THE PERSPECTIVE of the SLAVS, FINNS, and BALTS Author(S): Omeljan Pritsak Source: Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol

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THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE SLAVS, FINNS, AND BALTS Author(s): Omeljan Pritsak Source: Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3, SPECIAL ISSUE: RELATIONS BETWEEN SCANDINAVIA AND THE SOUTEASTERN BALTIC/NORTHWESTERN RUSSIA IN THE VIKING AGE ( Fall 1982), pp. 185-201 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43211161 Accessed: 16-02-2016 14:27 UTC

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This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE SLAVS, FINNS, AND BALTS

OmeljanPritsak, Harvard University

TheMeetingplace of theFinns and Slavs (1) Izborskand Pskov The triuneLake Peipus,Lämmi, and Pskovseems to havebeen the first meet- ingplaceof the Fennicand Slavicpopulation. The largerPeipus Lake (3560 sq. km),together with the inletof Lämmijärv(170 sq mi),was by AD 750 an integ- ral partof Estonianethnic territory, while the shores of Lake Pskov(710 sq mi) belongedto the Slavic populationwhom the Estonianscalled the Venelased ( < *Vened-{"Wends"). These Slavs named Lake Peipus Chiud'skoeozero,1 or EstonianLake. Remarkablyenough, the riverNarva, which flows north from Lake Peipus,bears a nameof Estonianorigin, while the river emptying into Lake Pskovhas a Slavicname: Velikaia,or "the Great(River)." It is worthyof note thatthe nameChud'-the Slavic designation for the Estonians (and Finnsin gen- eral)-is of Germanic(Gothic) origin,2 as is *Vened-the Estonian (and common BalticFinnish) name for the Rus'ian Slavs. Apparently, some Germanic political (or economic)structure was responsiblefor the comingtogether of thesetwo peoples. In the territoriesof Pskov,Polotsk, and Smolensk,archaeologists have estab- lishedthe appearance,sometime during the seventhto ninthcentury, of theso- called "long tumuli"(up to 800 m in length)which they connect (probably rightly)with Slavonic colonization.3 Since the tumuliof thePskov region show theoldest forms, as does theinventory of otherobjects unearthed there, scholars (V. V. Sedov,L. V. Alekseev)suppose that this region was thestarting point of the migrationwhich led firstto the Polotskregion and laterto the Smolensk region.V. V. Sedov believesthat these Slavs, the ancestors of theEast European Slovenes,were originally Baltic Wends.4 There were two old emporiato the south of Lake Pskovthat were jointly the centerof the firstSlavic territoryin the north:the older was Izborsk,5 JBS, Vol.XIII , No. 3 (1982) 185

