (means) to achieve objectives. Strategic concepts are broad courses ofaction or ways military power might be employed to achieve the foretasted objective. They answer the question of “How.” Here is where the originality, imagination, and creativity of the strategist come into play. As Clausewitz observed, there are many ways to achieve a given end; presumably many can be right, but real genius lies in finding the best. A range of strategies describing the ways and means of responding to the threats and defeating them were identified. They include: · National defense based on Section 217 of the Constitution. · Counter-terrorism: There is the National Counter Terrorism Strategy

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 98 document called the NACTEST with the overall objective of ensuring public safety, built around five streams – Forestall, Secure, Identify, Prepare and Implement. The other approach is the Soft Approach to Counter-terrorism, with the objective to reform, rehabilitate and prepare violent extremist offenders. The Strategy is a whole societal approach, which gives clear direction to institutions on what measures are to be in place to ensure a secure environment for all citizens to contribute to national development. It is also based on a multi- dimensional approach involving all elements of national power. · Providing security in the Niger Delta. · Internal Security: The goal of internal security strategy is to create a safe and secured environment for the pursuit of peace, personal wellbeing, prosperity and development. This calls for a concerted, proportionate, open, flexible but effective application of political, economic, social, informational, diplomatic, intelligence, law enforcement and military responses. · Political security strategy: guarantee the freedom of the Nigerian State to rationally allocate power and resources. · Economic security: The two broad objectives are to- Make efficient use of human and natural resources to achieve rapid economic growth and; Translate the economic growth into equitable social development for all citizens. The strategy seeks to involve the people actively in pursuance of economic growth and development activities and enable them share fully in the benefits there from. The economy is to be driven by the agricultural and industrial sectors over the medium-term. In the long term, the manufacturing and service sectors are expected to drive the economy.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 99 · Social Security: The objective is to develop policies and programs to harness the strengths of Nigerians to leverage on the country's resources for collective development and attain their full potentials. This includes a national framework to prevent and deter identified or perceived threats to our way of life, ability to cause gross societal improvements, safeguard our culture, traditions, customs, mental independence and healthy generational rebirth. The responsibility to implement social security and to respond to threats therein cut across all tiers of government through the instrumentalities of the national security strategic assets. In particular, the civil society is to include inter-religious inter-faith, inter-ethnic and community based organizations. · Gender Security: The objective is to mainstream gender into policy making and builds the gender capacity and commitment of senior-level government and staff involved in security policy-making on mainstreaming gender equity. To this end, appoint females into senior level ministerial and security sector institution positions, including female representatives to National Security Council. Establish mechanisms that ensure the participation of civil society in oversight of the implementation of security policies, SSR processes and security sector institutions. Build the capacity of women's organizations on security policy issues including advocacy and oversight. Allocate sufficient resources, as part of the implementation of national security policies, to effectively prevent, respond and penalize the specific insecurities facing women, men, boys and girls and fund gender specific initiatives such as gender training. Develop and strengthen networks of civil society organizations, including women's organizations, working on security-related issues in order for them make robust strategic input into national security policy-making.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 100 · Cultural Security: making available the finest and richest spheres of the nation's culture to Nigerians, while not closing access to valuable foreign cultures; Provision of cultural infrastructure supportive of creativity and self-actualization of the people; Deliberate promotion by all tiers of government of skills in cultural industries —crafts, arts, pottery, painting, sculpture, weaving and carving; Reversing the ideological and cultural manipulation and the revival of the history and values of Nigeria; and, Enforcing and strengthening the extant laws relating to piracy and syndicated theft of Nigeria's intellectual property and artifacts' · Traditional Institutions Security strategy: Traditional Rulers would be accorded specific responsibilities for security management in their domains. This involvement, devoid of partisanship, would engender active participation of Traditional Institutions in matters pertaining to the maintenance of peace and security in their communities given their unique knowledge and time tested system of information and intelligence management. Traditional Rulers would be involved in screening process for recruitment of security personnel to ensure that officers and recruits are of good character and upbringing as well as eliminate the recruitment of miscreants. Traditional rulers as, brokers of peace, would be encouraged to deploy their traditional conflict management approaches to resolve many lingering conflicts in the country, especially the resolution of boundary disputes within and outside their domains. · Environmental security: The goal of Nigeria's environmental security is of a degradable national strategic resource that can be optimally applied to facilitate political stability, economic prosperity,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 101 social harmony and physical wellbeing of the nation now and in future. The objective is to protect and conserve the environment, prevent, deter, neutralize or mitigate it from natural and artificial conflicts, threats and damage be they internal or external, exploit environmental resources in a sustainable manner, protect its biodiversity and preserve the environment for future generations. · Education Security: provide, where practicable, free, compulsory and universal primary education, secondary education, as well as free literacy programme for all citizens; ensure a climate a safety and security to schools at all levels that guarantees secure physical environment that reflects adequate, supportive school climate, as well as emotional and psychosocial support and guidance; among many others. · Health Security: Establish a comprehensive health care system based on primary health care that is primitive, protective preventive, restorative and rehabilitative. To strengthen the national health system to enable it provide effective, efficient, quality, accessible and affordable health services that will improve the health status of Nigerians. · Science, Technology and Innovation: The way is to drive economic growth and national development through biotechnology, human capacity building and technology transfer from multi-nationals, energy Research and Development (R & D) and capital projects on Science and Technology (S & T). Others are technology for SMEs, R & D for engineering materials, space programme and nano-technology, S & T databank, ICT, intellectual property rights and traditional medicine development.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 102 · Foreign policy: The effectiveness of Nigeria's foreign policy depends essentially on a good diplomatic strategy built on effective domestic governance. The purpose is to deploy the diplomatic, economic, military and other capabilities of Nigeria to promote national development: · Transportation Security: ensuring security of activities/actions performed through the use of road transportation and responding effectively to security challenges, especially Insurgency, kidnapping, armed robbery and other vices. The goal is to create a Safe and Secured Roads in Nigeria. · Nuclear Security Strategy: The goal is to develop strategic initiatives in the power sector to facilitate the utilization of alternative energy resources including nuclear with a view to reducing the country's reliance on gas-fired power plants and ensuring security of supply. The objective is to lay an enduring foundation for the building of a world- class institution for the development and peaceful deployment of nuclear technology in all its ramifications for national development in conformity with international best practices. It is also to develop a sustainable framework imbued with the fundamental elements of a high safety and security culture for the peaceful application of nuclear science and technology for the socio-economic development of Nigeria.

The National Security document also provides direction to: · Drug law security · Food Security · Information Technology and Cyber Security

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 103 · Labour Security · Space Technology · External Security · Aviation Security · Maritime Security · Strategic communications · Youth Security · Crisis Management · Critical National Assets and Infrastructure.

National Security Decision Making Strategy: In the draft document, the National Security Decision Making Strategy was provided for. The 1999 constitution and subsumed supplemental legislations specify formal decision making structures for security agencies. These can be gleaned from Cap 278 LFN and chapter N74 of the National Security Agencies Act. These structures are: i. The National Security Council ii. The Joint Intelligence Board iii.The Intelligence Community Committee iv.The National Security Agencies Appeal Committee v. National Defence Council. vi.National Security Council vii.The Joint Intelligence Board (JIB) viii. Intelligence Community Committee (ICC)

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 104 CHALLENGES i. Implementation Although the National Security Stakeholders were part of the process of the design, many Nigerians were not. The new security strategy document is still in the domain of the selected elites. How about the “other stakeholders”?Are the real stakeholders knowledgeable enough about the new security strategy?

II Information for National Security Decision-Making Solid and comprehensive information forms the foundation for good national security decision-making. Within the national security decision- making system, line agencies are the primary source of daily informational input on national security affairs. Information collection and analysis is part of these agencies' routine responsibility and are conducted through their internal chain of command. Externally, the decision-making system also relies on governmental and semi-governmental think tanks for information on and analysis of national security affairs. These think tanks are affiliated with government agencies and act as additional research arms. Generally speaking, think tanks produce two types of internal reports for national security decision-making purposes: regular reports and commissioned reports. Regular reports represent a “bottom-up” information flow pattern. For these reports, think tank researchers regularly follow one geographical or functional area and keep decision-makers updated on the latest developments in their area of expertise. Commissioned reports, on the other hand, represent a “top-down” approach. A unique strength of these think tanks lies in their ability to channel and collect information from their foreign counterparts.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 105 Information for national security decision-making goes beyond all line agencies involved in national security, as well as governmental and semi- governmental think tanks and academia. In addition to the collection and analysis of information, the system includes several layers of filters that screen and reconcile the information for decision-makers. The extensive information collection, discussions for consensus-building and internal coordination delay the birth of a decision, usually urgently needed under a national security crisis. Collaborative decision-making is time-consuming; more significantly, collective leadership is fraught with organizational challenges, ones that can undermine the decision-making process.

Screening, Processing, and Dissemination of Information: The collection and analysis of information for national security decision- making is the first stage in the information flow from the field offices and researchers to the top leaders. After this initial stage, the information should proceed through at least three rounds of screening and review: at the individual reporting agencies and think tanks, Intra-agency. Within each line agency and think tank, there is one office responsible for reviewing all reports to be submitted to the next level. The office reviews reports for their importance and quality, sometimes organizing intra-agency discussions to improve cohesiveness among various departments.

Narrow Agency Interests: Selective Information and Biased Analysis: Within the system of information flow, all line agencies are responsible for reporting the latest developments and their analyses of them. At this stage, agencies attempt to manipulate decision-making by presenting reports with selective information that supports their particular policy positions.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 106 Nominally, each agency understands its work represents only a fraction of broad national interests, but when it comes to creating policy, each agency sees itself as the only (or the most important) representative of the whole picture. All see their specific perspectives and missions as top priority. The result is competing viewpoints that pull the decision-making in different at time's opposing directions. Sometimes, the biased nature of agency reports is not only a manifestation of their interpretative differences, but also directly linked to their financial interests. Although the think tanks are supposed to be more independent and objective in their reports and analyses, their affiliations and relationships with various government agencies sometimes compromise their objectivity as well. Think-tanks rely on their managing agencies for positional, informational, and, in some cases, budgetary advantages and therefore are subject to the same limits these agencies face. Furthermore, think tanks accept commissioned assignments from other agencies to write special reports. These patronage relationships inevitably colours the research of the think tanks or at least influence their priorities. Exacerbating the situation, information sharing and intelligence integration hardly exist, with each agency and think tank keen on guarding its own territory, sources, information and analysis. In many cases, this results in the need for additional in-depth research and discussion meetings, which are both costly and time- consuming.

Information Analysis: Struggling Between Objectivity and Existing Guidelines: An underlying problem for information analysis in national security decision- making process is the constant tension between objective analysis and the

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 107 need to validate existing guidelines. Objective analysis and assessment of national security threats forms the necessary foundation for sound decision- making. However, when reality conflicts with mainstream principles, the analysts must decide whether to analyze and report honestly (and most likely be ignored) or to follow and substantiate an existing doctrine. Most often and with career advancement in mind, analysts choose the second path. This tendency costs the system the opportunity to assimilate new information, reach new conclusions, and adapt its policies to deal with new situations.

