Nigeria and Leadership Challenge in the 21St
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Combating Corruption in Nigeria: a Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will Osita Nnamani Ogbu
Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law Volume 14 | Issue 1 Article 6 2008 Combating Corruption in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will Osita Nnamani Ogbu Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey Part of the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation Ogbu, Osita Nnamani (2008) "Combating Corruption in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal of the Laws, Institutions, and the Political Will," Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law: Vol. 14: Iss. 1, Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/annlsurvey/vol14/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ogbu: Combating Corruption in Nigeria COMBATING CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA: A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE LAWS, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE POLITICAL WILL OSITA NNAMANI OGBU· I. INTRODUCTION Corruption is pervasive and widespread in Nigerian society. It has permeated all facets of life, and every segment of society is involved. In recent times, Nigeria has held the unenviable record of being considered one of the most corrupt countries among those surveyed I. The Political Bureau, set up under the Ibrahim Babangida regime, summed up the magnitude of corruption in Nigeria as follows: It [corruption] pervades all strata of the society. From the highest level of the political and business elites to the ordinary person in the village. Its multifarious manifestations include the inflation of government contracts in return for kickbacks; fraud and falsification of accounts in the public service; examination * Senior Lecturer, and Ag. -
Nigeria: Obasanjo Backs Lamido/Amaechi Ticket for 2015
Nigeria: Obasanjo Backs Lamido/Amaechi Ticket for 2015 Written by Administrator Thursday, 23 August 2012 09:29 Ahead of political horse trading over who become the presidential and vice presidential candidates of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015, indications emerged last night that former President Olusegun Obasanjo is backing Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido and his Rivers State counterpart Rotimi Amaechi for the coveted positions respectively. A source close to Obasanjo also confided in LEADERSHIP that the former president is now drumming support for a power shift to the North on the grounds that the region deserves the development. The source, who sought anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the matter, added that Lamido and Amaechi will slug it out with President Goodluck Jonathan and Vice -President Namadi Sambo if Jonathan decides to contest the 2015 poll. He said, "I can authoritatively tell you that Baba (Obasanjo) has thrown his weight behind Lamido/Amaechi ticket for 2015. He is of the opinion that the duo will put in place a dynamic government for positive development. The two governors, you will agree with me, are delivering the dividends of democracy to the people of their states. 1 / 3 Nigeria: Obasanjo Backs Lamido/Amaechi Ticket for 2015 Written by Administrator Thursday, 23 August 2012 09:29 "You will recall that Obasanjo was the mastermind of the late Umaru Yar Adua-Goodluck Jonathan ticket in 2007 when it became clear that the third term agenda had flopped and this was done at the expense of former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai who had been endorsed by the technocrats that served in his second term. -
156 a Study of the Concession Speech by President Goodluck Jonathan Adaobi Ngozi Okoye & Benjamin Ifeanyi Mmadike
A Study of the Concession Speech by President Goodluck Jonathan Adaobi Ngozi Okoye & Benjamin Ifeanyi Mmadike http://dx.doi.org//10.4314/ujah.v17i1.8 Abstract When language is used to communicate to an audience, the listeners are given an insight into the intention of the speaker. This study analyses the concession speech made by President Goodluck Jonathan. It adopts the speech act theory in the classification of the illocutionary acts which are contained in the speech. The simple percentage is used in computing the frequency of the various illocutionary acts. Our findings show a preponderance of the representative speech act and the absence of the directive. Introduction Political discourse has in recent times attracted the interest of researchers hence the role of language in politics and political speeches have been investigated by researchers (Akinwotu, (2013), Waya David (2013) and Hakansson (2012)) . A political speech is seen as a highly guarded form of speech when compared to a commercial speech. Its guarded form is due to its expressive nature and its importance. Speeches are made by politicians as a means of conveying information and opinion to the audience. Usually, these speeches are written in advance by professional speech writers. They are written to be spoken as if not written. In transmitting most of these political speeches via the social networks, it is often the case that highlights of the speeches ,referred to as sound bites, are transmitted. These speeches which are usually communicated through language could be in the form of a campaign speech made before the elections, 156 Husien Inusha: Coherentism in Rorty’s Anti-Foundationalist Epistemology acceptance of nomination speech made after the party’s primaries, concession speech made by a candidate who lost an election or an inaugural speech delivered by the candidate who won an election during his swearing in to the elected office. -
