The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17 The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. If Jonathan could do it, they too could. And it was not only the ordinary Nigerian that felt this way, the people of the South South who had always complained of being marginalized by the majority groups felt encouraged that one of their own, of Niger Delta extraction had come to power. Given the religious nature of the Nigerian people, a few commentators also added that Jonathan’s emergence as President was of divine origin and design. The cynics among us argued differently noting that since Jonathan was Vice President anyway, he was bound to be President. But no one could deny that there was something most extra-ordinary about Jonathan’s political career in a country where it helps to have a Godfather, some money, a family name, or substantial talent for criminal conduct. When his profile was published in 2007, ahead of the Presidential elections in which he stood as running mate to late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, it contained such minor details as his being the Secretary of a Food Committee in his secondary school days and Chairman of a Committee of House Prefects. Such minutiae are included in a resume when there is very little to report! He also had worked as a Customs preventive officer (whatever that means) after his secondary school education! In 1977, he gained admission to study zoology at the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria, graduating in 1981. He took part in the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), serving as a school teacher at Community Secondary School, Iresi, Osun state. He later worked in the Rivers state Civil Service as a Science Inspector in the Ministry of Education, and subsequently as a lecturer in the Department of Biological sciences of the state College of Education. He got a Masters degree in Hydrobiology and Fisheries in 1982, and a Ph.D in the same discipline in 1995. By March 1993, Jonathan was appointed an Assistant Director (ecology) at the then Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) now known as the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). He served in this capacity for five years, and joined politics in 1998, when he was chosen as running mate to Chief Diepreye Alamiyeseigha in the 1999 Gubernatorial elections in Bayelsa under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This was Jonathan’s first major appearance on the public stage. Nothing in his background, either in terms of training or exposure had prepared him for that moment. He was by Nigerian standards, an ordinary man, the regular guy who had been chosen as running mate because he would behave well and respect the Boss. Governor DSP Alamiyeseigha was indeed the Boss. Jonathan, whose strong assets include his loyalty and humility, reportedly still calls Alams “my oga” even if that oga’s tenure as Dr. Reuben Abati, Lagos, Nigeria 2 The Jonathan Presidency Governor ended unceremoniously and in disgrace, and Jonathan is today Nigeria’s most powerful man. Of Jonathan, Alamiyesiegha wrote in a book titled Goodluck to Bayelsa (Treasure Books, 2009) edited by Neghi Ilagha as follows: “Sometimes, I wonder what life inside Creek Haven (Bayelsa Government House) would have been if Dr Jonathan were not by my side. Stories abound of repeated conflicts and crises of confidence erupting between some chief executives and their deputies in this nation. But I am glad to report that I never lost sleep over Goodluck Jonathan.” Both men sought re-election in 2003 and won. In 2005, Jonathan’s boss ran into trouble with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), another version of that story is that he stepped on President Olusegun Obasanjo’s toes; however, he was removed from office and he ended up in jail. Jonathan, in accordance with the law, replaced Alams as Governor of Bayelsa state on December 12, 2005. After completing the remainder of the Alamiyeseigha tenure, Jonathan’s ambition was to seek election on his own as Governor. But he got handpicked as running mate to late President Yar’Adua in the 2007 Presidential elections. His emergence in that position, as announced on December 17, 2006, was rather surprising. There were far more established and influential political figures in the South South and the Niger Delta. Some of his “ogas”, Alamiyesiegha’s peers from the Governorship class of 1999 had shown interest in the Presidential race and would have been glad to be chosen as Vice presidential candidate. But they were ignored by President Obasanjo who had taken it upon himself to choose his own successors. Jonathan, in comparison seemed so unenthusiastic about being Vice President; newspapers kept asking him if he really wanted the position. He reportedly confided in close associates that he preferred to stay on as Governor of Bayelsa state. On another occasion, he said