Whenever a national security issue emerges, regardless of whether it is domestic or foreign, one dominant tone of the analysis is to blame political opponents. This tendency has become an institutional habit, directing analyses toward thorough, sometimes paranoid, investigations of any evidence. Even when nuanced criticisms were expressed by individual analysts, they were largely ignored. Objectivity is further compromised by the desire of all analysts to cater to what they believe the leaders wish to hear in an effort to maximize personal gains. Those who sing a different song will not be appreciated. The objective assessment of the situation is not the top priority for the line agencies or the analysts. Instead, they try to factor in the top leaders' own interpretation and interests and eventually submit analyses and proposals that attempt to reflect those preferences, usually at the expense of a more objective and realistic analysis.

This propensity significantly contributes to the system's inability to foresee, prepare for, and prevent national security threats and crisis. Problems erupt not because line agencies are unaware of the potential problems, but because they neglect information or situations that are not in line with the existing

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 108 doctrine. In many ways, the information processes of national security decision-making are unconsciously aimed at justifying and following the existing policies, catering to the views of the top leaders, and avoiding responsibility for policy failures. The process is extremely averse to risk, to new information, and to new, unorthodox analyses and proposals.

CONCLUSION: The paper has examined the new National Security Architecture for Nigeria and argues that it is a necessary document for all stakeholders in the security sector. It is our contention that it is not a document drawn for security operatives alone but for all the citizens of the country. It is not intended to be a secret document but a public document that should be accessed by anybody that is interested. Government departments and agencies still retain a culture of secrecy that is more suited to the nineteenth century than the present.

It is important the National Security Strategy be reviewed by each succeeding administration in order to capture the vision and aspiration of the successor government. Its objective should be for the Nigerian state to be more responsive to the citizenry particularly in terms of equitable distribution of resources and provision of basic necessities of life. Quality and credible leadership is required and should be transparent and accountable and ensure a safe and secure environment for citizens to carry out their legitimate activities.

The Office of the National Security Adviser should collaborate with the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, and the National Orientation Agency to take the documents to the stakeholders through series

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 109 of sensitization and training based on the content of the new document. The National Orientation Agency should spearhead the reorientation of Nigerians towards imbibingthe core values, norms and actions that are in the interest of national security and well-being of all citizens.

There is an urgent need for government to look beyond the Amnesty Programme in tackling the problem of militancy in the Niger Delta area. There should be a deliberate attempt to tackle the situation beyond empowering some few youths; the increasing rate of oil bunkering, kidnapping, and other vices is a point towards this direction. Similarly, there should be a well articulate programme for the transformation of the lives of the victims of the insurgency and counter-insurgency operations in the Northeast of Nigeria. The Principle of Micro-policing (to isolate and respond to kidnapping in a specialized and proactive rather than reactive manner should be adopted by the Nigeria Police Force (NPF). The NPF should be adequately equipped to use cut-edge technology in tracking and rescue operations.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 110 ANNEX V (PAPER 2) :

PAPER PRESENTED BY MUHAMMAD SAMBO DASUKI TITLED, 'COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM (CVE) IN AFRICA, SOUTH OF THE SAHARA: AN APPRAISAL OF NIGERIA'S SOFT APPROACH POLICY AND THE NIGER DELTA PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY PROGRAMME’

PROTOCOLS: I wish to begin by appreciating the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development for organizing this Conference. The theme of the conference, Post 2015

Elections on 'Security and Governance Muhammad Sambo Dasuki (NSA) Challenges in Africa's Largest Democracy' is both appropriate and timely. We cannot downplay the opportunity before us as a result of the successful conduct of the 2015 elections. With the elections largely peaceful and behind us the task of governance must continue without much delay. Indeed there is much work to be done in securing and governing Nigeria, the foundation of which has been laid by successive administrations. This conference, therefore, is one such opportunity where national Amb C.L. Laseinde

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 111 conversation must begin to focus on the most important issues. National Security has been identified by all stakeholders in the Nigerian project as a top priority given the multiple threats we have faced in the last few years. I will be appraising Nigeria's Soft Approach to Countering Violent Extremism and the Niger Delta Amnesty Program.

THREAT FROM VIOLENT EXTREMISM: In Nigeria, the threat we face is mainly from a radicalized and fundamentalist Islamist group, the Jama'atul ahlul Sunnah Lidda'awati Wal Jihad, popularly known as the Boko Haram sect which emerged in Borno State North Eastern Nigeria in 2000. The group was founded by the late Mohammed Ali who moved to Kanamma, a small settlement in Yobe State, close to the border with Niger Republic in 2003 at a base dubbed 'Afghanistan'. The movement then known as 'The Nigerian Taliban' targeted the Police and other security agencies sourcing for weapons, creating fear and a sense of insecurity in the locals. This group was initially contained by the security forces but later metamorphosed into the Boko Haram Sect under the leadership of a very charismatic young man known as Mohammed Yusuf.

Today, Boko Haram, is seeking to impose an extreme violent Salafist Sharia legal system in the North while holding strong abhorrence for Western ideas. Under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau, the profile of the sect continued to assume martyrdom status. In the past few years the group has targeted both Muslims and Christians, killing more than 10,000 civilians including women and children. The group has kidnapped hundreds of people, including the more than 200 young girls taken from their school in Chibok.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 112 In the last two years, Nigeria has had to innovate to meet the challenges posed by this deadly group. We have worked very hard to develop a National CVE Program which was unveiled on March 18 th, 2014. The National CVE Program is the soft approach identified by the forestall strand of Nigeria's Counter Terrorism Strategy. This aspect of our counter terrorism approach seeks to raise awareness of the threat of violent extremism, as well as shape policy and programming. While we have studied different CVE models around the globe we understood that we had to answer tough questions that are specific to our particular situation in countering violent extremism and it is with this in mind that we developed what we believe is a four pronged approach that encompasses peace, security and development. It is a totally non military and complementary approach that involves actors, within and out of government, civil society as well as religious institutions.

Nigeria's CVE Programme is both vertical; involving three tiers of government, federal, state and local, and horizontal; involving civil society, academics, traditional, religious and community leaders. It consists of four streams with different layers of partners: ministries, departments and agencies (MDA's), including the civil society. Rather than creating new structures that will not be sustainable in the long run, the program utilizes existing structures within and outside government to deliver targeted programs and activities that further the overall goal of stemming the tide of radicalization. This, in our view, will ensure the institutionalization of the programme and guarantee sustainability.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 113 DERADICALIZATION: We have developed a three pronged program involving the following: a. Convicted terrorist offenders b. Terror suspects waiting trial c. An aftercare program for suspects released from custody and those who voluntarily renounce terrorism. The de radicalization program involves the training of a new generation of practitioners in the areas of forensic psychology, religious instruction with particular emphasis on extremist narratives, art therapists, social workers and vocational and educational counselors. The government of Nigeria has refurbished a number of prisons that are being configured specifically for this program.

The aftercare program is community based designed to aid in the rehabilitation and reintegration of former extremists and will involve a host of civil society organizations. We have identified and are training a multi-disciplinary prison based treatment team to manage terror suspects. This team is responsible for developing curriculum and training in religious education, cognitive behavior therapy, anger management, relapse prevention, empathy, risk management and risk assessment. Additionally, Imams are being trained on dealing with ideologically driven conflict. By implementing this stream, we expect to achieve the following objectives; a. Foster greater respect for human rights and rule of law. b. Train relevant prison staff on CVE, to professionally handle terror suspects and issues of rehabilitation. c. Develop a range of expert psychologists and counselors to pioneer rehabilitation efforts

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 114 d. Introduce a more holistic approach to the rehabilitation of prisoners in the country, using in-depth psychological analysis and research to understand the root causes of extremism and other criminal ideologies. e. Utilize religious scholars to counter extremist narratives by training them on aspects of dialogue and counseling. f. Offer vocational training for inmates ensuring they have a basic level of education and skills to assist their reintegration into society. g. Institutionalize rehabilitation of suspected terrorists within the prison system

STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION: Nigeria' strategic communication effort seeks to produce counter- narratives, by presenting moderate views as a stark contrast to violent extremism and promoting core national values. Through Strategic Communications we are working to counter extremist ideology and narratives. Extremists' views are often based on ignorance, misconceptions, willful misinterpretation and twisted ideology. In the case of Boko Haram, narratives are founded on a set of core beliefs that are opposed to the state and aspects of western education. Our response targets those that hold radical views, without necessarily being violent, and the population at large; aiming to further diminish tolerance for extremist rhetoric. Media content for TV, radio and the internet is being developed in order to raise public awareness of the illegitimate claims of the terrorists.

Our Strategic Communications approach engages the press to ensure that reporting of terrorists' activities are done responsibly. A voluntary code of conduct on reporting national security issues is being developed that will

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 115 regulate crisis reporting especially with regard to terrorism. Furthermore we have set up a rapid response media team that promptly address extremist messages in print or electronic media . We are currently in the process of strengthening our public diplomacy efforts through the institutionalization of strategic communication capabilities across the civil service. We have begun this effort by training small groups of civil servants, with the aim of reaching over 500 over a two year period across 22 government agencies. This training is being carried out through the Public Service Institute of Nigeria. A parallel program is being developed and institutionalized through the Nigerian Defence Academy. It is envisioned that this will provide long term strategic communication capabilities for our armed forces. Additionally we have developed messaging desks for the production of counter- narratives (This includes the production of a Website, CDs, Books, TV and Radio programs) including messages targeting youth at risk of radicalization. In order to further our understanding of Boko Haram we have commissioned a documentary on Boko Haram and research on the Pathways to Radicalization Accordingly, it is expected that by implementing this stream working closely with various organisations such as media-based NGOs, religious groups and government organizations at all levels the following would be achieved; a. Government will be equipped with the capacity to manage its strategic communications network. b. A comprehensive public relations strategy across all government agencies will be mainstreamed and harmonized with the ultimate objective of creating a one-voice information platform.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 116 c. Credible voices on various platforms addressing national identity, tolerance and community resilience will be amplified while providing support and protection for those that speak out against violent extremism.

COUNTER RADICALIZATION: Counter Radicalization focuses on community engagement, community resilience and education-based projects. It is designed to stem the flow of recruits and reduce the potential for radicalization. The Society Against Violent Extremism (SAVE) Project created in my office is responsible for this stream. Its entire focus is preventive and involves a whole of society approach. In this regard, the SAVE Project has the following objectives; a. Countering the drivers of radicalization b. Encouraging CVE action in communities, civil society and government institutions c. Building community engagement and resilience d. Using education as a tool for countering violent extremism e. Promoting religious tolerance.

