McNair Scholars Journal

Volume 21 | Issue 1 Article 11

2017 The ffecE t of Social Exclusion on Perceptions of Poverty and American Identity Vauwn Nghiem-Olson Grand Valley State University

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Recommended Citation Nghiem-Olson, Vauwn (2017) "The Effect of Social Exclusion on Perceptions of Poverty and American Identity," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 21 : Iss. 1 , Article 11. Available at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol21/iss1/11

Copyright © 2017 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol21%2Fiss1%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages The Effect of Social Exclusion on Perceptions of Poverty and American Identity

Abstract et al. (2012) provides an evolutionary argument for this interconnection; they The current study aims to unveil how suggest that the desire to belong is a social exclusion and physical vulnerability product of an evolutionary adaptation to influence personal perception. We guarantee safety as threats arise. That is, hypothesized that social exclusion social connection with others is an adaptive (versus acceptance and a neutral control) mechanism utilized from generation to would facilitate negative perceptions generation for kin to ensure they and their of people in poverty and racial ethnic potential offspring will survive – to the minorities and limit who is perceived extent that an individual belongs within a as possessing an American identity. social network or community, they have We utilized the reliving task paradigm access to resources that safeguard the self to manipulate the experience of social and one’s offspring. However, sometimes exclusion and participants completed individuals do not adhere to the group questionnaires assessing thoughts of roles and receive rejection. Universally, physical vulnerability, perceptions of the acts of rejection (i.e., explicit exclusion) or poor and middle-class, and attributions for ostracism (i.e., being ignored or excluded Vauwn Nghiem-Olson poverty, as well as questionnaires assessing from contact) occur when an individual McNair Scholar personal impressions and perceptions of displays capricious, risky behavior that Americanness amongst various ethnic might conflict with the group’s perception Americans. Although our hypotheses were of their strength and survival (Williams, largely unsupported, supplemental analyses 2009). For our evolutionary ancestors, including political orientation suggest this social exclusion meant almost certain death, may be an important moderator. as exclusion meant loss of access to resources Keywords: attributions, person perception, necessary for survival such as food, shelter, physical vulnerability, social exclusion and protection from predators. Social psychology’s interest in studying As dire the consequences of social exclusion social exclusion escalated in the 1990s. This and physical harm, they are beneficial in research became vastly influential when the sense that the pain they elicit are a Baumeister and Leary (1995) published signal that a threat has been experienced. their now-classic article arguing for the This idea is consistent with error fundamental nature of the need to belong. management theory which holds that it is One key assertion they made was that if advantageous for us to be hypersensitive belonging needs are not fulfilled and a to all cues of threat, so we can avoid that connection with others is not restored, threat or rectify the preceding social errors one will experience pain on psychological (see Williams, 2009, for a discussion). Kristy Dean and even physical levels (Williams, 2009). Given belonging and safety needs are so Faculty Mentor Much of the subsequent research on intertwined, this means that threats to one belonging has focused primarily on the need may be interpreted as signaling that psychological consequences of exclusion the other need may also be threatened or and isolation (Williams, 2009). For vulnerable to threat. example, social exclusion threatens vital There is some preliminary evidence in psychological functioning including core support of this idea. Dean, Wentworth, needs for belonging (Baumeister Leary, and LeCompte (accepted, 2017) examined 1995), self-esteem (Steele, 1988; Tesser, social exclusion and physical vulnerability 1988), control (Burger, 1992; Peterson et among college undergraduates. Across al., 1993; Seligman, 1975), and meaningful three studies, participants were asked to existence (Greenberg, Pyszczkynski relive an event that involved some type of &Solomon, 1986). Although research has social acceptance or exclusion. In Study 1, focused on the nature of psychological participants were told to relive a memorable ramifications, physical consequences of experience where they were either accepted exclusion have recently been examined. or ignored specifically. After writing this Importantly, researchers have come to essay, participants completed a word- agree that our needs for belonging and stem task where 14 word fragments were physical safety are inherently interconnected completed as acceptance or non-acceptance (MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Wesselman words and physical vulnerability or non-

41 Volume 21, 2017 physical vulnerability words. For example, smiles as genuine as well as detect that a replication in a laboratory setting utilizing “_ISK” could be filled as “risk” or “disk” feigned smile was in fact not a genuine a cold pressor task, which involves in the physical vulnerability set. Overall, reflection of that person’s emotional immersing hands in ice water (pain Dean et al. (accepted, 2017) found that experience. A follow up study illustrates condition) or room temperature water participants who were clearly ostracized how the manipulation of social exclusion (control condition). Again they found produced fewer acceptance words and more is affiliated with reported preference for that participants in the pain condition physical vulnerability words. In a second friendlier or cooperative coworkers when elucidated negative person perception as study, Dean et al. utilized the reliving imagining a working scenario (Bernstein, participants rated neutral faces as more essay and asked participants to report Sacco, & Brown, 2010). This study negative versus positive (He et al., 2016). If feelings of safety when walking alone on confirms that enhanced social sensitivity physical pain exhorts negative thoughts of campus. These questions were in respect helps them identify interaction partners others, then it seems likely that the