he “often appeared like that at first, as if am not committed to something and once I set my mind to the thing, I always excel.” In Bayelsa indeed, Jonathan had appeared as if he was not interested in being Governor. He seemed happy to have been in his oga’s shadows. Commissioners and special assistants were said to have been more powerful than the Deputy Governor. By 2007 when he showed up as running mate to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, he seemed to have learnt a few lessons about power. As Bayelaa Governor for two years, he had one of the most aggressive campaign strategies in the country. He cleverly promoted his administration while passing off the publicity as other people’s efforts. He had promised the people of Bayelsa in December 2005, “I will rather fail myself as Goodluck Jonathan than disappoint Bayelsans.” Ten months later, his administration had not yet been able to address the problem of militancy in the state; on one occasion, the Governor reportedly went into hiding when militants attacked the Bayelsa state Government House. But the Jonathan administration managed to build schools, more hospitals, provided more drugs for the hospitals, bought buses to aid public transportation, started work on a five-star hotel in the state capital to promote tourism, launched a 50-unit Housing scheme, built roads, paid civil servants salary arrears, gave out N60 million to 600 youths in the state under an empowerment programme, managed to control all the hawks who tried to capitalize on Alams’ humiliation to gain political capital of their own, and so on. In the main, Jonathan’s public image was that of a quiet and humble public administrator, the only chink in that armour being allegations that his wife was too over-bearing, and a reported case with the EFCC involving her. During the 2007 Presidential campaigns, Jonathan was again the perfect running mate; very happy to stay in the shadows. The first person from the South South to inch so close to the most powerful office in the land, Jonathan’s selection by the PDP was seen as an attempt by the party leadership to pacify the people of the Niger Delta who had been involved in a running battle with the authorities over the marginalization of that part of the country and the inequities attendant upon the management of Nigeria’s extractive resources. Militants in the Niger Delta had made oil exploration activities almost impossible with their organized assault on oil exploration infrastructure and personnel. Jonathan’s emergence on the big stage may have served the purpose of encouraging the people of the Niger Delta but the excitement was short-lived. Indeed in April 2007, his country home was bombed by unknown persons. The PDP won the 2007 Presidential election, it was a grossly flawed election marred by malpractices and irregularities, raising questions about the urgent need for electoral reform. On May Dr. Reuben Abati, Lagos, Nigeria 3 The Jonathan Presidency 29, 2007, Jonathan was sworn in along with President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua as Vice President and President respectively. The man from Otuoke, who only nine years earlier was a struggling public administrator had become Nigeria’s no 2.
Recommended publications
  • Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
    Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates.
    [Show full text]
  • Combating Corruption in Nigeria: a Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will Osita Nnamani Ogbu
    Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law Volume 14 | Issue 1 Article 6 2008 Combating Corruption in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will Osita Nnamani Ogbu Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey Part of the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation Ogbu, Osita Nnamani (2008) "Combating Corruption in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will," Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law: Vol. 14: Iss. 1, Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey/vol14/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ogbu: Combating Corruption in Nigeria COMBATING CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA: A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE LAWS, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE POLITICAL WILL OSITA NNAMANI OGBU· I. INTRODUCTION Corruption is pervasive and widespread in Nigerian society. It has permeated all facets of life, and every segment of society is involved. In recent times, Nigeria has held the unenviable record of being considered one of the most corrupt countries among those surveyed I. The Political Bureau, set up under the Ibrahim Babangida regime, summed up the magnitude of corruption in Nigeria as follows: It [corruption] pervades all strata of the society. From the highest level of the political and business elites to the ordinary person in the village. Its multifarious manifestations include the inflation of government contracts in return for kickbacks; fraud and falsification of accounts in the public service; examination * Senior Lecturer, and Ag.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria: Ending Unrest in the Niger Delta