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 186 Journalof BalticStudies namedin the PVL in connectionwith the "Invitationto the Varangians,"and thelater was Pskov.6The archaeologicaldata foundby V. V. Sedov corroborates theassumption that the oldest layen of the so-called Truvorove Gorodishche (Old Izborsk) date fromthe eighthto the tenthcentury.7 According to old local tradition,Pskov (Old Rus'ianPl'skov") was Izborsk'ssuccessor as the centerof theSlovenes.8 As provenby I. K. Labutina,cultural layers from the tenth century have been discoveredon the territoryof Old Pskovalong the riverVelikaia.9 However,the names Izborskand Pskovwere both unknownin the Old Norse tradition. ' (2) The Originsof GreatNovgorod: The Vots, Slovene, and the Ves The toponymyof the mainterritory of the GreatNovgorod realm (the later piatinyShelonskaia and Vodskaia),10 i.e., theterritories to thewest of therivers Volkhov and Lovať, indicatesthat the aboriginalpopulation was of Fennic stock,most probably the EstonianVots (OR Vod9).The nameof thesepeople 1 firstappears in the"Ustav Iaroslava kniazhia o mostekh"as Voch'skaa hundred -1 it thenoccurs in the chronicle, s.a. 1069,in theform Vozhiane 12 and from1 149 it becomes Vod*.13 In the westernsources of the secondhalf14 of the twelfth and the middleof the thirteenthcenturies, the forms Watland (later Waeland)15 and Wathlandia16 occur.The termWathlandia is of Estonianorigin and identical withthe name of the easternEstonian land, Waiga-Wayga, which, in turn-via the older form*Vagja-goes back to BalticFinnish -*Vaaja, meaning"wedge" = Old Rus'ian Klin the lattername, in fact,was used in the Rus' Chroniclesindis- criminatelywith Vod' 17 Archaeologistshave stated that in the ninthcentury an importantchange took place in Watland:the old burialcustom was replacedby cremation,typical 18 of the contemporaryculture of Mare Balticum. They maintainthat this was due to the colonizationof the Vod' territoryby two Slavonicraces which had met there: one (the older) comingfrom the moreadvanced Western (Baltic) Slavic territories(Wends, until AD 800 underAvar domination), and theother, a migrationof the Slavs fromthe upper Dnieper (i.e., theSlavs from the Khazar empire).Be thatas it may,by the fifteenthcentury the territory to thewest of the lineVolkhov-Il'men'-Lovat' was dividedinto two piatiny , whose frontier was theriver Luga. To thenorth and eastof thatriver lay the Vodskaiapiatina which includedthe Karelianterritory north of Lake Ladoga,while to the southand west extendedthe Shelonskaiapiatina. Whilethe Estonian Voď apparently formedthe majorityof the populationin the Vodskaiapiatina , theShelonskaia piatinawas regardedas a backboneof theRus'ian Novgorod. As a consequenceof the extensiveexcavations made in the townof Great Novgorodsince 1951, the historyof that importantsettlement has become clearer.We now know for certainthat the establishmentof GreatNovgorod happenedcomparatively later, not beforethe end of the ninth-beginningof the tenthcentury.19 Late medievalGreat Novgorod20 consisted of four(to five) parts,called kontsy(boroughs); originally, there were only two of these,since

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 187 thelater Great Novgorod came into beingas a twin-city.The firstborough was Slavno(the laterSlovenskii konets ), locatedon SlavnoHill,21 on theright bank of theriver Volkhov; therefore, it was calledKholm 'hill,' a factwhich explains the Old Norse name forGreat Novgorod -HólmgarÒr. In one saga (OjalarJons saga) the settlementis giventhe designationlimar Holmr. 2 2 The secondcity, locatedon theleft bank of theVolkhov, was calledLiudin konets. The namesSlavno ¡Slovenskii and Liudin are not of geographic,but ethnic origin.In contrastto the namesof Chuď and *Venedtdiscussed above, which wereof foreignorigin, Slavno {Sloven-in Pskov)and Liudinmay be interpreted as self-designationsby the ethnicgroups in question:the Wendscalled them- selvesSloveny , while the Vepsians to thisday use thename l'üd'in'ik in designat- ing themselves;cf. also l'üd'ikel* 'the Vepsianlanguage.'24 From this analysis, we can see thatGreat Novgorod came into existenceas thecolonial creation of two differentethnic groups, both of whomwere most advanced in mattersof commerce:the Slovene/ Wends, whose original base was theshores of thewestern ' Balticand theL üd'in'-/Vepsians, who camefrom the east. The aboriginalVotish population (Voď) seemto have opposedthis develop- ment.In 1069 they cooperatedwith Polotsk,the foremostenemy of Nov- gorod.25It was onlyduring the middleof the thirteenthcentury that the Voď beganto accept Novgorod'sleadership.26 Moreover, soon afterwardsthey as- sumeda role as protectorsof the GreatNovgorodian realm along its borders on the Gulfof Finland."Nowhere in Old Rus' has such an abudanceof weapons " been discoveredas in the Vodskaiaplatina, writesone scholar.27The centerof the Votishpopulation was the town of Kopor'e, firstmentioned in the Nov- gorodianI Chronicle,s.a. 1240. The formvepsä of the namefor the Ves' is of Suomi-Finnishorigin. All othermedieval sources, beginning with Jordanes (AD 551), spellthe name omitting the - p~ (Jordanes= Vas).28 The Islamicsources- beginning with Ibn Fadlān(922)- use thename Vi$ü/Isü forthe Ves'.29 The farthestpoint north in Rus' at whichthe Muslims from the Caliphateresided was the emporiumof Bulghār-on-the-Volga;the Ves' servedas the Bulgariancontact with the West.Therefore, their name was also familiarto westernwriters; for example, Adam of Bremen(ca. 1072-1076)gave their name ' as Wizzi.30 One mayadd thatthe Ves alongwith the Chud (probablythe Vots) and Slovene, playeda leadingrole in thePVL's famousstory about the invitationto theVarangians. It is remarkablethat the Volga-Bulgars- who, according to theIslamic sources, in the secondhalf of the tenthcentury began to tradedirectly with Kiev (Kū- yābā), the importantlink on the newlyemerged international trade highway fromthe Varangiansto theGreeks- distinguished between the two groups in the Novgorodiantwin-city as distinctkinds of Rus': theSlovene (as-Slāwiya) and the Ves' (Ār[-īsu]) of theLiudin konets. In Novgoroditself, several hoards of Kufic dirhamshave been unearthed:they were deposited around AD 864 (203 coins), 953 (23 coins),972 (192 coins).31 The most detailedarchaeological excavations of GreatNovgorod have been