social to time of day (day vs. night) and location who are likely to accept them and thus pain of exclusion could elicit similar effects. (the rural campus location vs. the city fulfill their thwarted belonging needs. campus location). The results indicated Additional literature utilizes a third-party that socially excluded participants reported Additional evidence was found by Pickett approach with participants observing higher levels of physical vulnerability in and colleagues who examined trait levels social exclusion rather than directly surroundings that are typically viewed as of belonging instead of state experiences of experiencing it (Park & Park, 2015). In threatening, such as at night or in densely belonging (Pickett, Gardner, & Knowles, this study, participants observed a cyberball populated urban areas. Lastly, Dean et al. 2004). Across several studies, Pickett et al., game where one player was explicitly a (accepted, 2017), again using the reliving (2004) found that people with chronically perpetrator of social exclusion and a second task paradigm, assessed participants’ unfulfilled belonging needs attended player the victim; participants then rated anticipated experiences of physical injury, to social cues (e.g., vocal tone, facial dehumanization in terms of human nature illness, and harm from others in the future. expression, emotional identification) more (HN) and human uniqueness (HU) (Park The results show that thinking about a past carefully that those who were accepted. & Park, 2015). For example, HN was social exclusion experience, compared to Interestingly, a high need to belong measured using positive and negative traits social acceptance, led participants to expect facilitated performance on social tasks like such as active, curious, helpful, impatient, feeling physically vulnerable in the future. these but not cognitive, intellectual tasks, impulsive, and nervous. While (HU) was suggesting that effects of exclusion focus measured utilizing positive and negative These findings suggest that instances of on social cues that foster connection with traits that were more specific, such as social vulnerability, such as social exclusion, others. Overall, these findings suggest that broadminded, humble, polite, ignorant, can increase thoughts and feelings of social exclusion prompts people to more rude, stingy (Park & Park, 2015). Park and physical vulnerability. Additionally, accurately perceive social cues exhibited Park (2015) found that victims of social Study 2 in Dean et al. (accepted, 2017) by others and that this heightened social exclusion are dehumanized in terms of their demonstrates that social exclusion sensitivity helps the individual socially scores of human nature and uniqueness influences how people perceive their connect with others and fulfill their need to while at the same time being evaluated surroundings, and in this case, their belong. But will social exclusion elicit such positively in comparison to the perpetrator. campus environment. Could social positive, prosocial perceptions when people Essentially, social exclusion potentially exclusion also affect perceptions of others? are feeling physically vulnerable? leads observers to derogate victims by This is an interesting question given that viewing them less than human while most social exclusion research has focused Given that social exclusion has been simultaneously holding favorable views of on how exclusion affects the individual’s shown to heighten perceptions of physical victims (Park & Park, 2015). If observers internal states or behavior. There is vulnerability (Dean et al., accepted, 2016), of social exclusion at an implicit level find relatively little research exploring how it is possible that such feelings of physical victims of social exclusion less than human, social exclusion affects how the individual vulnerability will shift attention away from then it seems likely that participants who perceives others. positive social cues and instead increase feel socially excluded might dehumanize sensitivity to social cues signaling negativity marginalized members of society to fulfil a There is some evidence from research and threat. Stated another way, social sense of protection that was lost when they supporting the notion that exclusion affects exclusion, to the extent it increases feelings felt excluded themselves. how we perceive others. Interestingly, these of physical vulnerability, may prompt people studies suggest that a lack of belonging to perceive others as negative and harmful. Drawing on these findings, the current motivates individuals to be especially study will focus attention on the effects socially sensitive to others, particularly to Although this specific question has not of social exclusion on perceptions of cues that indicate whether another person been addressed in the literature, studies poverty and American identity. As such, will express acceptance and thereby help examining similar concepts provide indirect the current research seeks to examine how the self recover a sense of belonging. For support of physical vulnerability and the experience of social exclusion impacts example, studies show that people who negative person perception. For example, perceptions of people who, by feature relived a past social exclusion, compared to He and colleagues (2016) found that in a of their social experience (poverty) or a past social acceptance, were more accurate medical setting, participants receiving shots social group (racial-ethnic minority), are when distinguishing between genuine by a nurse versus those not receiving shots stigmatized in American society. and non-genuine smiles (Bernstein, viewed the nurse as possessing negative Young, Brown, Sacco, & Claypool, 2008). qualities (e.g., cold, distant; He, Guo, Perceptions of Poverty Specifically, socially excluded participants Jiang, Zhou, & Gao, 2016). Additionally, He et al. conducted a conceptual Poverty is a social issue that has received could more accurately identify genuine growing attention in many fields in 42 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal relation to health, race, public policy, that we cope with the knowledge of our Overall, Devos and Banaji (2005) convey and environmental issues. Importantly, eventual death and the anxiety this creates an overarching phenomenon of American perspectives on poverty –what causes it, by bolstering our cultural worldviews =White based on the results. who experiences it – shape stances on and symbols of our culture, which can poverty that are adopted nationwide and include money (Greenberg et al., 1990). Perceptions of