    NIGERIA: ENDING UNREST IN THE NIGER DELTA Africa Report N°135 – 5 December 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. FALTERING ATTEMPTS TO ADDRESS THE DELTA UNREST........................ 1 A. REACHING OUT TO THE MILITANTS?.....................................................................................1 B. PROBLEMATIC PEACE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION COMMITTEES.........................................3 C. UNFULFILLED PROMISES.......................................................................................................4 III. THE RISING TOLL....................................................................................................... 7 A. CONTINUING VIOLENCE ........................................................................................................7 1. Attacks on expatriates and oil facilities .....................................................................7 2. Politicians, gangs and the Port Harcourt violence .....................................................7 3. The criminal hostage-taking industry ........................................................................8 B. REVENUE LOSS AND ECONOMIC DESTABILISATION ..............................................................9 C. EXPATRIATE AND INVESTMENT FLIGHT ..............................................................................10 IV. GOVERNMENT
    [Show full text]
  • Downloads/1438767428 29110.Pdf 16
    i THE NATIONAL (MONEY LAUNDERING & TERRORIST FINANCING) RISK ASSESSMENT FORUM © 2016 NRA Forum All rights reserved. No reproduction or translation of this publication may be made without prior written permission. Applications for such permissions, for all or part of this publication, should be made to The National (Money Laundering & Terrorist Financing) Risk Assessment Forum under the auspices of the IMC Secretariat, 12 Ibrahim Taiwo Street, Aso Villa Abuja, Nigeria (e-mail: [email protected] , [email protected]) Cover photo credits ©pngimg.com ©cashrange.comii ©wikimedia.com TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................................................. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .......................................................................................................................... xi FOREWORD .............................................................................................................................................. xi DISCLAIMER ............................................................................................................................................ xi EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................... xiv INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. xviii METHODOLOGY AND SCOPE ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Senate Committee Report
    THE 7TH SENATE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION ON A BILL FOR AN ACT TO FURTHER ALTER THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 AND FOR OTHER MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH, 2013 1.0 INTRODUCTION The Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria referred the following Constitution alterations bills to the Committee for further legislative action after the debate on their general principles and second reading passage: 1. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.107), Second Reading – Wednesday 14th March, 2012 2. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.136), Second Reading – Thursday, 14th October, 2012 3. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.139), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 4. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.158), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 5. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.162), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 6. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.168), Second Reading – Thursday 1 | P a g e 4th October, 2012 7. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.226), Second Reading – 20th February, 2013 8. Ministerial (Nominees Bill), 2013 (SB.108), Second Reading – Wednesday, 13th March, 2013 1.1 MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMITTEE 1. Sen. Ike Ekweremadu - Chairman 2. Sen. Victor Ndoma-Egba - Member 3. Sen. Bello Hayatu Gwarzo - “ 4. Sen. Uche Chukwumerije - “ 5. Sen. Abdul Ahmed Ningi - “ 6. Sen. Solomon Ganiyu - “ 7. Sen. George Akume - “ 8. Sen. Abu Ibrahim - “ 9. Sen. Ahmed Rufa’i Sani - “ 10. Sen. Ayoola H. Agboola - “ 11. Sen. Umaru Dahiru - “ 12. Sen. James E.