In order to achieve the above objectives, key projects have been designed to do the following: a. Ensure that education is used as a tool to stem extremism by emphasizing the teaching of critical thinking and logical reasoning as well as sports, music, arts, and drama. We believe that these will serve as buffers to imbibing a single compelling narrative, b. Create psychological support structures for victims of terrorism through the main stream provision of PTSD.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 117 We have conducted extensive assessments of schools across Northern Nigeria in order to gain a better understanding of the state of education. We have now begun preliminary consultations with the Ministry of Education with regard to potential changes to the national curriculum and will be collaborating on teacher training. Additionally we are working on providing continuing education to internally displaced people as well as those in states where schools have been closed through community radio schools. We already have a fully-operational Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Centre in Kano and are working to open centres in at least six more states. Additionally we have worked with our National Primary Health Care Development Agency to add the provision of psychological services in particular post traumatic stress disorder therapy (PTSD) to the national mental health policy. Over the next year we will partner with them to train thousands of clinicians that will be deployed nationwide in PTSD.

The SAVE Project has met with various Civil Society Organizations working in diverse fields from all over the country. An initial introductory meeting has already been held and another meeting will be held later this year as a first step towards building a collaborative CVE network of civil society and government. Other projects are beginning to move beyond the conceptual stage and into implementation as partners are being identified and reached out to. We are beginning to make real progress but are aware that these are but the early stages of what must be an extensive and all-encompassing set of interventions.

In the pursuance of these goals and in order to drive these projects at the local level, we are engaging State Technical Assistants and Local Technical Assistants

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 118 recruited from the areas most affected by terrorism to ensure continuous engagement with the states and Local Governments. These technical assistants are already in place.

ECONOMIC REGENERATION: Based on our understanding of the economic root causes of terrorism and global best practices in addressing them, we worked with the Governors of six north eastern states of Nigeria in designing an economic revitalization program targeting the state's most impacted by terrorism. An inter-ministerial committee consisting of the Ministries of Agriculture, Power, Finance, Works, Water Resources, Health, Education, Transport, Communication, Culture and Tourism, Industry-Trade and Investments, Solid Minerals Development, Science and Technology, Youth Development, and Lands and Housing, along with the National Planning Commission, development partners and my office are currently working with the region under the aegis of the Presidential Initiative for the Northeast (PINE). The activities of PINE include providing support and succor to a large quantum of internally displaced persons in the conflict areas in the form of emergency relief through the provision of food and medicines in designated camps.

THE NEED FOR GREATER COORDINATION IN WEST AFRICA AND THE SAHEL: African countries continue to face series of political, social, economic, and humanitarian vulnerabilities now exacerbated by rising threat of violent extremism and other transnational threats. Addressing Africa's security and humanitarian problems demands a coordinated and comprehensive approach that tackles the underlying structural and economic problems.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 119 Countries in Africa would need to significantly improve their capacity in securing their borders and denying terrorists mobility and safe havens. This approach must necessarily be anchored on continued political and economic growth and improvement, including good governance, strengthening institutions especially the criminal justice system, and increasing access to jobs and education opportunities for a bulging youth population. To take back ungoverned spaces across the Sahel and prevent radicalization, governments must consistently invest in their populations; build strong democratic and inclusive governments on which economic growth and stability can be achieved over time

In most of sub Saharan Africa the infrastructure of Justice is weak; communities are far flung with little or no access to police or the courts. This, as in the case with border communities in Nigeria, provided violent groups the sanctuary they needed to test their will to govern these ungoverned spaces. We are working with partners to reform the justice and security system, especially for border communities. Without access to the judicial system we are putting those communities at risk of radicalization and providing the extremists with the argument they need to further their cause. This effort will require both resources and political will of the federal and state governments.

We are building the capacity of our law enforcement and security agencies to counter terrorism while respecting human rights, rule of law and international best practices in addressing some of the conditions that feed into violent extremist narratives.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 120 Currently in West Africa and the Sahel violent extremists are determined to make huge gains in terms of territory and recruitment. The brazen manner with which terrorist groups operate must consequently attract the attention of the world to this region where the threat has more than ever before exposed the need for regional security and cooperation. A number of milestones have been achieved already. Key strategic goals have been documented in line with the UN Global Counter Terrorism Strategy, African Union Plan of action for preventing and combating terrorism, ECOWAS counter terrorism strategy and Conflict Prevention Framework as well as the GCTF Sahel Working groups work plan and the European Union External Service strategy for Security in the Sahel. More than 10 countries, including Nigeria have developed their own CT strategies and in some instances new legislations have been passed that clearly spell out the CT dimensions. With this solid policy and legal foundation arises the need for ideas, capacity and infrastructure to counter violent extremism

The threat from ISIS is of particular concern. Through the social media ISIS is currently advancing its ideas and operations into Africa, recruiting vulnerable youths. There is an urgent need for a continental strategy to counter ISIS on and offline.

We must at the same time pay attention to the humanitarian challenges caused by food insecurity, drought, climate change and Internally Displaced Persons from conflict areas. It is estimated that over 20 million people in the Sahel will require humanitarian assistance during 2014, an increase of over 8 million since 2013. This is worrying and a threat to human security and stability in the Sahel. Containing these threats require holistic and innovative approaches from states in the Sahel region through the establishment of

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 121 common markets and regional economic revitalization plans. We must at the same time build effective early warning systems and international response in order to prevent humanitarian crisis arising from hunger and the effects of violence.

At the long run our success will depend on how effectively we address the underlying causes of insecurity and instability in the Sahel by finding lasting solutions to weak governance, weak democratic institutions, and a lack of opportunities. Working with regional and international partners, countries of the Sahel must strengthen their institutions and be more proactive in tackling the security, economic, social, and political and development challenges. Addressing the evolving security challenges in the Sahel demands a comprehensive regional and international approach that combines both soft and hard approaches to the threat of violent extremism. States must also begin to reconstruct a new social contract with citizens based on trust and inclusion

NIGER DELTA SECURITY: The factors responsible for militancy in the Niger Delta are well known. Years of neglect of the economic development of the region, environmental degradation, youth unemployment and lack of access to functional education resulting in youth restiveness. Over the years governments have used different approaches to address the challenges in the Niger Delta without much success. In 2009, former President Umaru Musa Yardua instituted the Amnesty Programme which has significantly reduced violence resulting from militancy in the Niger Delta.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 122 Although large scale militancy has declined but the problem has not been completely eradicated. There still exist intermittent disruptions to oil production activities on a significant scale leading to loss of revenue. The illegal local refining and bunkering in league with foreign interests remains a major threat to our economic security. The potential for a renewed insurgency in the Niger Delta cannot be totally ruled out. This possibility calls for a national security plans that are prepared to address any future insurgency in the Niger Delta given our experience with Boko Haram in the North east.

Our current national security priority in the Niger Delta is to ensure the safety of oil installations and personnel located in the area, ensure that environmental degradation is stopped or reduced to the barest minimum, the rapid economic development of the region to ensure youth security and education security for enhanced livelihoods.

In order to be successful we need to work closely with communities, local organizations and state institutions. However, we cannot hope to truly hinder violent extremism, militancy, oil bunkering if we ignore the international dimension. Regional and international partners will be key in forming any solution to violent extremism and transnational crimes. Globalization has brought colossal benefits to the world but in many ways has made us more fragile. Terrorist and criminal groups exploit our differences and weaknesses to fuel their violence, posing a threat to international security. We must work together – by collaborating and sharing knowledge and expertise – in order to effectively combat these threats. Counter terrorism without attention on development, institutional capacity and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 123 community engagement provides only a short term solution. We are increasingly making our people the centre of gravity of national security to ensure freedom from fear and protection of human dignity. Collectively we must work to ensure sustainable peace and security across all borders of the world.

In conclusion, we must always act regionally and internationally in our efforts. Such efforts must address the security threat posed by violent extremists and criminal networks, while building capacity and strengthening institutions. The Federal Government of Nigeria is always willing and ready to participate and contribute to regional and international effort in this regard and we look forward to increased collaboration with our African neighbors' in CVE Policy and programming.

I wish participants at this very important conference a fruitful deliberation. Once again I thank the organizers for inviting me.

Thank you.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 124 ANNEX VI (PAPER 3)

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) and Sustainable security of the Lake Chad region: A Collective Approach for Resolving Common Socioeconomic and Security Threats in the Region

The Role of the Multinational Joint task Force in Regional Stabilization Efforts and Dealing with Destabilizing Socioeconomic Trends Dr . Zakaria Ousman Ramadane Chairman: Centre for Peace, Security and Sustainable Development Ndjaména – Chad .

Multiplicity and Interdependence of Global Security Factors

« Perfect storms » Failed governments, ethnic stratification, religious violence, humanitarian disasters and proliferation of dangerous weapons. Lagging economies, disenfranchised populations, transnational crime, resource shortage, and destabilizing bulges of uneducated/unemployed youth Armed conflict has changed Fought transnationally Among the population, and States pitted against non-state armed groups- ethnic, tribal, clan, religious, and communal warriors Asymmetric Dr. Zakaria Ousman Ramadane Trends Globalization, weapons lethality, pervasive insecurity, international terrorism, cultural clashes Adversary focmmitmentus on stressing State and of commitment Primacy of information Operations as a strategic weapon

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 125 Regional driving impetus Multiple global challenges in a rapidly changing world confront the LCBC region. No part of the globe suffers more from global warming; no populationi s more at risk from rising food insecurity; Population in the area areseverely affected by the inequities of the current international trading system. Many issues /problems are now regional in scope Spillover of civil conflicts Refugee caseloads and Internally Displaced Persons(IDP) Terrorism, human/drug trafficking Ebola Natural disasters/ environmental threats Economies of scale create opportunities for regional, rather than national: Regional / international partnership, synergy and ownership is the order of the day Strength in bargaining power enhances the role of collective action Rise of regional NGO / organizations of the civil society that exert pressures for regional initiatives

Multiplicity and interdependence of global security factors

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 126 Destabilizing trends in the Lake Chad region

The factors driving insecurity in the region are : Polical, socioeconomic and cultural identy.

Fragility of new democracies New democracies oen come to power during period of economic turmoil and face numerous obstacles ( Republic of Niger ) Many electoral contests are sll a do –or- die aﬀair ( Cameroun, CAR ) Pervasive poverty and low /precarious standard of living Corrupon and mal- administraon (neposm, weak rule of law) Nigeria , Chad, Cameroun ,CAR Civil –military relaons characterized by suspicion and mistrust

Destabilizing social trends

Large pool of under –educated ,unemployed, under employed or unemployed youth ( 40 -45% ) Youth Bulge ( those under 25 ,make 60% of the total populaon) with short term perspecves . Willingness of conflict entrepreneurs to use young people for personal gains and agenda when underdevelopment is coupled with extreme inequality, sporadic facts of violence may occur as expression of anger, frustraon and fear. High pay–off associated with criminal acvies; human, weapon and drug trafficking (VEO). Desperaon for survival (latent conflicts become imminent or realized) Migraon and rural exodus .