American Identity shape public policy and law. However, little Thus, money has been examined in TMT In addition to poverty perceptions, we research has assessed individual perceptions research as an existential anxiety buffer. are interested in examining perceptions of and attitudes of poverty through Zaleskiwicz, Gasiorowska, Kesebir, and racial-ethnic minorities as possessing an experimental manipulation in psychology. Luszcynska (2013) predicted that when American Identity. A few recent studies Generally, correlational studies examine death was salient people would value provide some initial insight into the effect demographic difference in poverty related money more. Specifically, they found of social exclusion on perceived American to age, gender, political affiliation, social that when people were reminded of their identity by studying related concepts. For class, wealth, and race (Lott, 2002). mortality they overestimated the size of instance, within the person perception money, overestimated the money needed Lott (2002) provides insight on poverty literature, Van Bavel and colleagues to be labelled as “affluent,” and desired examined the own-race bias, where people through classism. Specifically, Lott posits more immediate compensation of money that the middle class performs cognitive are better able to remember members if it were borrowed. Given social exclusion of their own race instead of another and behavioral distancing from the poor can be perceived as “social death,” it by exclusion, discounting, and derogating (Van Bavel, Swencionis, O’Connor, & stands to reason that social exclusion Cunningham, 2012). They found that the poor as “other” through stereotypes and may also increase the value of money and prejudice (Lott, 2002). The utilization of high belonging needs and social exclusion consequently lead to negative perceptions exacerbate in-group bias motivation stereotypes and prejudice depicts cognitive of people without money. distancing. For instance, Cozzarelli, particularly when it comes to memory Wilkinson, & Tagler (2001) examined Taking all this suggestive evidence together, of an ingroup such as examining race, or middle class beliefs of the poor by asking we hypothesize that social exclusion will college university (Van Bavel et al., 2012). participants to indicate the degree to which activate physical vulnerability thoughts These findings provide direct evidence to different traits accurately characterized which will create negative attitudes towards explain own-group bias shaping how we those who were poor. Participants rated people living in poverty. In addition, we might see similar results when examining a poor people more negatively and less expect that social exclusion will prompt possible own-group bias when participants positively than middle-class people; some participants to attribute individuals’ are identifying American Identity between example traits used in the study include poverty position as an internal, individual different racial groups. uneducated, unmotivated, lazy, dirty, angry, outcome versus an external or situational Prior research has examined belonging stupid, unpleasant, immoral, criminal, outcome. needs and social exclusion as motivators alcoholic, abusive, and violent (Cozzarelli for characterizing racially ambiguous faces et al., 2001). Lott (2002) finds that even Devos and Banaji (2005) examined beliefs about the extent to which three as belonging in an outgroup or in-group middle class children hold similar views (Gaither, Pauker, Slepian, & Sommers, toward people who are poor. groups of Americans –Whites, Africans, and Asians –are perceived as possessing 2016). Essentially, belonging needs and The literature on poverty also demonstrates an American identity. Participants in a participant’s racial category facilitated patterns among certain populations in this study completed The Definition of identifying an ambiguous mixed-racial terms of their attributions and whether American Identity questionnaire which face as an outgroup category versus in- they are internal or external. Internal included statements regarding voting in group. Gaither et al., (2016) found that attributions explain a person’s behavior elections, respecting America’s political characterization of an ambiguous face was based on the person’s traits, whereas institutions and laws, treating all people dependent on self-relevant goals meaning external attributions explain a person’s equally, American citizenship, patriotism, that threats to unfair advantages such as behavior as caused by external, situational and etc. Additionally, egalitarian principles a higher status may be ameliorated when factors (Cozzarelli et al., 2001). Not only were measured; for example, Devos and participants decided to exclude racially did Cozzarelli et al. (2001) find that the Banaji (2005) asked people their level of ambiguous faces from their in-group. In middle class had negative attitudes toward agreement/disagreement to the statement addition, when need to belong and social the poor, their research also showed that “In my mind, I truly believe that I ought exclusion were compared between white poverty was attributed to internal causes, to treat members of different ethnic groups and black participants, black participants’ thereby placing blame for poverty on those equally.” Overall, they found that 88.4% categorization of racially ambiguous faces who were experiencing it. of their participants strongly believed reports were more inclusive versus white African-, White-, and Asian-Americans participants (Gaither et al., 2016). Poverty entails a lack of money and other should be treated equally. Despite this Additionally, social exclusion research financial resources. As such, research belief in equality, which is rooted in the examining the effects of money may has assessed attitudes toward out-group origins of our American, democratic members as well. Aydin, Krueger, provide insight into our perceptions of culture, participants did not rate each people who lack money. Interestingly, Frey, Kastenmuller, and Fischer (2013) ethnicity as equally American. Their conducted an experimental study among money is a symbol that people use to findings indicate that White-Americans derive meaning because money symbolizes native-born German participants. After the are perceived as more American than exclusion (vs. acceptance) manipulation, power, possession of material goods, and African-Americans, who are viewed as status. Terror management theory argues participants read newspaper clips about more American than Asian-Americans. the naturalization of German