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 188 Journalof BaltieStudies made in the Nerevskiikonets, the northernextension of theLiudin konets, The woodenstructures of theoldest layers have been dated,by the dendrochronolog- ical method,to AD 953.3 2 At approximatelythat time (ca. 948-952)the learned emperorConstantine Porphyrogenitus mentions, for the firsttime, the new name forthe expandingtwin-city on the Volkhov:Nemogardds "where Sphen- dosthlabos(Sviatoslav), son of Ingor(Igor'), prince(archont) of Rhõsia,had his seat."33 The sameSviatoslav soon took as hiscommon-law wife Malusha, the daughter of one Mal"k" Liubechanin,i.e., a man forthe westernBaltic city of Liubeka (laterLübeck). Her kin,the clan of Dobrynia,in Rus' also rememberedas uncle- regentfor Sviatoslav's son, Volodimer,played a vitalrole in the Princedomeof Rus' duringthe last threedecades of the tenthcentury until the deathof their last knownrepresentative, Ian Vyshatych,in 1106. When,after the militarycatastrophes of the 1070s (Bari 1070, Manzikert 1071), Constantinoplelost its exceptionalposition as the economiccapital of the worldand its satellite,Kiev, began to decline,Novgorod reacted promptly. The revolutionof 1136 loosened Novgorod'sties to Kiev and proclaimedthe city an independentrepublic.34 The emergingstate of "Lord Novgorodthe Great" now beganto concentrateits attentionalmost exclusively on theaffairs of therising Mare Balticum.

Ves'and Beloe Ozerò (3) ' Accordingto the traditionpreserved in the PVL, the old centerof the Ves was the town of Beloe Ozerò (Beloozero) locatedat the entranceof the river Sheksnainto the lake called Beloe Ozerò. Unfortunately,this site has not yet been thoroughlyexcavated; nevertheless,its ninth-centuryorigin is unques- ' tioned.35The Ves startedtheir career in EasternEurope as one of thetributary peoples of the Gothicking, Ermanarich (fourth c.); this,as was statedabove, we knowfrom Jordanes (AD 551). 9 (4) The Two Volokstthe Zavoloch'skaia Chud and Suzdal Therewere three significant portages (sing, volok) which connected the Nov- gorodianhighways with the othersystems. The firstor northernvolok was located on the northeasternfrontier and was mentionedin thechronicles as early as s.a. 1078.36 The secondor southernportage, called Lam'skii, first appears in thewritten sources in 1135. 3 7 The townof Beloozerowas thestarting point of thenorthern volok . To reach that portageit was necessaryto cross the lake, continuenorthward along the riverSheksna, and enterthe lake of Onega at the TudorovPogost. After having sailed some 40 milesnorthward along the riverOnega, one had to crossanother passagewhich led to the riverEmtsa, a tributaryof the NorthernDvina, the main arteryof the farnorth (466 mi/750km; catchmentarea: 140,000 sq mi/ 360,000 sq km). The originalname of the riverwas FinnishVäinäjoki (