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 127 Difficult living conditions in the LCBC region

Destabilizing trends Availability of small-arms Large pool of weapons from previous conﬂicts. The collapse of Libya state brought to the region three unexpected problems Large stock of weapons to the area . Inﬂow of returnees (of tens of thousands of west African) and large number of unemployed young men some with high military skills Losses of remiances Relavely easy access to arms and ammunion (AK-47 costs USD40 USD) Ethnic/religious tensions are easily manipulated by local policians Long porous borders under patrolled providing Sahel heaven for insurgent groups or/and Violent Extremist Organizaons ( VEO) Failure of governments to provide adequate security (human, economic, food) lead to a self-help measures which may constute threats to peace and stability.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 128 Environmental degradation and climate change (shrinking of the Lake –Chad, the only body of fresh water (agriculture, fishery, livestock) Increasing demography and high fertility rate which put pressure on the natural resources (competition for access to land, water and pasture land)

The State has the obligation to protect its citizens in a war torn country

Destabilizing regional trends Government failures Failure to address genuine grievances Vacuum created by absence of effective governing structures create loop-hole for sheer criminality ( inability to properly monitor events in the borders or remote ungoverned areas of the country ) Government failures in providing security or maintaining law and order is particularly worrisome. Increasing scope and magnitude of the level of poverty

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 129 Intensive and extensive poverty : The quest for survival in the Lake Chad region

Destabilizing regional trends Too many refugees and Internally displaced persons Refugees (several thousands ) and IDP ( 2 million) in the region constitute a tremendous drain on host country resources. Despite efforts from the international community the reality for the host indigenous communities is that marginalization, globalization , population increase and climate change all converge, leading to increasing unsustainable demand for scarce resources i.e. competition between refugee populations and host populations . Desperate conditions of refugee aggrieve social vices. Refugees may get trapped into dependency syndrome of humanitarian assistance. After years of humanitarian assistance , It would be hard if not simply impossible, for refugees to return home voluntary and resume normal life.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 130 War has human and material costs

The lake Chad Basin commission: A common framework to deal with regional problems

The Convention establishing ,the Lake – Chad Basin Commission –LCBC- was signed on May 22, 1964 at Fort-Lamy, (Chad) by the four riparian states (Cameroun, Chad, Niger, Nigeria ) . Central Africa Republic and Libya have joined the Commission while Sudan and Congo are still observing members. The Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), intended goals was to foster cooperation and regional integration among its member states including economic, social ,political and security objectives. But cooperation would not be possible in the absence of commitment for integration . In its fifty years life span, the organization has accumulated enough experience to enable it to take up transboundary security issues. Indeed, the founding fathers of the LCBC anticipated that development would not be possible without security considerations . It is precisely to settle disputes and bring these countries closer on development, security and integration issues, that the regional institution was set up in 1964. It is also in that spirit that the predecessor of the MNJTF, the Multinational Joint Security Force MNJSF, was created in the 1990s to deal with cross-border security issues in the Lake Chad region. At its 14th summit of heads of state and government, held in Chad in April 2012, the LCBC decided to reactivate the force and extend its mandate to include containing Boko Haram.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 131 Ecological disaters : The lake Chad is a vanishing ecosystem so is the population in and around it

The concept of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJT)

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) between Nigeria, Chad and Niger was set up in 1998 in order to combat transnational crime in the Lake Chad region, but was mostly dormant until 2012, when it was reactivated in order to deal with Boko Haram. In order to cope with the spread of terrorism in the region, the Paris Summit of May 2014, which brought together the heads of state of Benin, Chad, Cameroon, France, Niger and Nigeria, and representatives of the US, UK and EU, decided to enhance regional cooperation in the fight against Boko Haram, by means of coordinated patrols and border surveillance, pooling intelligence and exchanging relevant information. In October 2014, the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) member states (Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria) and Benin decided to improve their cooperation to combat Boko Haram, by pledging troops to the MNJFT, which should have become operational inside national borders by November 2014. It was also decided to ask the African Union (AU) and the UN to establish the appropriate legal framework for cross-border military operations.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 132 On 20 January 2015 , leaders from 13 West and Central African countries held discussions about setting up a multinational force to combat Boko Haram,( the UN Security Council' called for the enhancement of the MNJTF's operational capacity. The AU recently gave the green light to the MNJTF through a decision of 29 January 2015 by the African Peace and Security Council (PSC), meeting at the level of heads of state and government. The PSC is a standing decision-making body of the AU, competent for peace and security issues. The decision authorized the deployment of the MNJTF, comprising up to 8700 military and non-military staff. Their mission: Create a secure environment, restore state authority and facilitate humanitarian assistance in the affected areas . the LCBC-led MNJTF, in its current configuration, is needed to contain the regional expansion of Boko Haram;

The Multinational Joint Task Force in Action in the Lake Chad region

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 133 Challenges for the Multilateral Joint Task Force (MNJTF)

The headquarters of the MNJTF has been established in the Nigerian town of Baga in the shores of the Lake- Chad. The approach adopted by the MNJTF raises practical concerns : Ad Hoc structures, Assignments ( who is in charge). The Executive secretary should monitor, coordinate progress on the field and report to the head of states . Observation and monitoring (At the LCBC secretariat) Lack of common Process ( My way… or else). Diverse Political Agenda ( how does collaboration benefit me) Operational security (Too big .. Too small). The number of troops is seen as insufficient to combat Boko Haram effectively, given its military capacity. Cultural differences: The large number of stakeholders from different countries with differences in language, ethnicity, culture or tradition and attitude ,makes interaction and cooperation between and among them and the host country a challenge . Logistical difficulties, together with the attitudes of the countries involved – which have always tended to focus more on their own interests than on a regional approach – could delay the operation of this force. Likely application of the LCBC Mechanism

Aggression against a member or the treat of aggression Conflict among several member states. Internal conflict that threatens to result in humanitarian disasters , or poses threat to peace and security. The use of economic ,political or military measures to restore peace and tranquility in response to or in the aftermath of conflict.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 13464 Restoration of stability as the overriding factor Reliance on collective efforts at the regional level usually effected through existing regional organization (using the LCBC as vehicle ) may sometimes be effected through an adhoc arrangement (Chadian troops have entered Nigeria – but it was within the framework of a bilateral military agreement, not a multinational force. Thus the good neighbor policy : Neighbors have an obligation to support one another for fear of escalation of a conflict through spillover effects.

Way forward The multinational joint task force as it stands is necessary to deal with short term issues (R2P) . Such an approach would make sense if and only if it also includes development and policy responses that will make it more difficult for Boko-Haram and others groups (VEO) to tap into legitimate grievances and desperation of people in marginalized regions. If belief and ideology are the driving force and the potential seed of radicalism ,then poverty is the fertilizer. Desmond Tutu “ the surest recipe for unrest and turmoil is if the vast majority have no proper homes, clean water , electricity , good education and adequate health care” Unfortunately ,with 60% of the population living with less than USD 2 /day, poverty is everywhere in the lake Chad region . Climate change in the area and the shirking of the lake Chad ,the only large body of fresh water (only 10 to 15% its normal capacity) are making hardship for the people and life hazardous for the future . Desperate people may use desperate means to redress the imbalance.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 13564 Water brings hope to the people . Not everything is hopeless in the Lake Chad region: Thanks to the Lake Chad Basin Commission 's efforts to foster development

The triagle of stability for the LCB region: A dynamic, comprehensive and inclusive approach Politic Leadership governance democracy

STABILITY Peace ,security and sustainable development

Socio – Traditional Economic and non- development traditional and resilience Security

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 136 New leadership entails a new vision: The continent should learn a lesson of democray from Nigeria ,the economic ( now political) power house of Africa .

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 137 ANNEX VII (PAPER 4)

The Problems and Challenges of Managing Party Democracy, Intra- party conflicts, Divisions and Defections in Nigeria's Fourth Republic By Abubakar Momoh Director-General The Electoral Institute, Abuja

Introduction It is a malleable paradox that the impetus to build democracy in Nigeria is not coming from politicians or the political parties but from popular forces, interest and social groups outside traditional political parties. Professor Abubakar Momoh Why is this so?

The ideology of good governance was one foisted on third world countries as a mid-wife between fractured political systems and perverse democracies. Hence rather than address the key factors responsible for the inability to have stable and democratic politics in Africa, the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) were preoccupied with issues of administrative accountability and debt servicing. It is not little surprise that good governance is no longer fashionable in the political lexicon, because did it address the perennial electoralist challenges of African countries, nor was it able to ensure good governance. After it arrived the cliché of “dividends of democracy” which gave the impression that what mattered most to the

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 138 African people was not democracy per se but its dividends as reflected in tangible material or economistic terms. But like Amartya Sen lucidly argues, freedom is basic to any form of development, and therefore freedom is superior to any form of social or economic delivery by the state. Next was the suggestion that Africans can only engage in “transition programmes” that will culminate in democratization, rather than democracies. It is argued that this is due partly to one-party dictatorship and prolonged military rule on the continent; that while Western European and North American countries operate democracies, the best African countries can have is democratization. This is a hegemonic discourse that is highly racialised. I call all these IFIs-driven policies and approaches to the subject of democracy in Africa. However, the critical question is: why is it that African country cannot practice democracy instead of democratization?

On the African continent there have been several approaches to the discourse on democracy. The first school of thought has to do with whether liberal democracy is worth building or Africans should embrace popular or socialist democracy. Many radical scholars including Bjorn Beckman and Yusuf Bangura have argued that Liberal democracy is worthy of a project to embrace and build in Africa. But have we been able to build it? Or at what level of construction are we on the democratic project in Africa? The second school, can be described as being increment list, it seeks to know whether it is democracy that should come first or development, or put differently whether we should essentialise democracy or instrumentalise it. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o and Thandika Mkandawire engaged in protracted polemics over this subject. The third school focuses on how the developmentalist state, deriving from Peter Evans et al, can be reconstructed

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 139 given the fallouts of adjustment reforms which have deeply eroded the material conditions of the toiling people. From it emanated developmental democracy which states that both the project of democracy and development can be pursued at one and the same time. Georges Nzongola- Ntalaja aptly canvasses this view.

The fourth school contends that without deep electoral reforms and making the “votes to count” there will be no accountable governance. This school of thought I call the electoralist school. They can be counterpoised to the democratic school who suggest that the best Africa can get is not democracy but democratization.

The fifth school of thought is concerned about the exclusionary character of political systems. The claim is that there is often voter apathy, low turnout, high incidence of violence and electoral infractions because the nature of the electoral system is First Past The Post (FPTP) which makes politics a zero-sum game and electoral competition very fierce. All the attendant factors to FPTP including wasted votes and lack of inclusion of ethnic and religious minorities are also raised. And the Proportional Representation (PR) system is often proposed as an alternative.

My claim is that Africa has been unable to build the liberal democracy, because its political elite have not transformed from being an elite into being a political class. This has resulted in huge deficits for the democratic project; as a result, rather than democratize, as some have proposed, Africa is de- democratising. Africa is not democratizing, rather it is de-democratising. De- democratisation has made the project of liberal democracy project far- fetched. Elsewhere, Claude Ake states, most poignantly, that

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 140 democratization is leading to disempowerment. In spite of this, the toiling people are still fascinated and believe strongly and are involved daily in the struggle for democracy in Africa. Making sense of the Problematic There are several ways to engage the topic at hand, I may choose to use political sociology as an approach and may be illustrative, phenomenological or conceptual in my analysis. I, however, choose to be eclectic.