Nigeria: from Goodluck Jonathan to Muhammadu Buhari ______
NNoottee ddee ll’’IIffrrii _______________________ Nigeria: From Goodluck Jonathan to Muhammadu Buhari _______________________ Benjamin Augé December 2015 This study has been realized within the partnership between the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) and OCP Policy Center The French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. OCP Policy Center is a Moroccan policy-oriented think tank whose mission is to contribute to knowledge sharing and to enrich reflection on key economic and international relations issues, considered as essential to the economic and social development of Morocco, and more broadly to the African continent. For this purpose, the think tank relies on independent research, a network of partners and leading research associates, in the spirit of an open exchange and debate platform. By offering a "Southern perspective" from a middle-income African country, on major international debates and strategic challenges that the developing and emerging countries are facing, OCP Policy Center aims to make a meaningful contribution to four thematic areas: agriculture, environment and food security; economic and social development; commodity economics and finance; and “Global Morocco”, a program dedicated to understanding key strategic regional and global evolutions shaping the future of Morocco. -
Nigerian Newspapers Coverage of the 78 Days Presidential Power
Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences Vol.3, No.11, pp.101-127 2015 ___Published by European Centre for Research Training and Development UK (www.eajournals.org) Nigerian Newspapers Coverage of the 78 Days Presidential Power Vacuum Crisis under President Umaru Yar’adua: Managing or Manipulating the Outcome Ngwu Christian Chimdubem (Ph.D)1 and Ekwe Okwudiri2 1Senior Lecturer and Head, Department of Mass Communication, Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT) Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria. 2Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Samuel Adegboyega University, Ogwa, Edo State Nigeria ABSTRACT: The Nigerian press has always been accused of manipulating political crisis to the gains of their owners or the opposition. This accusation was repeated during the long 78 days (November 23 2009 – February 9 2010) that Nigerian late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was incapacitated due to ill-health. In fact, observers believed that the kind of media war, power play and intrigue that hailed the period almost cost Nigeria her hard-earned unity and democracy. Eventually, Yar’Adua and his handlers irrefragably lost to ill-health and public opinion. However, the late President’s ‘kitchen cabinet’ believed that he lost ultimately to public opinion manipulated by the press. How true was this? How far can we agree with the kitchen cabinet bearing in mind that this type of accusation came up during the scandals of President Nixon of the United States and the ill health of late President John Attah-Mills of Ghana. Based on these complexities, the researchers embarked on this study to investigate the kind of coverage newspapers in Nigeria gave the power vacuum crisis during Yar’ Adua’s tenure in order to establish whether they (newspapers), indeed, manipulated events during those long 78 days. -
The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17
The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. -
KAS Nigeria Weekly Press Re
April 2021 Nigeria Office Nigeria Press Review 09.04. – 16.04.2021 Welcome to Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s Nigeria Weekly Press Review The weekly press review seeks to explore and keep you informed on selected issues relating to politics, busi- ness and economy, insecurity, infrastructure and development, health related issues, new trends and matters bothering on COVID-19 and the situation in Nigeria. Content Senate Minority Leader Decries Sabotage on President Buhari’s Government, House Speaker Restates FGs Commitment to Resident Doctors Demand, COAS Redirects House Investigations Inflation Rate Spikes to 18.17% in March 2021, CBN, Federal High Court Sanction 194 Bureau De Change Companies, Judiciary Workers Maintain Strike, SEC Fault Foreign Securities