citizens 43 Volume 21, 2017 and the construction of a local mosque recruited on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk participants completed the word and then indicated their attitudes toward (i.e., MTurk, M age = 34.17) and received completion task, which was used to the naturalization test and the proposed $2.25 for their time. The sample included assess thoughts of physical vulnerability. mosque. For example, participants 71.7% European Americans, 12.5% Asian- Twelve word fragments were presented indicated if they strongly agreed or Americans, 6.7% African-Americans, 7.5% and participants were instructed to fill in disagreed with a difficult language test for Hispanic Americans, and 1.7% multi- the missing letters to form the first word citizenship, if immigrants with a criminal ethnic; all participants self-identified as that comes to mind. Of these 12 word past should be given a second chance for American citizens. Across 3 conditions, fragments, 6 fragments could be completed German citizenship, or questions regarding there were 40 participants in the social to form physical vulnerability-related words opposition or tolerance of mosque acceptance condition, 43 participants in (e.g., “_ ISK” completed as “risk”). The construction. Results reveal that social the neutral condition, and 37 in the social current word fragment task was adapted exclusion, compared to acceptance, fostered exclusion condition. from studies assessing death thought an intolerant, xenophobic attitude toward accessibility (see Hayes, Schimel, Arndt, immigrants and Muslims. Materials and Procedures & Faucher, 2010). A physical vulnerability score was calculated by summing the total These studies confirm that experiences Participants were recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk; all data was collected number of physical vulnerability-related of social threat, whether chronic or words created (out of 6). temporary, prompt negative perceptions using Qualtrics research software and of and reactions to people categorized as analyzed utilizing SPSS. After providing Next, participants were presented with outgroup members. Aydin et al. (2013) informed consent, participants were two separate questionnaires assessing goes a step further in demonstrating randomly assigned to the experimental beliefs about characteristics of the poor how social exclusion fosters cognitive condition and instructed to spend 3-5 and middle class. The order of these and emotional distancing from people minutes recalling and writing about a past questionnaires was counterbalanced across considered “other.” Is it possible, then, that experience of acceptance, exclusion, or a participants. Specifically, participants an experience of social exclusion will elicit time spent preparing a meal. Specifically, were presented with a list of 24 traits (e.g., a different type of cognitive distancing— participants in the social exclusion lazy, healthy, uneducated, friendly) and the denial of a shared, American identity condition (n = 37) read the following: were asked, “To what degree does each to racial-ethnic minority individuals? This can include a situation where statement describe poor people?” or “To According to social dominance theory (see someone prevented you from engaging what degree does each statement describe Devos & Banaji, 2005, for a discussion), in an activity, criticized you or your the middle class?” The questionnaire the relationships between ethnic groups abilities, made you feel unwelcome conveyed an equal number of positive (e.g., derives from social status and power and unwanted in a group, etc. hardworking, healthy, proud) and negative inequalities. This theory argues that Nearly everyone has experienced qualities (e.g., dangerous, criminal, drug Caucasian counterparts in the U.S. have social rejection more than once. abuser). Participants responded on a scale heightened status and power versus other Choose an experience recent and ranging from 1 (not at all characteristic) to ethnic groups and consequently cultural memorable enough that you can relive 5 (extremely characteristic) for each trait. expectations emerge whereby Caucasian the event and all its accompanying This questionnaire was adapted from a individuals develop a national attachment emotions. Actually, put yourself back correlational study assessing attitudes of to whiteness because they are rendered the in the time and place and conjure up all the poor and attributions for poverty (see prototype. Nativist perspectives may also your feelings and senses. Please visualize Cozzarelli, Wilkinson, & Tagler, 2001). We play into these cultural expectations, as this experience and write about it with reverse scored negatively valenced items, Caucasian Europeans were some of the first as much detail as possible. and separate mean scores for perceptions of inhabitants of the American colonies. the poor and middle class were calculated Given the same prompt format, individuals so that higher mean scores meant greater In sum, the person perception literature assigned to the acceptance condition (n endorsement of positive characteristics. suggest that social exclusion fosters negative = 40) were told to imagine and recall a attitudes toward social outgroup members time they were socially accepted, while Participants then completed a questionnaire as it potentially threatens social dominance those in the neutral condition (n = 43) on causes of poverty. Directions prompted and highlights how one’s ethnic group is were told to imagine and recall themselves participants to rate each of the 18 factors socially vulnerable. The findings imply that preparing a meal. Each essay prompt as a cause of poverty. These 16 items social exclusion may elicit a similar effect in expressed the importance of choosing a were utilized to assess the extent to which terms of perceptions of the Americanness vivid event in order increase the potency participants made internal ( = .89) and of social outgroup members like ethnic of the experimental manipulation as they external ( = .87) attributions for those minorities. Therefore, we hypothesize that conjured up all the event’s accompanying in poverty. To obtain the alpha for external social exclusion will lead participants to emotions. Additionally, participants attributions we combined cultural and view ethnic minority individuals as more responded to two post-task questions where external attributions to increase reliability; threatening and less American than White/ participants reported their emotional state items 2 and 14 were dropped because they Caucasian individuals. from the experience on a scale from 1 significantly reduced reliability. An example of an internal, personal factor is “lack of Method (very negative) to 7 (very positive) and how excluded they felt on a scale from 1 (not at effort and laziness by the poor”; an example Participants all excluded) to 7 (very excluded). of an external factor is “prejudice and discrimination in promotion and wages.” One hundred and twenty participants were Directly after the reliving task, study Participants responded on a scale ranging