In the eight years that Olusegun Obasanjo was President of Nigeria, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had five successive Chairmen; four Senate Presidents and 2 Speakers of the House of Representatives. Under President Goodluck Jonathan's six years of his administration, the PDP had five Chairmen, some of them in acting capacity. From the First National Assembly (NASS) to the Seventh National Assembly, the demographics have shown a high mortality of membership. Indeed, the current NASS members-elect have shown that only 30% of the total members were returned.

The PDP is often prided as a party that is democratic and which is not owned by any single person. Yet the authoritarian culture in the party is as heavy as that in other political parties over which so-called Godfathers have proprietary rights and claims. What explains and accounts for this?

More often, there is the claim that polities in Africa are in crises because bad people were elected into offices or better still, rigged their way into public offices. But the questions need to be stretched further: how did those bad people muddle through at the level of their political parties to clinch the party's nomination?

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 141 I want to hypothesize that the crisis of democracy in Nigeria, nay Africa can be understood principally from two perspectives: first, the inability to imbibe and internalize liberal ethics that are concomitant to liberal democratic practice and second, the character, social attributes, conflicts and crises within political parties. I will contend that all the perverse attributes associated with party democracies and intra-party crises and conflicts can be associated with the lack of liberal ethics. I will disaggregate and analyze the internal structures and attributes of political parties in Nigeria and aver that they do not conform to the traditional and classical roles of political parties. Therefore, to rebuild our polity and deepen democracy we must rebuild the political party and also embrace liberal ethics.

The Nature of Liberal Politics Liberal democracy is market-driven. However, it has other attributes that are libertarian and civil. These attributes include respect for rule of law, human rights and due process, administrative transparency, accountability, civility, tolerance, ruthless criticism, and exposure to public investigation and public scrutiny. The convergence between the private and the public life and between a politician's pedigree and current political practices and behaviour. The latter brings to fore the role of private morality and political morality. In Nigeria, there is a strict attempt to separate the private from the public realm-separation of an individual's past from the present, and civility from democratic ethics, right conduct and acceptance of criticism as being in tune with building democracy. The sum of all this, is that the Nigerian political elite do not have the right values that can sustain or build liberal democracy. As much as it is possible, Nigerian political elite conceal their past, bribe

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 142 journalists who seek to investigate them, frown on anybody intruding into their private life, their life of alcoholism, hedonism, and domestic violence, certificate forgery and falsification, and so-called grass-to-grace wealth.

But why is it that there is no transformation in the values of the Nigerian political elite? Why are they not able to internalise the ethics of liberal politics? This is because there has not been a transformation in the character of majority of Nigerian politicians from being political elite to a political class. The political elite therefore became a symbolic expression of desecration and the profane. The political elite are blind to procedure, civility and values of democratic practice. The constitution is not sanctimonious, rather it is like any other book to be respected in its breach, or used and upheld if there is convergence of interest with the political elite and the constitution set aside when its content abnegates the interest of the political elite. Therefore, the arbitrariness of the political elite of Nigeria is quiet normal to the order of things and pattern of behaviour they are very well used to. I call this the normalization of disorder. This is a situation whereby disorder and non- conformity with constitutive and regulative values are routinised and accepted as the correct way of doing things; this does not necessarily make it the most acceptable way of doing things by the majority of the people. It is a dominant mode of political practice because it is also a hegemonic practice that is mediated and instituted by the political parties and their owners. My position should not be associated with that of Patrick Chabal and Daloz, who see disorder as the basis of political order in Africa. Their account is fictive, ridiculous and historical.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 143 Characteristics of Nigeria's Political Parties What are the factors responsible for the frictions, crises, conflicts and altercation in Nigerian political parties? I will try to explain a few of the factors l consider most salient. 1. Owners vs. Joiners Most political parties in Nigeria today are differentiated between those who own the party and those who joined the party. Sometimes the owners of the parties are also the founders; a few of them simultaneously serve as both owners and Godfathers. Party owners have limitless powers, unrestrained (sometimes arbitrary powers) and proprietary rights over the party's National Working Committee, Party Executive and ordinary members. Indeed, they serve as the “Security Council” members of the political party with power to veto whatever decision may have been taken democratically through the structures and processes of the party. Joiners of the party are often helpless and at the mercy of the owners of the party. Proprietary rights of the owners make the party look like a private estate, not even a limited liability company with many shareholders. The proprietors often do not open shareholding to the wider membership of the party or outsiders, because, so to do, will rupture their stranglehold over the party. Some of the party joiners have limited stakes in the party; hence they shop around for as many parties as they can find their interest met.

ii. Interest-based membership vs. political correctness Many politicians did not join political parties because they believed in its manifesto or found a majority of its members as people who share their world view. Hence, most of the parties do not express the interest of their membership. Many members joined the parties just to satisfy their personal,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 144 constituency, patron's or family interests and convenience. Classical conception of political parties says that they are meant to aggregate the interest of various groups. But such group interest must be with the purview of shared values and interests of the party members. Political correctness has made the dominant political parties home to all-comers. Whist it is true that no political party is constitutionally allowed to discriminate any citizen from joining it, however, it is minimally expected that party membership will be based on shared interested and values. Political correctness has been one major source of conflict amongst Nigerian political parties.

iii. The nature of Party recruitment Party recruitment is often arbitrary; list of members is often inaccurate and Incomprehensive. Criteria for membership recruitment are often set outside, they are often arbitrary, political hirelings rather than dedicated party members, permissive dual and multiple party memberships, are all permitted. Hence party membership is merely for political correctness.

iv. Candidate-members In a classical sense, people join political parties in order to build them. However, this is not often the case with candidate-members.By candidate- members, l mean those who joined political parties primarily and essentially because they want to be candidates of the party at elections. Often, waivers for minimally acceptable period, before somebody can qualify to run for public office, is often granted to such candidate-members. In this sense, for example, Jimi Agbaje and Nuhu Ribadu are candidate-members and not party members of the PDP. Such members often disequilibriate the party structure and tested and reliable aspirants, because they displace those who

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 145 had worked consistently and assiduously for the political party, and whose commitment and loyalty to the party is jettisoned for candidate-members. Loyalty of such members is traded-off for political correctness. Often, candidate-members have a lot of financial resources to share out to members.

The Nigerian experience has shown that candidate-members are often unruly and sometimes unwilling to learn the rules of the party, and they see themselves as superior to other members of the party. Once they lose an election or their ambition is thwarted, they often abandon the party for another one. In a sense, candidate-membership of political parties is driven by what Claude Ake calls “Anarchy of ambition”. Some party members are merely interested in running for office and not building the party; and when their ambitions are nor met or hopes dashed they abandon the party for another one.

v. Party Leaders vs. Leaders of Party Party discipline has been weakened in the so-called Fourth Republic because the Executive committees of the dominant political parties have been set aside in the payout of power relations. Because a lot of them look up to the executive in power, they grant privileged roles to such executive whose powers, just like the party owners, have overbearing influence on the powers of the party executive. The role of the Leader of party has often been seen as being above that of the party leaders. This is strange to party politics in other parts of the world. The Leaders of party often see the party as an extension of their executive domain. They overrule and override the powers and procedure of the party. There are many illustrations in the emergence of Bamanga Tukur as a nominee from his North East zone, where he lost, but

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 146 was still foisted on his party because of executive vested interest. There is also the case of the removal of Audu Ogbeh as Chairman of PDP due to fierce contestation with Olusegun Obasanjo, then president of Nigeria.

I. Financial Membership vs. Party Financiers One key element for party membership, whether in the liberal democratic or socialist states, is the issue of financial membership. Merely being a member of a party does not make one a substantive member of a party, if it is not backed by financial membership in form of monthly and annual payment of dues. This is what qualifies a member to vote and be voted for and take part within decision-making structures of the party. However, such financial commitments or obligations are often shouldered by a party financier, who often seized the membership cards of those party members, and forced their names to be put on the list of those to attend party congresses and conventions so as to vote for aspirants of the choice of the party financier.

ii. Party Manifesto vs Candidates Programmes A cursory examination of the manifestoes of the dominant political parties and their candidates and government across the country suggests high level of discrepancies and lack of evenness and consensus on what programmes to carry out. Individual candidate's preference as opposed to party manifesto is what drives programmes and policies implemented by elected party candidates. As you move from one state to the other and one candidate to the other, within the same party, there are different programmes. This is a contradiction which suggests that there is incoherence within the party; this often has overall impact on the political party's outlook.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 147 iii. Personality based Politics vs. Issue based Politics Electioneering and political campaigns are often based on personality and divisive issues such as religion, ethnicity and region, rather than on the core issues of governance such as social provisioning, administrative transparency and accountability. Many politicians do not even know what is contained in the manifestoes of their parties and promise what they cannot offer. Parliamentary contestants often campaign as if they are running for executive office of Local Government Chairman, Governor or President. It is apparent that most of the promises are unrealistic and unrealisable.

iv. Lack of Internal Democracy Lack of internal democracy has become a cliché used by both victims and perpetrators in all political parties. There are many components to lack of internal democracy. They include, lack of right of free expression, lack of right to political choice, subversion of grievance, truncation of due process, subordination of democratic interest to autocratic views, denial of majority view over minority view. Corruption of democratic process, militarisation of democratic space and disempowerment of minority rights and the right to inclusiveness and representative democracy. Such politicians who subvert the internal democratic process for example during party primaries, also substitute names present to the Electoral Management Body, and go to court to corrupt judges who produce contradictory and arbitrary judgement in difference courts from state High Courts to Federal High Courts, to Courts of Appeal. Lack of internal democracy is by far the greatest threat to democracy in Nigeria, it has resulted in many aggrieved politicians defecting to other political parties or forming new ones. This is certainly not healthy for building the party system.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 148 v. Lack of Elite Consensus and Constitutive and regulative rules The party elite of most of the dominant party are unable to define elite values and form a consensus around them. This will give a baseline identity to elite values and it will also form a basis for respect for constitutive and regulative rules of the state which Billy Dudley wrote about over 40 years ago. There can be no elite consensus when there are no elite focused-values; and there can be no elite values where there is no Political class.

vi. Political Elite vs. Political Class The Nigerian political elite need to embrace a new set of values and nuances that will make it transform from being a political elite into a political class. It is a misnomer to describe the Nigerian politicians as constituting a political class. A political elite is an arbitrarily assemblage of politicians; they lack discipline and coherence, they lack defined values and objectives, and they often do not play by the rules of the game. In a fundamental sense, the political elite lack ideas. The political elite are a complete opposite of what the political class represent. The political class are ideationally-driven, they have class coherence, discipline and maturity, and they play by the rules of the game.

vii. Lack of Party Education One cardinal role of political parties is to engage in both political and civic education for their members and prospective voters. This role has been jettisoned. Most political parties have members who are ill-informed even on their own party manifestoes, candidates and members. They lack basic knowledge of electoral laws and procedure; yet it is from this crop that the party hopes to recruit Party Agents who will represent their candidates at

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 149 Polling Units (PUs) and Voting Points (VPs). Ill-informed and uneducated party members often constitute a huge setback to quality of participation of such membership in party internal activities and their acceptance by the public. Impact on Political Party Practices

i. Politics as Warfare One major outcome of all this is that a lot of party members have turned violent and used warfare as a means of political inclusion. Political warfare is both a trigger and product of lack of internal party democracy. The use of violence alienates and disempowers a lot of prospective participants in the political process. Violence empowers the political elite as it disempowers true members of the parties and the voters

ii. Cyclical and unending crises Party crisis have been endemic in Nigeria particularly at election period. Several cases of parallel party executives and law suits abound; ditto for cases of unfair substitution of candidate without their consent. The most notorious cases are to be found in states such as Anambra and Lagos states; and this cuts across the PDP and All Peoples Congress (APC) divide.

iii. Political Nomadism It is elementary knowledge that there is a difference between cross-carpeting and membership defection from one party to the other. In the last six years. the major beneficiaries of defection have been Labour Party and the APC. And the largest casualty has been the PDP.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 150 The spate, scale and rate of part defections in the Nigerian polity have made it impossible for us to characterise it as mere defections. Normally, when a party member intends to defect, this is done based on rules and procedures, genuine grievances and exhaustion of both internal and external mechanisms for dispute resolution, including Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). The heavy hemorrhage and mortality of party members; and sometimes arbitrary, undisciplined and inexplicable defections have made by politicians, has made me to characterise such movement from one party to another as political normadism. Nomads are associated with grazing, and moving from one place to the other in order to graze. Green pastures are the basis of such movement. To be sure, there are genuine cases for members to desert a political party to another, but in many cases it is the quest and search for green or greener pasture that occasions such movement, the quest for power, position, wealth and influence in the party or in government.