Trading Former President Goodluck Jonathan Advocates Strengthening Electoral Laws, Electoral Offences Bill Considered in the Senate, Thugs Disrupt PDP Congress South-East Security Summit Creates Joint Security Outfit, Boko Haram Launches Series of Attacks in Borno State, Army Engages Veterans in Fight against Insecurity Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V. N igeria Office April 2021 2 2 Senate Minority Leader Decries Sabotage on local currency. Chijioke Ohuocha, Reuters (April 16th) President Buhari’s Government, House Speaker reports. Restates FGs Commitment to Resident Doctors Demand, COAS Redirects House Investigations The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in a bid to Similarly, the Senate Minority Leader, Orji Uzor Kalu investigate suspicious financial activities, has moved (PDP, Abia), in an interview with channels television to freeze one hundred and ninety-four bank on Monday 12, said that the federal government is accounts. The Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, not responding to security concerns judiciously. -
The Military and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: Positive Skepticism and Negative Optimism
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 15, ISSUE 4, 2014 Studies The Military And The Challenge Of Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria: Positive Skepticism And Negative Optimism Emmanuel O. Ojo Introduction This paper is an attempt to consider the role of the military in Nigeria’s democratic transitions. The paper has one major thrust – an in-depth analysis of military role in democratic transitions in Nigeria - the fundamental question, however, is: can the military ever be expected or assumed to play any major role in building democracy? The reality on the ground in Africa is that the military as an institution has never been completely immune from politics and the role of nation-building. However, whether they have been doing that perfectly or not is another question entirely which this paper shall address. The extant literature on civil-military relations generally is far from being optimistic that the military can discharge that kind of function creditably. Nonetheless, perhaps by sheer providence, they have been prominent both in political transitions and nation-building in Africa. It is against this backdrop of both pessimism and optimism that necessitated this caption an ‘oxymoron’- a figure of speech which depicts the contradictory compatibility in terms of civil-military relations in Nigeria. It is important to note that Nigeria’s democratization march has been a chequered one. Ben Nwabueze identified five different phases of Nigeria’s ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2014 ISSN : 1488-559X JOURNAL OF MILITARY AND -
Education. & Sci. Jour. Vol. 5, No. 1.Cdr
INTERNATIONAL POLICY BRIEF SERIES Education and Science Journal of Policy Review and Curriculum Development Volume 5 Number 1, May 2015. REFLECTIONS OF NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY POSTURE UNDER MUSA YAR'ADUA AND GOODLUCK JONATHAN ON NATIONAL PROGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Ukwuije, Chima B. Department of Theatre Arts, Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, P.M.B. 1033, Owerri-Imo State, Nigeria Abstract Foreign policy as an offshoot of public policy is set to achieve some aspects of the domestic policy which cannot be actualized in full without interaction with other countries of the world. This is hinged on the popular maxim that “No nation can survive in isolation”. The interaction may be in the form of military supplies, ICT, economic assistance, manpower mobility, foreign direct investment (FDI) etc. But because of the complex global socio- cultural, economic, and political interdependencies, highly industrialized nation are using their advanced economy and technological innovations as an international political weapon which gives them an edge over the developing nations in their dealings. Popularly, it is ideal to be considerate when dealing with other nations of the world bearing in mind the incessant rise of global integration. Consequently, this paper therefore argues that the President Goodluck Jonathan's adoption of foreign policy posture of “Reciprocity” - The Way You Treat My Citizens Is The Way I Will Treat Your Citizens; is a rational policy posture as it will heighten respect both for Nigeria in the international arena and her citizens in Diaspora. But care must be taken in its implementation so as to avoid getting the reverse of the expectations because of the level of poverty, unemployment, insecurity and political underdevelopment prevalent in the country. -
Federalism, Power Sharing and the 2011 Presidential Election in Nigeria