44 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal from 1 (not at all important as a cause of as president,” “Approves of President significantly affect the beliefs about the poverty) to 5 (extremely important as a cause Trump’s performance so far”). Participants characteristics of the poor, F(2, 117) = .74, to poverty). We computed separate internal rated beliefs of each person’s possession of p = .48 or the middle class, F(2, 117) = and external attribution mean scores; American Identity from 1 (not at all) to 5 .50, p =. 61. We also predicted, based on higher scores meant greater endorsement of (extremely). This questionnaire was adapted past research (Cozzarelli et al., 2001), that that type of cause of poverty. from past research on perceived racial- participants would evaluate poor people ethnic differences in American identity (see more negatively than the middle class Next, participants were presented with a Devos & Banaji, 2005). and that this effect would be especially series of faces and asked to report their strong among participants in the social impressions of each person portrayed as Finally, participants completed a variety exclusion condition. To examine this, we well as their beliefs about the person’s of demographics questions including conducted a 3 (condition: acceptance, American identity. Specifically, four race, income, political orientation, and neutral, rejection) x 2 (class: poor, middle) photographs were presented illustrating educational background and a variety of mixed model ANOVA; class was measured European American, Hispanic-American, suspicion check questions. Lastly, they read within subjects. A main effect of class African-American, and Asian-American the debriefing form describing the study in emerged, F(2, 117) = 103.55, p < .001, men. These photographs were drawn more detail. such that participants rated the poor (M from the Chicago Face Database where Results = 3.21, SD = .66) more negatively than participants rate hundreds of photographs the middle class (M = 3.86, SD =.51), (Ma, Correll, & Wittenbrink, 2015) Primary Analyses consistent with hypotheses. However, the and were chosen based on dimensions expected condition X class interaction was of similarity in specific features (e.g., Manipulation check. To assess the nonsignificant,F (2, 117) = .77, p = .47. masculinity, attractiveness, age, and neutral effectiveness of our manipulation, emotion). Participants were asked to rate participants reported their emotion after Causes for poverty. We hypothesized their impressions of each person in the reliving and writing about their experience that social exclusion, compared to the photograph on 6 general qualities (e.g., as well as their overall state of exclusion felt. control conditions, would elicit more friendliness, threatening, honest) on a 1 We conducted separate three way ANOVAs agreement with internal attributions but (not at all) to 5 (extremely) scale. Separate (condition: acceptance, neutral, rejection) less agreement with external attributions. mean scores were created for each target on these two questions. Participants in Separate three way ANOVAs (condition: photograph by averaging the ratings for the exclusion condition (M = 2.03, SD = acceptance, neutral, rejection) show that the 6 qualities; higher scores represent .69) reported feeling more negative than condition did not influence agreement more positive impressions of the European- those in the acceptance (M = 6.55, SD with either internal causes of poverty American (α = .65), Hispanic-American, = .71) and neutral condition (M = 6.00, F(2, 117) = .14, p = .87 or external (α = .73), African-American (α =.78), and SD = 1.36), F(2, 117) = 237.23, p < .001. causes, F(2, 117) = .28, p = .75. We also Asian-American (α =.68) males depicted in Additionally, participants in the exclusion hypothesized that participants would the photographs. condition (M = 5.68, SD = 1.70) reported report more agreement with internal vs. feeling more excluded than those in the external attributions, especially after a The last questionnaire assessed perceptions acceptance (M = 1.75, SD = 1.55) and social exclusion experience. To test this, of American identity. Specifically, neutral condition (M = 1.77, SD = 1.4), we conducted a 3 (condition: acceptance, participants again viewed each of the F(2, 117) = 82.23, p < .001. neutral, rejection) x 2 (cause of poverty: four photographs and rated each man internal, external) mixed model ANOVA, in terms of the extent to which the 18 Physical vulnerability. We hypothesized with cause of poverty measured within statements regarding American values and that social exclusion would heighten subjects. A main effect of causes of poverty identification applied to them. The 18 physical vulnerability feelings relative to the emerged, F(1, 117) = 21.80, p < .001, questions tapped into different perspectives acceptance and neutral control conditions such that participants endorsed external of what it means to be an American, based on how belonging and safety needs attributions (M = 3.47, SD = .80) more including nativist ideas ( = .86, e.g., are intertwined. We conducted a three- than internal attributions (M = 2.86, SD = “Possesses U.S citizenship,” “Resides in way ANOVA (condition: acceptance, .97). Contrary to hypotheses, the condition U.S most one’s life”), belief in core civic neutral, rejection) to examine the number X causes of poverty interaction was not values ( = .86, e.g., “How patriotic is of physical vulnerability words created. significant,F (2, 117) = .16, p = .85. this person?”, “How critical of the U.S. We found that condition did not affect the government is this person?”), religious salience of physical vulnerability, F(2, 117) Perceptions of racial ethnic minorities. affiliation ( = .71, e.g., “Believes in God, = 1.08, p = .342. We hypothesized that social exclusion, Is a Christian”), and emotional attachment compared to the control conditions, would to one’s country ( = .89, e.g., “Feels Perceptions of poor and middle class. exacerbate negative perceptions of racial American”). In addition to creating We