    [Show full text]
  • LEADERSHIP (26 Ga Jimada Thani, 1440)
    Litinin Don Allah Da Kishin Qasa 04.03.19 04 Ga Maris, 2019 LEADERSHIP (26 Ga Jimada Thani, 1440) Awww.leadershipayau.com yAJARIDAR HAUSA TA FARKO MAIU FITOWA KULLUM A NIJERIYA Leadership A Yau LeadershipAyau No: 308 N150 Zave: BCO Ta Nemi Qungiyoyin EU Da AU Su Tsawatarwa Atiku Daga Muhammad Abubakar kan irin matakan da yake ta qoqarin A takardu mabambanta da qungiyar A wasiqun na Qungiyar BCO, waxanda xauka na nasarar da Buhari ya samu akan ta turawa waxannan qungiyoyin EU da daraktan Sadarwa da tsare-tsarenta, Qungiyar kamfen ta Shugaban Qasa shi a zaven da ya gabata. AU. Inda qungiyar ta BCO ta ce, lallai Mallam Gidado Ibrahim ya rattabawa Muhammadu Buhari, wacce aka fi sani Qungiyar ta rubuta takarda ga Qungiyar akwai buqatar waxannan qungiyoyi su hannu, BCO ta ce, abin da ya fi dacewa da BCO, ta yi kira ga qasashen waje da su Tarayyar Turai da Tarayyar Qasashen yi gaggawar xaukar matakin da ya dace ga Atiku shi ne ya taya Buhari murna a tsawatar wax an takarar Shugaban Qasa Afirka kan wannan quduri nasu na son a domin tsamo dimokraxiyyar qasar daga maimakon qoqarin tada-zaune tsayen da na jam’iyyar PDP, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar tsawatarwa da Atiku Abubakar. halin da Atiku ke shirin jefa ta. yake ta qoqarin yi. Na San Babu Wanda Zai 4 Iya Yin Nasara Kan Buhari –Gwamnan Anambra ’Yan Bindiga Sun Kashe Mutum 5 A Jihar Kaduna Daga Bello Hamza, Abuja ‘Yan sanda a Jihar Kaduna sun tabbatar da kisan mutane biyar a ranar Asabar, da wata tawagar ‘yan bindiga da ba a san ko su wane ne ba suka aiwatar a qauyan Sabon Sara, da ke qaramar hukumar Giwa, ta Jihar.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
    Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Nascent Democracy
    An International Multi-Disciplinary Journal, Ethiopia Vol. 5 (2), Serial No. 19, April, 2011 ISSN 1994-9057 (Print) ISSN 2070-0083 (Online) Nigeria’s Nascent Democracy and ‘WAR’ Against Corruption: A Rear View Mirror (56-71) Ojo, Emmanuel O. - University of Ilorin, P.M.B. 1515, Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Cell: +2348033822383; 07057807714 Home: 022-008330 Abstract One of the problems facing the nascent democracy in Nigeria which is more pressing than economic development is the high rate of brazen corruption in virtually all facets of the polity’s national life. Thus, the thrust of this paper is a review of the recent ‘WAR’ against corruption in Nigeria. The paper surveys a number of manifestations of corruption in the body politik and the country’s woes. The paper however infers that unless the institutional mechanisms put in place are rejuvenated coupled with political will on the part of the political actors, the so-called war may be a mirage after all. Key words: Corruption, Kleptocracy, Constitutionalism, Integrity, Poverty. Introduction Most of us came into the National Assembly with very high expectations...when we go around campaigning and asking for votes, we don’t get these votes free. You spend some money. Most of us even sold houses. You come in through legitimate means but you can’t recoup what you spent (The News , April 4, 2005:50). Copyright © IAARR 2011: www.afrrevjo.com 56 Indexed African Journals Online: www.ajol.info Vol. 5 (2), Serial No. 19, April, 2011. Pp. 56-71 The above quotation by a one time Senate President – Adolphus Wabara – betrayed what psychologists would call a Freudian slip.
    [Show full text]
  • The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival
    n the basis on solid fieldwork in northern Nigeria including participant observation, 18 Göttingen Series in Ointerviews with Izala, Sufis, and religion experts, and collection of unpublished Social and Cultural Anthropology material related to Izala, three aspects of the development of Izala past and present are analysed: its split, its relationship to Sufis, and its perception of sharīʿa re-implementation. “Field Theory” of Pierre Bourdieu, “Religious Market Theory” of Rodney Start, and “Modes Ramzi Ben Amara of Religiosity Theory” of Harvey Whitehouse are theoretical tools of understanding the religious landscape of northern Nigeria and the dynamics of Islamic movements and groups. The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival Since October 2015 Ramzi Ben Amara is assistant professor (maître-assistant) at the Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Sousse, Tunisia. Since 2014 he was coordinator of the DAAD-projects “Tunisia in Transition”, “The Maghreb in Transition”, and “Inception of an MA in African Studies”. Furthermore, he is teaching Anthropology and African Studies at the Centre of Anthropology of the same institution. His research interests include in Nigeria The Izala Movement Islam in Africa, Sufism, Reform movements, Religious Activism, and Islamic law. Ramzi Ben Amara Ben Amara Ramzi ISBN: 978-3-86395-460-4 Göttingen University Press Göttingen University Press ISSN: 2199-5346 Ramzi Ben Amara The Izala Movement in Nigeria This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published in 2020 by Göttingen University Press as volume 18 in “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” This series is a continuation of “Göttinger Beiträge zur Ethnologie”.
