Chapter 1 Introduction Nigeria’s Foreign Policy and the Promotion of Peace, Development and Democracy Attahiru M. Jega Introduction As Nigeria commemorates 50 years of independence from colonial rule in October 2010, it is important to review and assess Nigeria’s foreign policy focus on peace, development and democracy and attempt to answer the following questions. What has the purported ‘leader’ of Africa done, inside and outside of Africa? How and Why? How well conceptualized and executed is the focus? With what impact and consequences? Contributors to this book address these pertinent and increasingly primary themes in Nigeria’s foreign policy, often subsumed under ‘Africa is the center-piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy’ blanket, but yet not sufficiently analyzed, explained and understood. Studies on Nigeria’s foreign policy have tended to be general broad strokes, covering virtually every conceivable topic. We have chosen instead, in this volume, to focus on a thematic area of growing relevance and significance in international relations, targeting issues pertaining to the emerging discourses on global citizenship. For example, in a conflict-ridden world, with occasional violent eruptions, genocidal tendencies and enormous humanitarian problems, contributing to solving conflicts, promoting peaceful co-existence and facilitating good governance and democratization have become important objectives of foreign policy. With the decline of super-power rivalry in the post-cold war era the threat of nuclear conflagration has reduced, such that the United Nations Organization and its Security Council, as well as other regional and multilateral organizations, are giving greater attention to solving conventional conflicts and humanitarian crises. For many, often contradictory reasons, Nigeria has long recognized this and has played increasing roles in regional, sub- regional and global peace-keeping /peace-building operations. Nigeria has also pursued as a foreign policy objective issues concerning national development through bilateral and multilateral relations and democracy promotion, the latter more a child of necessity and circumstance than a well-targeted and pursued agenda. 1 A re-assessment and re-evaluation of Nigeria’s foreign policy, in all its ramifications is indeed necessary and long over-due, and the 50th commemoration of Nigeria’s independence provides a welcome opportunity for this. The existing structure, processes and machinery of foreign policy formulation and implementation which have served Nigeria relatively well up to the early 1980’s, now leave much to be desired. The contradictions, constraints and inherent weaknesses are glaringly manifest; hence the urgent need to strengthen and re- valuate policy in line with requirements of a fast-changing and rapidly globalizing world. Present-day foreign policy decisions and actions need to focus on addressing the challenges of national survival, human security, progress and development in the new millennium. Indeed, the defined foreign policy objectives in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria require re-examination, if not re-definition, to accommodate a focus on new issues and challenges confronting countries such as Nigeria in this globalized world. While the old issues of protection of sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security are still relevant, new emerging issues, for example, pertaining to national competitiveness in the globalized economy, promotion and defense of universal rights, protection of the environment and sustainable development, as well as the promotion of peaceful co-existence and democratization have assumed primacy. As Nigeria increasingly comes to terms with these additional concerns in its foreign policy pursuits, there is need for a carefully defined framework to guide decisions and actions. Studies on Nigeria’s foreign policy have pointed to the incapacity of the structure and processes of conceptualizing and implementing foreign policy decisions to meet the challenges of the rapidly changing reality of the contemporary international system (see Olusanya & Akindele 1990; Adebajo & Mustapha 2008). This inadequacy will only worsen unless reforms are introduced and institutionalized to address it. There is perhaps no better time for a reflection and reform initiative than the occasion of the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Nigeria’s independence from colonial rule. At the conceptual and theoretical levels, as Asobie has observed, ‘the study of Nigeria’s foreign policy is grossly underdeveloped’ (1990, p.3). Despite its being a copious and voluminous industry the study of Nigeria’s foreign policy has been unsystematic, basically idiosyncratic and lacking in theoretical and empirical rigor. As Ambassador Hart, 2009 aptly noted, foreign policy studies in Nigeria have generally been narrative-inclined; they are not analytical and offer little if any basis for a choice of scientific framework to guide conceptualization, implementation, or study and understanding of Nigeria’s foreign policy. 2 This book is also a modest attempt to contribute to the need for a more scientific and systematic study of Nigeria’s foreign policy, especially in the key thematic areas of peace, development and democracy. Equally significant, it hopes to facilitate re-strategizing, streamlining and re-focusing Nigeria’s foreign policy towards better attainment and satisfaction of the needs and aspirations of citizens, domestically and internationally. There is the need for a strategy to pursue the ‘national interest’ and foreign policy objectives in a fast changing environment. In the context of the rapidly globalizing world Nigeria’s foreign policy should be driven by forward-looking initiatives and exemplary leadership in policy conceptualization and execution. Additionally, it should be backed by strong and stable institutions, agencies and processes. It is inconceivable that a country that muddles through its domestic and foreign policies would survive and prosper in the contemporary globalized world. History and Context Nigeria has come a long way in international relations, from the immediate post- independence era of the early 1960’s when US President L. B. Johnson kept confusing Nigeria with Algeria (Alkali 2003, p.190, quoting Wayas 1979) to this first decade of the new millennium when virtually every American household knows Nigeria, though unfortunately due to the dubious distinction of its citizens’ involvement in global crimes, ranging from drug-trafficking to fraud ( ‘419’) and now terrorism following a botched attempted bombing of an aircraft in an American city on December 25, 2009 by a young Nigerian citizen. From the early 1960’s when Britain was virtually Nigeria’s only trading partner, to which it exported primarily agricultural commodities, to the new millennium when Nigeria is one of the world’s major oil exporting countries and a major exporter of the commodity to the US (indeed, America’s largest trading partner in sub-Saharan Africa), Nigeria has become an important player in international relations, an assumed potential leader of Africa, and a major contributor to international peace-keeping and peace-building operations both regionally and globally. Given its size, population and vast natural resource endowment, Nigeria was perceived at independence from colonial rule in 1960 as a country destined to play crucial roles for progress and development throughout the world; a natural leader on the African continent (Phillips Jr. 1964; Thiam 1965). Although the immediate post-independence Balewa government defined broad foreign policy objectives which it pursued rather cautiously, it began to set the stage for such a claim to leadership. For example, Nigeria opposed France’s 3 testing of atomic weapons in the Sahara desert and severed diplomatic ties with France in 1961 as a result , became involved in peace-keeping operations in the Congo and in Lebanon, helped to thwart a coup attempt in Tanzania, covertly funded and provided military assistance to the ANC in South Africa and played a decisive role in the formation of the Organization for African Unity (OAU). Although Prime Minister Balewa abhorred radical ideologies and regimes ‘he was passionate about Africa and African issues to which he gave significant attention’ (Fawole 2003, p. 40). However, critiques have characterized Balewa’s foreign policy as not only conservative but also hesitant and moralistic; and lacking in content and consistency (see Idang 1973; Alkali 2003). Some have even argued that the first phase of Nigeria’s foreign policy under the Balewa government was driven by altruistic motives (Hart 2008). It was also said to be broadly pro-Western to excessively accommodate British colonial interests. In any case, successive Nigerian governments, especially under military rule, have striven to assume or claim such a leadership position through foreign policy declarations and actions and other modes of international engagements. This commenced with Gowon’s drive for regional integration and key role in the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Increased oil revenues enabled Nigeria more generous foreign policy under-takings, pro-active engagements and the emergence of hegemonic ambitions. From the mid-1970’s, Nigeria’s military leaders began to define the country’s foreign policy objectives in the context of its perceived power and continental aspirations for leadership. Under Generals Murtala and Obasanjo (1975-79),