hypothesized that social exclusion, ethnic minorities (i.e., Asian American, separate subscale mean scores to represent compared to our control conditions Hispanic American, African American) but each of these components of American would provoke a more negative portrayal not European Americans. We conducted a identity, we also created an overall mean of characteristics possessed by the poor three way ANOVA (condition: acceptance, score including all 16 items; reliability but not the middle class. We conducted a neutral, rejection) on mean impression three-way ANOVA (condition: acceptance, was highest for this overall mean score (α ratings for each of the four photograph = .94). Two additional questions referred neutral, rejection) on the mean scores targets. We found that the experimental to the 2016 election of President Donald of poor and middle class characteristics. manipulation did not significantly affect Trump (e.g., “Voted for Donald Trump We found that our manipulation did not impressions of the European American

45 Volume 21, 2017 man F(2, 117)= .70, p = .50, Hispanic past research (Devos & Banaji, 2005), the attribution, the main effect of condition American man F(2, 117) = .51, p = .60 European-American target (M = 4.11, SD was not significant,t (73) = -.62, p = .54, , African American man F(2, 117) = = .56) was perceived as more American but there was a marginal main effect of .28, p = .76, and Asian man F(2, 117) than the Hispanic-American target (M political orientation, t(73) = 1.82, p = .072 = .19, p = .83. We also conducted a 3 = 3.61, SD = .67), p < .001, the African- such that greater political conservatism (condition: acceptance, neutral, rejection) American target (M = 3.94, SD = .56), p = was associated with greater endorsement x 4 (perceptions of ethnic targets: European .001, and the Asian-American target (M = of internal attributions. The interaction American, Hispanic American, African 3.57, SD = .62), p < .001. However, the between condition and political orientation American, Asian American) mixed model expected interaction between condition X was not significantt (73) = .70, p = .49. ANOVA, with perceptions measured as a American identity of ethnic targets was not There was no main effect of condition within-subjects variable. A main effect of significant,F (6, 351) = 1.35, p = .23. for external attributions t(73) = .14, p = perceptions emerged, F(2, 117) = 3.61, p .89. There was a main effect on political = .01. Specifically, the African American Supplemental Analyses orientation t(73) = -3.29, p = .002, such man (M = 3.54, SD = .59) was rated more We suspected that our experimental that greater political conservatism was positively than the European American manipulation, particularly the effect of associated with a reduced endorsement man (M = 3.42, SD = .52), p = .03, the rejection, would be specific to certain of external attributions. The interaction Hispanic American man (M = 3.37, SD people. Specifically, we thought that between condition and political orientation = .55), p = .002, and the Asian American condition would evince a stronger effect was not significant,t (73) = -1.14, p = .26. man (M = 3.41, SD = .55), p = .024. among those who report more political Perceptions of racial ethnic minorities. However, contrary to predictions, the conservatism; that is, social rejection condition X perceptions of ethnic targets When examining negative perceptions of would prompt greater derogation of ethnic groups there was not a main effect interaction was not significant,F (6, 351) = members of marginalized groups only .81, p = .56. on condition for the European American among people who also hold a conservative target t(73) = -.99, p = .33, Hispanic Perceptions of American identity. We political orientation. We also expected American target t(73) = .33, p = .74, hypothesized that the experience of the acceptance and exclusion conditions African American target t(73) = -.56, p social exclusion, compared to the control to yield the most straightforward test of = .58, and Asian American target t(73) conditions, would lead participants to our hypotheses, and so our supplemental = -.30, p = .77. There was no main effect derogate the minority targets by granting analyses focus on these two conditions. on political orientation for the European American identity to European Americans We tested these hypotheses by conducting American target t(73) = .99, p = .32, at a greater extent than the minority separate multiple regression analyses Hispanic American target t(73) = -.17, p = individuals portrayed in the photographs. on our dependent variables of interest. .86, African American target t(73) = .07, To examine this, we first conducted a three Specifically, condition (dummy coded p = .94, and Asian American target t(73) way ANOVA (condition: acceptance, acceptance = 0, rejection = 1), political = 1.09, p =.28. The condition X political neutral, rejection) on mean scores of orientation (centered), and their interaction orientation interaction was not significant American identity for each of the four were included as predictors. for the European American target t(73) = photographed targets. Results show that Physical vulnerability. Results show that -.67, p = .50, Hispanic American target condition did not influence perceptions there was no main effect of condition, t(73) = -.53, p = .60, and Asian American of American identity for the Hispanic- t(73) = 1.02, p = .31 nor a main effect target t(73) = -.97, p = .33. However, there American target, F(2, 117) = .728, p = of political orientation, t(73) = 1.03, p = was a condition X political orientation .485, African-American target, F(2, 117) .31. The condition X political orientation interaction with negative person perception = .962, p = .385, or the Asian-American interaction was also not significant,t (73) = with the African American target t(73) target, F(2, 117) = .797, p = .453. -.006, p = .99. = -1.72, p = .09. For participants in the However, we did find that the condition acceptance condition, political orientation influenced perceptions of American Perceptions of poor and middle class. was not associated with perceptions of the identity for the European-American target, Results show that there was not a main African American target, t(38) = .08, p = F(2, 117) = 7.03, p = .001. Specifically, effect of conditiont (73) = -1.12, p = .27 .94. But for participants in the rejection participants in the neutral condition (M on perceptions of the poor. There was condition, greater political conservatism = 4.34, SD =.45) rated the European- not a main effect for political orientation