There are two forms of political normadism: there is linear normadism and reversed normadism. Linear normadism is a situation where a party member defects to party B, C, or D and never returns to the original party of membership which we shall call party A. on the other hand, reverse normadism is a situation whereby a defector from party A, moves to party B, defects to party C, D, and ….nth party, only to return to party A, i.e. his/her original party. Whether a member will defect in line with linear or reversed normadism, will depend on the pull and push factors, internal party politics, and the uncertain and unsettled contestations between old and new members. The new members often come with their agenda which is either urgent and immediate and not in tune with the general line or majority interest; quite often the party owners or financiers join such members to

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 151 accomplish their urgent interest and needs. However, where such interest (call it ambition) cannot be realised, such new members often defected again to another political party.

There is need to appreciate that all Nigerian political parties are fractured and have fundamental defects that will continue to make both old and new members to defect. I have made allusion to a number of them earlier. And unless the structural and debilitating factors affecting the party structure are rectified.

Conclusion

Political parties in Nigeria must return to the original concept of party- building and democratic values. Membership must be based on interest, issues, ideology and commitment. The party must raise or build dedicated cadres and should be mass-based. Party members should not be mere part of a motley crowd. A party member should be distinguished from a party supporter or a voter. Now that difference is not apparent because political parties have abandoned their traditional rules and embraced negative values that de-democratize the polity.

Party leaders or executives and National Working Committees, must take firm charge and responsibilities for guiding and driving the values of the political party. No member of the party no matter how high should be seen as being above the law; incumbents be they executives or parliamentarians must be subjected to the internal mechanisms of redress of the party, and at all

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 152 times the party must be a fair umpire and mediator, providing a level playing ground for all aspirants and being able to enforce compliance with electoral outcomes

I have refrained from addressing the impact of party democracy and conflicts on socio-economic development in Nigeria, because I have not done the correlation and cannot pretend to know what it is or how much of one impacts on the other. I can, however, assert that an unstable polity has huge setback for economic development. It should be stated however that mere party stability or stable government is not enough to bring about socio- economic development.

Varying experiences across the globe have produced different results. The toiling people of Africa genuinely need democracy and they have struggled for it. But the political elite remain a huge set back to their quest for democratic governance.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 153 ANNEX VIII (PAPER 6)

FW: A HOLISTIC APPROACH FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION AND REHABILITATION OF THE NORTH-EAST NIGERIA RAVAGED BY TERRORISM AND INSURGENCY: THE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL POLICY OPTIONS/PERSPECTIVES. A PAPER PRESENTED BY HIS EXCELLENCY, ALHAJI KASHIM SHETTIMA, EXECUTIVE GOVERNOR, BORNO STATE.

Your Excellencies, Mr Chairman, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, I feel greatly honoured to be recognised to present this crucial paper. The Gov. Kashim Shettima Post- 2015 Elections Conference On "SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN AFRICA'S LARGEST DEMOCRACY" Could not have been discussed at a better time than now. The THEME is most appropriate and timely.

THE EXTENT OF BOKO HARAM DESTRUCTION:

The types of crime perpetrated by the Boko Haram Terorists were the most heinous in human history. Not even in Pharaoh's Ancient Egypt or Nazi's Germany or any of the World recorded Dr. Bulama Gubio

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 154 atrocities were witnessed the animation of human beings through the most unthinkable ways. Worst still, most of the victims were and still are the law abiding, harmless, defenseless, the poorest of the poor in our hamlets, cottages and villages. Those were the most serene and peaceful abodes of our people to which many had aspired to retire to. No more. Unfortunately, even where the Boko Haram Insurgency was mishandled or ignored or treated casually to outgrow the scope of Nigeria's constituted authority, some fellow Nigerians sit by the fence to describe this most heinous crime upon human existence as a Jihad or Islamic Movement. This assertion in itself is as heinous if not more brutal than the acts of brutality itself. When Imams, Pastors, Almajiris, Primary School Pupils, Secondary and Post Secondary students and their teachers of all creed, Traditional and Community leaders, women and children and all other manner of innocent people were cut down by blood thirsty cannibalists, the world would still want to assign the name 'ISLAMIC' to them. How uncharitable and cruel can the human society be. Since the year 2009 to date the extent of destructions by the Boko Haram have become common knowledge to the whole world. Orphans who watched their parents slaughtered, widows who were forced to witness the butchering of their husbands and thereafter taken away as concubines, old parents who screamed and groaned in pain and anguish while their only assets in life - their young boys and girls forced away- not to be seen or heard of again, and so on, are right now bewildered, confused and disillusioned all over the place. Such huge level of trauma requires more than ordinary consoling, counseling or palliatives to heal. Such traumas are the boiling point of human inhumanity to fellow humans. It is the peak of disappearance of the humanness with mankind.

One of the girls recently rescued by the Nigerian soldiers in the Sambisa forest had this to say when interviewed by journalists; she said "We were kept and

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 155 treated like animals. We were kept away from all that went on in the world. We were fed with raw maize flour and drunk very little water. Many died of starvation and brutality. We didn't even know that our fellow Nigerians had participated in politics and had elected our leaders". Indeed the sole purpose of abducting or kidnapping of thousands of teenage girls and other young women by the Boko Haram was for establishing 'HAREMS' for mass production of babies for the continuity of the Boko Haram regime of brutality on the Nigerian society. This is equally another most dastardly impunity which only the Boko Haramists were capable of designing and perpetrating in any human society in the history of human existence.

DISLOCATING THE BOKO HARAM FROM THEIR STRONGHOLD- THE SAMBISA FOREST TO PAVE WAY FOR TOTAL DEFEAT:

The Sambisa Forest is a whole chunck of an unsecured natural high density vegetation, stretching from Goniri in Yobe state to the west to Gwoza in Borno state to the east, cutting across to the Repuplic of Cameroon. From the Northern plank, it stretches from Alagarno in Konduga Local Government to greater part of Askira/ Uba, Chibok and Damboa to the South, touching some parts of Adamawa state. It is the size of a moderate country. The Forest provides several human needs for sustainance and shelter. In abundance in the Forest are wildlife ranging from Elephants to rats and averitable resource base for large scale hunters, Bee honey gatherers, fruits sellers and free land graft farmers. It is indeed a paradise of a variety of Savannah delicacies and cultivation of all types of Savannah and Semi Savannah crops. The Forest is capable of sustaining any government. It is equally dotted by hills and rocks as well as natural stream water. Therefore it is natural that the Boko Haram insurgents having been earlier driven out from their bases within normal human settlements found the vast

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 156 Forest not only a very secure base but also a fortress and home at the same time. Unfortunately they were allowed to occupy the Forest for a long time. They studied and mastered the entire terrain of the Forest, such that they easily traversed with ease the link between Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad republics. Eye witnesses had provided credible local reports, more than three years ago that Lorry loads of Iron rods, cement, woods and all other sorts of building materials and heavy building machines had been driven into the Forest. The genuine fear which needs to be viewed seriously is whether Bunkers might have been built within the Forest. It should not be forgotten that at their initial stage the insurgents were able to build a Bunker- large enough to accommodate many of them right inside Maiduguri, at Bulabulin Ngarannam Ward. They were also known to have dugged Tunnels to enable them move from house to house. So, having been left unchallenged for such a long time possibilities cannot be ruled out of serious obstacles within the Forest.The insurgents used their bases in the Sambisa Forest to craft out a deadly attack and quick retreat tactics which enabled them capture and take over control of all the Local Government Areas bordering Nigeria with Cameroon, Chad and Niger, thus effectively cutting off the three neighboring countries, and thus declaring what they assumed was their independent territory. Their military tactics were to encircle the city of Maiduguri, cutting it off from all direction, which they nearly succeeded. Indeed they were within twenty kilometres to Maiduguri from all direction except the Maiduguri-Kano road, which they infested and unleashed horrendous ambushes from time to time. Unless and only if the Sambisa Forest is effectively recovered from the occupation of the terrorists shall we think of defeating the Boko Haram and begin to embark on a Holistic Approach for the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation of the North- East. In fact at several stages the Borno State Government had intervened to reconstruct destroyed Schools,

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 157 Health Centres, Homes, Markets and so on, only for the insurgents to attack and redestroy them.

DISLOCATIONS IN THE NORTH-EAST:

The prolonged insurgency has graphically taken backwards the development of the North-East for several years. The enormous social, economic, cultural, infra structural and institutional dislocations caused by the horrific affront would require more than the ordinary governmental budgetary allocations to put things in shape.

EDUCATION:

The pursuit of education is virtually grounded. Most public and private schools have been completely destroyed. In most areas there is the need to start all over again. Communities have been frightened not to think of ever sending their children to school. The insurgents instilled this much fear by brutally and consistently killing teachers, students, parents, security personnel, community leaders and many others. For now it will take extra-ordinary measures to convince parents, particularly in the rural areas, to send their children to schools. It might require equally greater efforts to convince teachers and the students themselves to be attending classes. The unimaginable destruction of educational infrastructure also require colossal resources to reconstruct. It would equally require lots of persuasion to get willing workforce to mobilize for the massive reconstruction as their compatriots were earlier decimated by the Boko Haram on the account of working for the government. Therefore care must be taken to plan how to go about building confidence of all towards collective participation in the re-establishment of our educational sector.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 158 HEALTH SYSTEM:

In the same manner in which our educational system was destroyed, the health sector was also completely grounded. Most rural health infrastructures were destroyed by the insurgents. Health personnel were either murdered or kidnaped and forced to render service at the camps of the terrorists. Rural health facilities should receive urgent response before any attempt to consider returning the displaced victims. For now heath facilities are only available in the state capitals attendant with unbearable congestion. In fact the Hospitals in the state capitals need urgent rehabilitation as they were over-stretched for a long period of time.