VOLUME 11 NO 1 31 FEDERALISM, POWER SHARING AND THE 2011 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN NIGERIA Emmanuel Remi Aiyede ABSTRACT Power sharing has become a prominent feature of post-election conflict management practice in Africa in recent times. A study of the Nigerian experience provides useful lessons about the theory and practice of power sharing in a divided society with a federal system. Nigeria instituted the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle to shore up the affirmative action/federal character principle earlier devised to manage the inter-ethnic tensions that followed the crisis thrown up by the annulment of the presidential elections of 12 June 1993. This article examines the challenges and debates over power sharing in the build-up to the 2011 elections as a result of the entrance of Goodluck Jonathan (a southerner) into the presidential race, made possible by the death of President Umar Musa Yar’Adua (a northerner) in a clear upset of the power-sharing arrangement. It argues that while the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle remains useful for stability and representation in Nigeria its sustenance depends on its flexible application and the creativity of the elites as they negotiate and manage the power disequilibrium that results from perceived access or lack of access of segments of Nigerian society to top political office. The Nigerian case shows that the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle is problematic as a long-term solution because it constrains the notion of free political competition and the uncertain outcomes that are central to democracy. INTRODUCTION At the heart of the search for a solution to what Ayoade (1998, p 106) describes as ‘representational equity’ in Nigeria is the preference of the political elite for power sharing. -
Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette
Extraordinary Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette No. 74 Lagos - 19th December, 1997 Vol. 84 Government Notice No. 234 The following are published as supplement to this Gazette. SI. No. Short Title Page 22 Instrument of Delegation to the Minister of Petroleum Resources under the Public Officers (Special Provisions) Decree 1984.. B695 23 Guiding Principle and formulae for the Distribution of all Cadres of Posts B697 24 States and Local Government Boundaries Adjustment Commission (Appointment) Order 1997.. B705 25 Guidelines for Electioiiinto State Houses of Assembly B707 26 Diawara Thiekoura and Others Deportation Order 1997 .. B719 27 Court of Appeal Rules, 1981—Practice Direction .. B721 Printed and Published by The Federal Government Press, Lagos, Nigeria FGP 107/398/1,500(OL94K ' Annual Subscription from 1st January, 1998 is Local: N5,200.00 Overseas : N8,200.00 [Surface Mail] H10,200.00 [Second Class Air Mail]. Present issue W250.00 per copy. Subscribers who wish to obtain Gazette after 1 st January should apply to the Federal Government Printer, Lagos for amended Subscription. f B 695 Supplement to Official Gazette Extraordinary No. 74, Vol. 84,19th December, 1997—Part B S. I. 22 of 1997 PUBLIC OFFICERS (SPECIAL PROVISIONS) DECREE 1984 (1984 No. 17) 1 Instrument of Delegation to the Minister of Petroleum Resources under the Public Officers (Snecial Provisions) Decree 1984 Commencement: 5th July, 1995 A WHEREAS section 1(1) of the Public Officers (Special Provisions) Decree 1984 provides that notwithstanding anything to the -
State, Octoberto Decembe& 1983. 6.I Introduction Gongoi
189 CHAPTER SIX ASTHE THIRD CTVILIAN GOVERNOROF GONGOI.A STATE, OCTOBERTO DECEMBE& 1983. 6.I INTRODUCTION l. GONGOI-A STATE UNDER COL. MUHAMMADUIEGA The General Murtala Mohammed Administration created Gongola State in February 1976 along with six other states. The state had Lt. Col. Muhammadu Jega (now Major General Rtd.) as its fust Military Governor. To all Gongolans, the creation marked the beginning of social, economic and political challenges leading to general development. Carved out of the defunct North-Eastem State (comprising former Bauchi, Adamawa, Borno and Sardauna Provinces) and part of Benue-Plateau State (i.e. the former Wukari Division), Gongola State had a land mass of 102,068 sq kilometers which made it the second latgest state in the Federation. It is located within latitude 11" South and longitude 9%"West and 14" East with a projected population of 4.6 million people (1983). Gongola State shared comnon borders with Plateau and Benue sates. Seven administrative divisions comprising Adamawa, Numan, Mubi, Wukari; Ganye, Jalingo and Sardauna made up the state at its inception. At the initial stage, the st2te capital, Yola, and all the seven adrninistrative headquarters had few or no modern infrastructutal faciiities. Mosi facilities therefore had to be developed from scratch in all parts of the sate. To this end, a Task Fotce Committee was esablished undet the chaitmanship of Alhaji Abubakar Abdullahi @aban Larai) to scout for both of6ce and residential iccommodation for the more than 5,000 civil servants deployed to the state. Similarly, the committee had to device means of srilizilg 6axi6fly, the few movable assets inherited from the former North-Eastern State.