was associated with more negative American target as more American than did t(73) = -.84, p = .40 on perceptions of the perceptions of the African American target, participants in the acceptance condition poor. The condition X political orientation t(35) = -2.43, p = .02. (M = 3.91, SD = .55), t(117) = -3.70, p < interaction was not significantt (73) = -.45, .001, and exclusion condition (M = 4.07, p = .65 when assessing perceptions of the Perceptions of American identity. When SD = .59), t(117) = 2.31, p = .02. We also poor. Results show there was not a main examining American identity of ethnic conducted a 3 (condition: acceptance, effect of condition t(73)= -.53, p = .60, groups there was not a main effect on neutral, rejection) x 4 (American identity nor a main effect for political orientation condition for the European American of ethnic targets: European-American, t(73) = 1.35, p = .18 on perceptions of target t(73) = 1.07, p = .29, Hispanic Hispanic-American, African-American, the middle class. The condition X political American target t(73)= 1.15, p = .26, Asian-American) mixed model ANOVA, orientation interaction was not significant African American target t(73) = -.11, p with American identity ratings included as t(73) = -1.04, p = .30 on perceptions of the = .91, and Asian American target t(73) a within-subjects factor. A main effect of middle class. =.40, p =.69. There was no main effect American identity ratings emerged, F(3, on political orientation for the European 351) = 44.81, p < .001. Consistent with Causes for poverty. In terms of internal American target t(73) = .81, p =.42, 46 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal Hispanic American target t(73) = -.87, (but not the other ethnic minority targets). Consistent with their moral foundations p = .39, African American target t(73) = These results suggest that the effects of hypothesis, liberals valued Harm/care .68, p = .50, and Asian American target social exclusion on perceptions of ethnicity and Fairness/reciprocity the most whereas t(73) = .06, p = .96. The condition X minorities is specific to people who possess conservatives upheld all 5 moral sets to political orientation interaction was not a certain political ideology. a similar degree (Graham et al., 2009). significant for the European American Additionally, this work shows that greater target t(73) = -.91, p = .37, Hispanic But why would social exclusion and endorsement of political conservatism American target t(73) = .03, p = .98, and conservative political ideology negatively was associated with increased emphasis Asian American target t(73) = -.87, p = influence perceptions of the African on in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, .39. However, a condition X political American target but not the other men and purity/sanctity. The past research orientation interaction did emerge for the of color? Although this is speculation, connects with the current study in that African American target, t(73) = -2.03 , there is a divisive history that goes back self-identified conservatives in our study, p = .046. A simple effect did not emerge to the Atlantic slave trade that may especially those who are socially excluded, for the acceptance condition; specifically, explain the strain that is evident from may value these particular moral systems for participants in this condition, political these findings. As European Americans that influence feelings of vulnerability orientation was not related to perceptions and African Americans predominately around and thus perceptions of ethnic of Americanness for the African American represent the majority of the United minorities. For example, authority and target, t(38) = .62, p = .54. However, States, it is not entirely shocking to think in-group are especially endorsed by a simple effect emerged such that for that long-standing tensions between conservatives where adherence to laws participants in the rejection condition, these two groups could result in negative and middle class values are cherished. For greater political conservatism was associated perceptions. For example, tensions have example, Graham et al. (2009) provides with less Americanness granted to the been prevalent historically since the an example where authority would be African American target, t(35) = -2.56, p Atlantic slave trade, slave code and Black threatened by not respecting traditions = .02. code eras, and Jim Crow laws. Even of society, or for cursing the founders now, there is still a fight for civil rights as or early heroes of our country. Another Discussion movements fight systemic racism, police example where in-group moral systems brutality, and mass incarceration of African would be threatened is when there is a lack The results of the current study suggest Americans. These historical tensions may that experiencing social exclusion does not of loyalty to the in-group membership be inter-generational as well. Additional (Graham et al., 2009). For instance, the appear to heighten thought of physical speculation of this phenomenon points vulnerability, nor does it lead people to Black Lives Matter movement may be a in the direction of media. Stereotypes threat to in-group loyalty as the majority derogate members of marginalized groups. of African American men are frequently The few effects that did emerge were not of the United States identifies as White disseminated to the public through social or European American. Perhaps socially consistent with our hypotheses; later in the media, highly accessible news articles, discussion, we offer a potential explanation excluded conservatives are endorsing these newspapers, and news stations where specific moral sets when their in-group is and suggestions for future research. African American men are portrayed However, consistent with predictions and threatened or because often stereotypes in stereotypic terms as threatening and illustrate the misconception that African past research (Cozzarelli et al, 2001), we unlawful. The dissemination of these found that people, regardless of condition, American men do not adhere to the moral stereotypes may instill a state of physical set of obeying authority. evaluated the poor more negatively than vulnerability specific to conservatives who the middle class and attributed the causes may more readily adopt these stereotypes. Additionally, moral foundations theory is of poverty to be more internal rather than Similarly, the exposure of civil rights applicable to the relationship of internal external. Additionally, consistent with activism through Black Lives Matter, a attributions for poverty and