AGRICULTURE:

Incessant drought, quella birds invasion, degradation of the land due to horrifying desert encroachment, over grazing and other inclement weather conditions had already taken their tolls on the agricultural fortunes of the North East. Now with Boko Haram dictating that farming is also Haram there has been a situation of near lack of farming activities. The obvious result is starvation and total crippling of the rural economy. The one plot peasant farmer depend and survive only on annual produce- his feeding, social, cultural and economic activities are all hanged upon the annual yield. Yet, they are denied even that narrow window of survival by the terrorists. It is therefore imperative to provide adequate and vital food items to the region and in sufficient quantity, to at least last them until they are able to access their farmlands. For now both wet and dry season farming have been stalled. Activities at the high yielding Firgi of the Chad Basin Development Authority, CBDA, were completely halted by the insurgents. They displaced the thousands of wheat farmers and thereafter harvested the already matured wheat crops. They blocked all routes leading to

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 159 the facilities of the CBDA. The once contented rural farmers who used to feed the Nigerian markets with fish, wheat, rice, maize, millet, sorgum, cotton, groundnut, gum arabic, onion, pepper, potatoes, beans and large variety of vegetables and fruits now live and survive on daily handouts of prepared meals. How are the mighty fallen!

WATER SUPPLY:

Water is life. Without water living things perish. Even before the advent of the Boko Haram insurgency water has been one of the greatest challenges for both government and the people. Most rural and even urban communities depended on cement wells and generator propelled boreholes. Now the insurgents have destroyed the sources of water supply by either dumping the dead bodies of their victims in the wells or filling them up with cements, thus denying any hope of sourcing water. This evil design also affects animals, birds and wildlife in general. How wicket and gruesomely cruel any human can be. There is therefore yet another need for a pragmatic approach towards addressing the water supply needs of the affected communities before any move to take them back to their ancestral homes. Any community devoid of source of water is unthinkable.

THE RECHARGING OF THE LAKE CHAD:

The Mega Chad which used to be the size of the Caspian Sea, spanning over 25,000 sq km, has virtually dried up now, with less than 3000 sq km of disjointed water ponds remaining. Over 30 million people around the Lake depended on the fortunes they derived from the Lake. The people of the region not only depended on the Lake but had also partnered the cultures, customs, traditions and costumes around the dictates of the Lake's environment. With the

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 160 Lake also perished the variety of fishes and sea life including large fishes and hippopotami. Over 200 Island settlements also disappeared. Unfortunately, today the vast dried land of the Lake is occupied by the Boko Haram terrorists, thus making it impossible for the disillusioned people to either cultivate crops or fish in the remaining pockets of water. Life for the people of this region has become more and more unbearable. It is therefore crucial to not only root out the terrorists from the area but also resuscitate the Lake. Life will only be meaningful to the people of this region if the Lake flourishes ones again. There had been a regional joint effort agreement between the countries of the Lake Basin Region to that effect. Any arrangement to settle back the displaced people of the region should incorporate the plan to resuscitate the great Lake. It is the only way to give meaningful lifeline to the inhabitants.

THE NORTH EAST AS GATEWAY TO CENTRAL AND EAST AFRICAN NATIONS:

The North East region is the gateway to the countries of the Central and East Africa, including Chad, Cameroon, DRC, Congo, Zaire, Gabon, etc. Borno state alone borders Cameroon, Chad and Niger. The border market settlements of Banki, Kirawa, Sigal, Gamboru, Wulgo, Marte, Monguno, Baga, Malamfatori, Dushi, Gashigar, Gaidam and Damasak and indeed many other flourishing markets in the North East hinterland had sustained great economic base for Nigeria. The deliberate cutting off and the wilful destruction of those border market towns by the Boko Haram is the most daring affront on the Nigerian economy. It is therefor a priority to not only rebuild those settlements but also keep them flourishing. This will provide employment for millions of Nigerians and promote international trade and bilateral relations.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 161 EXPLORATION AND EXPLOITATION OF PETROLEUM IN THE CHAD BASIN:

The much awaited striking of oil in the Chad Basin had been severally delayed for inexplicable reasons, the latest being the Boko Haram affront. It is over flogging the issue to make a plea for the immediate resumption of all exploration activities. This is another sure source of not only boosting the Nigerian economy but also providing additional millions of jobs and other gainful opportunities. The youth restiveness and various acts of terrorism have consistently been blamed on high level of unemployment in the country. Therefore embarking on such viable projects is of paramount priority.

SET UP A HIGH POWERED JUDICIAL FACT FINDING COMMISSION:

To seriously and effectively address those seemingly insurmountable dislocations, first there is the urgent need to set up a High Powered Judicial Fact Finding Commission of Inquiry, preparatory to embarking on a Marshall Plan. The Commission is to assess the devastation level and effects in each affected community, establish their needs and requirements which would enable them recover their life-lines and stand on their feet ones again. Then we immediately embark on a Marshall Plan for Reconstruction and Rehabilitation.

THE PROPOSED MARSHAL PLAN:

To be effective, any Marshall Plan for the North East shall involve the participation of the States Leadership and the victims themselves. Any Marshall Plan executed without the active involvement of those who are really affected would have huge failures. The Plan should go beyond the provision of short-

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 162 term palliative support to promote healing, recovery, reconstruction, rehabilitation and re-establishment. Reconciliation of the communities harboring ill feelings or disharmonious issues should also be seriously perused. The Plan should equally promote livelihood issues, economic advancement and sustainable recovery; build community resilience and prevent relapse into conflict; and ensure the efficient management of catalytic resources. In the short term, the Marshal Plan should seek to directly register all victims- young or old, and reach out to address identified challenges. This will also serve to lay the foundation for the more complex initiatives and undertakings and will send a positive signal to the traumatized benefactors and potential local and international donors regarding the commitment of the Plan to achieve results as well as encourage global involvement and commitments. In the mid to long term, the Plan seeks to stabilize the entire region such that the victims would assume normal life and forge ahead, putting the ugly past behind them .The Marshall Plan should largely but not solely funded by the Government. Building strong partnerships will be critical as the amounts of destruction are monumental. Governmental and non-governmental stakeholders as well as international development partners should be patronized for assistance.

I wish to most sincerely thank the organizer of this crucial Conference for inviting me to make mu inputs on how to overcome our security challenges.

Thank you all.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 163 ANNEX IX (CONFERENCE PROGRAMME):

, Director

Amb. Babagana Kingibe PRESENTER Professor Habu Galadima Research, NIPSS, Jos A. Gambari A. Omaki

African

, CHAIRMAN OF SESSION

b. Babagana Kingibe Abdullahi Am Prof. Ibrahim ,

Amb.

by Major General

Address , Savannah Centre, SPEAKER , Savannah Centre,

ONE OF CONFERENCE Key Note Ishola Williams, Executive Secretary Strategic and Peace Research Group (AFSTRAG) CHAIRMAN Amb. Babagana Kingibe Y

MORNING SESSION

State”

- 18, 2015: DA s largest Y Approach to MA Architecture for Africa’

.” s Comments Holistic Address by Executive Director

New Security elcome OPIC ACTVITIY Registration of Participants Guests & Participants seated W Opening remarks by Chairman and Founder Preliminary Remarks by Chairman and Special Guest of Honour “Security and Governance Challenges in Democracy Chairman’ T “A Nigeria: Rebuilding the Nation

SECTION

135 Hrs 0830 Hrs 0855 Hrs 0905 Hrs 0915 Hrs 0925 Hrs 1030 Hrs 1035 Hrs 1 ------

APER ONE TIME 0800 0845 0900 0905 0915 0930 1030 A. SECURITY P 1035

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 164

ohammed Sambo PRESENTER Col. (Rtd.) M Dasuki (NSA) Represented by Amb. C.L. Laseinde

CHAIRMAN Amb. Babagana Kingibe -

ANTS

An appraisal of ARTICIP Answers by P General ALL ommy

T – .F Molege (Rtd). Deputy T Amnesty Programme

. Fati Kyari Mohammed Mr iolent Extremism (CVE) in Brig. Gen. (Rtd) Saleh Bala Approach Policy and the Niger Professor Lieutenant LUNCH FOR s Soft

OPIC T “Countering V Africa, South of the Sahara: Nigeria’ Delta Presidential Discussant I: Discussant II: Controller General of Immigration Discussant III: Comments, Questions and Participants on Morning Session Discussant I: (Rtd.) Isaac. C. Obiakor Discussant II: Imobighe

Hrs 155 Hrs 1215 Hrs 1340 1430 Hrs

1 1320 Hrs 1400 Hrs 1530 Hrs ------APER TWO: 135 155 1 (20 mins each) 1 (20 mins each) P TIME 1220 1320 1340 1400 1430

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 165

. Zakariya Dr Ousmane Ramadene N’djamena, Chad

yo Oke A Amb. DG (NIA)

Abdullahi, Executive Alex Sabundu Badeh,

Answers by ask Force and Adviser to the LCBC

. Sanusi Imrah Air Chief Marshal Prof. Mohammed Salih, University of Engr The Military :

Approach for Resolving Common

Economic and Security Threats in the - AFTERNOON SESSION

The Multinational Joint T “ Sustainable Security of the Lake Chad Region: Collective Socio Region”. Discussant I: Discussant II: Secretary of the LCBC Discussant III: Chief of Defence Staﬀ Nigeria Discussant IV Rotterdam Comments, Questions and Participants

1800) Hrs 1750 1810 -

1645 Hrs 1705 Hrs 1725 Hrs – – - - - (20 mins)

APER THREE: (1545 P Roundtable Discussions on: 1545 1645 (20 mins) 1705 (20 mins) 1725 Hrs 1750 Hrs 1810 Hrs

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 166

. Godwin PRESENTER Mr Emeﬁele, Governor Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)

Adeola Bank Plc

TE Foundation and . Fola A CHAIRMAN Mr Chairman and Founder F GT

- Actng. TWO OF CONFERENCE Y SECTION: (DG Budget Oﬃce,

evaluate the National

- Eson, Nigeria Labour Answers by - 19, 2015: DA

.O Ozo

Y . P . Samuel Ogungbesan . Bright Okogu MA Dr Mr

Public Expenditure and their linkages to

OPIC Stabilizing the Nigerian Economy: AND GOOD GOVERNANCE T Registration of Participants “ Imperative Necessity to Re Infrastructure, Revenue Generation Policies, current development goals. Discussant I: Abuja) Discussant II: Executive Chairman Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) Discussant III: Congress (NLC) Comments, Questions and Participants

1020 Hrs 100 Hrs 130 Hrs ECONOMY

1000Hrs

0900 Hrs 1040 Hrs 1 1 – - - - - - B. APER FOUR 100 P TIME 0830 0900 1000 (20 mins each) 1020 (20 mins) 1040 (20 mins) 1

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 167

– DG

- Abuja. Abubakar PRESENTER Prof. Momoh Electoral Institute, (INEC)

CHAIRMAN Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais

National AC) APC National Republic and anko (IP Answers by economic T - s Fourth ale Oladipo , PDP unusa Y party Conﬂicts, Divisions and - . Dr

Alhaji Mai Mala Buni

Prof. W

, Intra

OPIC T The Problems and Challenges of Managing Party Democracy Defections in Nigeria’ Impact on National Socio Development. Discussant I: Secretary; Discussant II: Secretary Discussant III: Comments, Questions and Participants

1230 Hrs 1250 Hrs 1310 Hrs 1330 Hrs - - - - mins) APER FIVE 130 P TIME 1 1230 (20 mins) 1250 (20 1310 (20 mins) 1330 Hrs

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 168 , -

hettima S

. B. Gubio im Shettima im h h AND SOUTH . Bulama Gubio PRESENTER H. E Kas Executive Governor Borno State Represented by Dr PRESENTER H. E Kas Executive Governor Borno State Rep. by Dr EAST - A.