    [Show full text]
  • Nasir El-Rufai Interviewer
    An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview No: D1 Interviewee: Nasir el-Rufai Interviewer: Graeme Blair and Daniel Scher Date of Interview: 16 June 2009 Location: Washington, DC U.S.A. Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08540, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: D-1 ______________________________________________________________________ BLAIR: Just to confirm for the tape that you are consenting to the interview, it is a volunteer interview and you have read our consent documents. EL-RUFAI: You make it sound like you are asking me to marry you and it is a big decision, I consent. [laughter] BLAIR: Thank you very much for agreeing to share your views with us and with other reform leaders that we will disseminate this to. Until very recently you were involved in Nigeria’s reform program at several levels, first in the Bureau of Public Enterprises and then as Minister for Abuja and in several informal capacities as part of President (Olusegun) Obasanjo’s economic reform team. We’d like to speak to you about these experiences first as a member of the larger reform team and then more particular questions about your experience as Minister for Abuja.
    [Show full text]
  • First Election Security Threat Assessment
    SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election.
    [Show full text]
  • FEDERAL REPUBLIC of NIGERIA ORDER PAPER Wednesday, 15Th May, 2013 1
    7TH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY SECOND SESSION NO. 174 311 THE SENATE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA ORDER PAPER Wednesday, 15th May, 2013 1. Prayers 2. Approvalof the Votes and Proceedings 3. Oaths 4. Announcements (if any) 5. Petitions PRESENTATION OF BILLS 1. National Agricultural Development Fund (Est. etc) Bill 2013(SB.299)- First Reading Sen. Abdullahi Adamu (Nasarauia North) 2. Economic and Financial Crime Commission Cap E 1 LFN 2011 (Amendment) Bill 2013 (SB. 300) - First Reading Sen. Banabas Gemade (Be1l11eNorth East) 3. National Institute for Sports Act Cap N52 LFN 2011(Amendment) Bill 2013(SB.301)- First Reading Sen. Banabas Gemade (Benue North East) 4. National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Act Cap N30 LFN 2011 (Amendment) Bill 2013 (SB.302)- First Reading Sen. Banabas Gemade tBenue North East) 5. Federal Highways Act Cap F 13 LFN 2011(Amendment) Bill 2013(SB. 303)- First Reading Sen. Banabas Gemade (Benue North East) 6. Energy Commission Act Cap E 10 LFN 2011(Amendment) Bill 2013 (SB.304)- First Reading Sen. Ben Ayade (Cross Riner North) 7. Integrated Farm Settlement and Agro-Input Centres (Est. etc) Bill 2013 (SB.305)- First Reading Sen. Ben Ayade (Cross River North) PRESENTATION OF A REPORT 1. Report of the Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions: Petition from Inspector Emmanuel Eldiare: Sen. Ayo Akinyelure tOndo Central) "That the Senate do receive the Report of the Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions in respect of a Petition from INSPECTOR EMMANUEL ELDIARE, on His Wrongful Dismissal by the Nigeria Police Force" - (To be laid). PRINTED BY NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PRESS, ABUJA 312 Wednesday, 15th May, 2013 174 ORDERS OF THE DAY MOTION 1.
    [Show full text]