conservatism predictions and past research (Devos & common topic of discussion in the news when participants are excluded. Perhaps Banaji, 2005), American identity was at the time this research was conducted, personal characteristics are believed to be granted to European Americans to a greater might have led conservative European the cause of poverty due to the belief in extent than ethnic minority Americans. American participants facing rejection to lack of conformity among the poor. Those Our supplemental analyses revealed enter a defensive-like state by protecting who live in poverty are perceived as not that political orientation plays a role in their in-group and derogating the African reflective of the in-group of the nation. our effects. First, for attributions, we American community to combat the voiced According to Graham et al. (2009), in- found that there was a marginal effect concerns of the BLM movement. group moral relevance can be examined when actions affect the in-group, while of condition, such that greater political Another explanation for these findings conservatism led to endorsement of more authority moral relevance relates to how may stem from moral foundations individuals fail to fulfil the duty of their internal attributions versus external. theory. According to Graham, Haidt, Second, we also found that political role in society. These moral sets and what and Nosek (2009), moral foundations are they mean connect with the very personal orientation moderated the effect of social endorsed differently between liberals and exclusion on person perceptions and causes for poverty versus externally made conservatives. Graham et al. (2009) has causes. American identity. Specifically, when examined the moral differences between participants were rejected, greater political liberals and conservatives where 5 sets of As with any study, ours had some conservativism was related to more negative moral institutions are examined: Harm/ limitations. Our neutral condition did perceptions of and less Americanness care, Fairness/reciprocity, in-group/loyalty, not appear to be neutral in the coding attributed to the African American target Authority/respect, and Purity/Sanctity. process, as there was a mix of acceptance

47 Volume 21, 2017 and exclusion-like experiences reported answer to the different ethnic targets so as to in the reliving tasks. For example, appear more egalitarian. some individuals wrote about their meal preparation experience with the The composition of our sample, which involvement of others (e.g., spouse, was majority White, European American, children, friends) which may have impacted limited our ability to compare how how negative or positive their experience members of different ethnic groups reacted was. Additionally, participants wrote about to the social exclusion prime. Specifically, experiences which were off topic, such as an insufficient number of non-white describing the birth of a child instead of a participants completed our study, and time preparing a meal. In general, people thus there was limited power to detect associate preparing a meal with positive any effects, and any comparisons between emotions versus negative; however, essays ethnic groups would be prone to Type 1 that involve exclusion-related themes error. It would be interesting to examine (e.g., potential exclusion by a partner who whether ethnicity moderates the effect of dislikes the meal) or physical harm themes exclusion on perceptions of others in future (e.g., a kitchen fire) lead us to question research. We would expect that socially whether these participants’ experience excluded European American participants was more exclusionary than neutral. might perceive the poor more negatively, Furthermore, coping mechanisms may attribute causes to be more internal than have been employed in the rejection essays external, and perceive ethnic minorities where participants wrote about a negative more negatively, and rate the ethnic experience but at some point addressed minority targets as less American versus feeling better about the experience in the the European American target more than present. Participants who were coded for other racial groups based on different life coping may have a more positive than experiences in the United States. negative experience in our condition Although results do not provide much which may explain the inconsistencies in insight on how social exclusion affects our results. Additional analyses will be perceptions of marginalized groups, these conducted to examine whether excluding questions are still important. Given the these participants from analyses has had an interesting results of our supplemental effect on the results. analyses, further research would likely The coding process also revealed potential unveil a more nuanced understanding social desirability bias among some of the wider range of impacts of social participants. Participants might have been exclusion. Because most social exclusion reluctant to provide genuine answers as research is focused at the individual level, some participants responded along the lines there is a void that needs to be filled of wanting to be “PC,” or politically correct regarding how one person’s experience of and not racist. Obviously, when these sorts exclusion affects others. Going beyond of responses are provided participants were ourselves, and our individual experience holding back from reporting more authentic of exclusion, further inquiry and devotion answers. It is also possible that participants to this topic may provide us with a better altered their responses but did not reference understanding of how experiencing this in the post-study questionnaire; more exclusion perpetuates the exclusion of concerning is the possibility that participants others. were not consciously aware that they were altering their responses to be more egalitarian. Social desirability could have been decreased had we had a more implicit way of measuring perceptions of the poor, person perception of ethnic minorities, and Americanness granted to ethnic minority Americans. Future research should utilize an implicit measure when examining these perceptions as well as others to diminish desirability bias as there is a time restriction. However, it is important to note that participants were not able to go back to any questionnaire completed previously to change answers; this procedural choice, which was purposeful in our study, prevented participants from comparing their 48 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal References

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