CHAIRMAN Justice Muhammed Lawal Uwais CHAIRMAN Professor Ibrahim Gambari LUNCH

REQUIREMENTS: THE NORTH Resident East Nigeria Region oure, UNDP - T

- . Daouda . Sule S. Bassi Rtd DG (DTCA) Dr Amb. Suleiman Dahiru Dr errorism and Insurgency: The

AND RECONSTRUCTION Approach for the Reconstruction and

Holistic OPIC OPIC T A Rehabilitation of the North Ravaged by T National and International Policy Options/Perspectives T Discussant I: Discussant II: Discussant III: Coordinator

MAJOR CRISIS SPOTS SOUTH ZONES OF NIGERIA:

1440 Hrs 1540 Hrs 1600 Hrs 1620 Hrs 1640 Hrs - - - - - C. APER SIX AFTERNOON SESSION: P TIME 1340 1440 TIME 1540 (20 mins) 1600 (20 mins) 1620 (20 mins)

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 169

Plenary Session

. Fakunle

ell Cocktail Professor Mohammed Salih and Dr Fagbemi Fare W Answers by

isioning Session Comments, Questions and Participants V

1830 Hrs 1700 Hrs 1930 Hrs - - - 1640 1700 1845

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 170 ANNEX X (LIST OF PARTICIPANTS):

MAIL - E [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

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AMB. CHARLES ONONYE L. GEN UBO AMB. AMB. A.M BASHIR HAUW RABI GAMBARI TIMOTHY AMB. D Prof. SAM Hon. GEBI Amb. M.E OGBONNA

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Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 171

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Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 172

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Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 174

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Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 180 ABOUT DTCA

The Directorate of Technical Cooperation in Africa (DTCA) was established in 2001 under the supervision of the then Ministry of Cooperation and Integration in Africa in the Presidency now under Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is in recognition of the fact that technical cooperation is a powerful instrument of regional economic integration in the 21st century.

Africa has over the years suffered from a Shuaibu Suleiman (Ag DG, DTCA) continuing brain drain, with millions of highly qualified professionals serving outside the continent. It is estimated that 10 million African professionals, mostly doctors, university lecturers, nurses, technicians and engineers, have migrated to Europe and North America. This constitutes an invisible nation as populous as countries like Senegal, Libya, Somalia or Mali. It was reported a few years ago, that there are about 700 Sierra Leonean doctors in the Chicago and Illinois areas while the country itself cannot boast of 700 doctors. Indeed, one sector that has suffered tremendously from the Brain Drain is the health sector and this becomes more apparent with the large number of African doctors, nurses and pharmacists etc working in the American and British health industry. Currently, African emigrants to the United States contribute 40 times more wealth to America than to the African economy. The IMF estimates that the Africans in Diaspora could constitute the biggest group of foreign investors into Africa.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 181 Realizing that a good percentage of these professionals are largely either Nigerians or South Africans, the two leaders of these most populous nations of Africa, former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and President Thabo Mbeki, worried by the facts and figures of Africa's brain drain problem, decided in 1999, to reverse the trend by encouraging technical cooperation amongst African Countries using African experts.

DTCA's programmes are focused to attract African experts to enhance Africa's development. This is aimed at creating the enabling environment and opportunity for professionals in Africa and indeed those of African descent to invest their immense intellect, expertise and skills into the economies of mother Africa. It is therefore believed that: a) African professionals will be motivated even on short term basis, to choose any country in Africa in which they may invest their expertise; b) African professionals, in the process of doing (a) above, will utilize their various expertise and technology to promote development of Africa's national economies; c) African professionals will utilize their various areas of comparative national advantages in terms of expertise, to improve their respective national economies; d) Through the activities of the DTCA, Africa would be able to raise professionals both in Africa and those in Diaspora as volunteers to contribute their skills and expertise to the African economy. So far, interactions with a good number of these professionals in Diaspora indicate that this is one programme they are eager to actualize in order that they may make their contributions to nation-building, being unable to yet, return home to Africa; e) That the process of engaging African experts in Diaspora will also begin a process of confidence building in Africa and in Nigeria in particular, especially

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 182 as Africa of today needs concerted effort at reconstructing her values and economy; f) The huge sums in foreign currencies being spent in the engagement of foreign consultants, will on the long run be saved for national development; g) Given its role as leader in Africa, Nigeria will be able to advance continental cooperation and integration through the mechanism of technical assistance that is indeed the underlying factor for establishing the Directorate; h) Many African countries readily have need for human resources, including those being wasted in the name of retirement, who though retired are not tired. This group of people will also be effectively engaged; i) Through the programme of technical assistance in Africa, better cooperation with member African countries will be enhanced, thus enabling Africa to realize and properly channel her foreign policies to the advantage of the African continent through cooperation and integration.

Mission The Directorate of Technical cooperation in Africa (DTCA) under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs aims to enhance Africa's development by creating the enabling environment and opportunity for Nigerian professionals and indeed those of African descent to invest their immense intellect, expertise and skills in the economies of Africa; with the aim of bridging the widening economic and scientific gap between Africa and the rest of the world.

Vision Statement To continually sensitize and mobilize African experts and professionals both within Africa and in the Diaspora to effectively participate in the development process of Africa, as no foreigner can sincerely develop the continent for Africans, and to create an enabling environment that will

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 183 facilitate the required participation of experts in Africa's development process.

OBJECTIVES OF THE DTCA: The Objectives for which the DTCA was established include the following:

To promote technology transfer through technical cooperation between Nigeria and other countries in Africa;

To promote the exchange of high-level research experts in Science and Technology, Humanities and Arts;

To provide sustainable funding for the Scientific and Technical Exchange Programmes (STEP);

To provide a database of all Nigerian and African experts in Science and Technology, Humanities and Arts;

To facilitate capacity building for research and development in Africa;

To generate new ideas for Africa's development through cooperative research and collaborative development activities;

To cultivate and expand strategic relationships with key agencies in order to stimulate growth and development;

To facilitate cooperation and integration in Africa through the transfer and diffusion of technology and dissemination of innovations.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 184 ABOUT SCDDD:-

Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development (SCDDD) is a non-governmental “think-tank in Abuja, committed to policy analysis in the area of conflict prevention, management, democratization and sustainable development in Africa. It was founded in 1992 by Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, a Diplomat and former United Nations, Under Secretary. However, due to the Founder's active engagement in foreign missions on behalf of Nigeria and the United Nations, SCDDD did not officially take off till February 2014.

VISION:- The Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development envisions a prosperous, politically stable and globally respected African continent totally entrenched in the culture of good governance.

MISSION:- To be a centre of excellence for policy research, dialogue, advocacy and training in the key areas of diplomacy, democracy and development.

STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES AND PROGRAMMATIC THEMES:-

· To design and implement programmes that will promote peace, democracy, good governance in Nigeria and the African continent. · To strengthen security, governance and development in Africa through strategic research and collaborations. · To establish a functional network and policy mechanism for policy research to support national governments, ECOWAS, and the African Union (AU). · To establish a mechanism for the rigorous dissemination of research outputs to key policymakers, academic stakeholders and the international community. · To establish strategic sub-regional alliances with other regional policy institutes to galvanize action that can help shape policy and governance across West Africa. · To offer advisory services to governments, inter-governmental agencies on security, diplomacy, governance and development issues.

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 185 Brief on the Founder of SCDDD Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari

rofessor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari is the Founder and Chairman of the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development. (SCDDD) PHaving taught at the City University of New York (1969-1974) and State University of New York, Albany (1974-1978), Professor Gambari went on to be at various times, a leading Nigerian academia at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), who rose to become the Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) in 1983. He became a Visiting Professor at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) of John Hopkins University (1986-1989) and was admitted to the University's prestigious Society of Scholars in 2002. Professor Gambari served as Nigeria's Minister of Foreign Affairs between 1984 and 1985 and was Nigeria's longest-serving Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN between 1990 and 1999. He became Under-Secretary with the United Nations from 2000 – 2012. Professor Gambari has been described very elegantly by Yushau A. Shuaib, as “A Global Diplomat from Nigeria, whose name is everywhere on international diplomacy, shuttling between tough terrains, mediating crises, resolving conflicts as well as preaching the gospel of global peace”. A scholar diplomat, Professor Gambari has had an illustrious career, spanning academia, government and international diplomacy, culminating with his appointment as UN Under-Secretary General. He had, in different capacities, worked with four successive United Nations Secretaries-General (Pérez de Cuéllar, Boutros-Ghali, Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon). He currently Co-Chairs the Commission on Global Security, Justice and Governance at the Hague Institute for Global Justice and the Stimson Centre at Washington D.C. Savannah Centre greatly benefits from Professor Gambari's wealth of experience in its three key areas of Diplomacy & Security, Democracy & Governance, and Sustainable Development, as well as his wide- ranging contacts in governments, international diplomacy and academia. Prof. Ibrahim A. Gambari

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 186 Conference Photo Galler y

Conference Banner Gen. Ishola Williams making his Presentation

Cross-section of Conference Participants

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Dr. Bulama Gubio making his Presentation

Rear Adm Goddy Anyakpele Ms. Joke Silva

Amb. Baba Gana Kingibe and Panelists Alh. Abba Shuwa

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Conference Participants

Some Diplomats in Attendance Representative of Service Chiefs

Conference Participants

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 189 Conference Photo Galler y

Prof. Mohammed Salih & Dr. Zakaria O. Ramadane Prof. Mohammed Salih & Amb. Abdullahi Omaki

Rapporteurs Conference Attendees

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Amb. Baba Gana Kingibe & Some Participants

Prof. Ibrahim Gambari & Amb. Omaki Prof. Abubakar Momoh, Barr. Evelyn N. Okwara & Some Participants

Amb. Omaki & Col. Ndougou from Cameroun Joke Silva & Amb. Omaki

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Justice Muhammad Uwais Unveils the New Logo of Savannah Centre & Prof. Gambari Looks on Chairman/Founder Savannah Centre

Amb. E. Aina, Fati Kyari Mohammed & Gen Williams Some Diplomats at the Conference

Executive Director, Savannah Centre Professors Gambari & Obiozor

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Speakers At the Conference

Report of The Post-2015 Elections Conference on “Security And Governance Challenges In Africa's Largest Democracy'' 193 Notes