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(Severnaia'northern') for this river- first noted in theNovgorodian I Chronicle, s.a. 132339- is a latertransposition from the nameof the trueriver Dvina (Za- padnaia;cindoeurop *dhuveinā)*°resulting from a popularetymology which assumedthat Vina was a Finnishsubstitution for the Rus'ianDv/rar ( *dv ->Finn. v-)-41 The basinsof the riversOnega and NorthernDvina wereknown in the Old Rus'ian sourcesas Zavoloch'e,"the land beyondthe portage";the Old Norse sources used anothername- Bjarmar. D. V. Bubrikhhas theorizedthat the Zavoloch'skaia Chuď¡Bjarmar were actually the Ves',who engagedin trapping and tradingactivity in the north.42Voyages from Scandinavia (especially from Norway)to the Bjarmalandas relatedin thefully historical account of Ohthere, the informantof KingAlfred the Great,ca. 899, wereregarded by contempor- ariesas themost exciting of adventures. The southernLam'skii volok led to theVolga-Oka basin, called Sursdalr/ Suz- dal' in theOld Norseand Novgorodsources, which was a kindof antechamberto Bulghār-on-the-Volga,thecenter of Islamic commerce in EasternEurope. Suzdal' was also the main granaryof GreatNovgorod. The route fromNovgorod to Bulghār-on-the-Volga(the Bulgārswere part of the reorganizedHuns) went along the riverMsta, from which a portageled to the riverTvertsa, a tributary of the Volga. It was certainlynot accidentalthat two largehoards of Kufic dirhamswere foundalong the routefrom Novgorod to Bulghàr-on-the-Volga: one at the entraceof the volok in Shumilovo(1,111 coins,dating from AD 710s to 871),43 and the otherat its end in Muromon theVolga (11,077 coins datingfrom AD 710s to 939).44 The land of Suzdal' was knownto the Old Scandinaviansin the ninth-tenthcenturies. The Old Norse name for it was Svípjóàhin kalda or 'The Cold Sweden."45 Yet anotherportage led fromthe Bjarmaland(the basin of the Northern Dvina River)to the basinof theVolga. One had to sail alongthe Sukhona River (a tributaryof the Dvina) fromits portageto theriver Kostroma, a tributaryof the Volga. The thirdportage connected the Novgorodianriver Lovat' withthe Dnieperand thuswith Kiev (ON Kaenugaròr)and Constantinople(Miklagaròr). Thiswas thefamous "Route fromthe Varangians to theGreeks."

Estonia'sEntrance into History The designationE est i is an ancientone, witha venerablehistory. In hisGer- mania (writtenabout AD 98), Tacitus,the Roman historianof the north, mentionsthe Aestii for the firsttime, locating them on the "AmberCoast" of the BalticSea. Thereis no agreementamong scholars about the linguistic group to whichthe Aestiibelong.46 Basically, there are two schoolsof thought,one claiminga Baltic (Lithuanian-Latvian)origin for them, and the otherascribing a Fennic origin.The Fenns were possiblythe ancestorsof the present-day Estoniansand Finns. It wouldserve no purposeto enterinto the polemicsur- roundingthe originof the Aestiior the etymologyof theirname here. We can simplyassume that beginningwith Jordanes' Getica , the termAestii, whatever

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 190 Journalof BaltieStudies its origin,was used by the Germanicpeoples (especiallythe Goths)to desig- nate the people who controlledthe easternshores of the BalticSea. In other words,the Aestiiwere identical with the ancestorsof the historicalKuri , Livii, and Estonians. It was because of the importanceof the Aestii, also called Osti, that the BalticSea receivedits Germanicname Ostsee (< Oster-see).47 Thisdesignation is firstrecorded in one of the interpolationsinto Orosiusmade by Alfredthe Great(died AD 899).48 It is withgood reasonthat the Germanicpeoples re- ferredto the Balticas the Ostsee.In thehistory of theeighth to thirteenthcentury,Estonia, with its unique strategicposition as the gate fromthe lands of MareBalticum to EasternEurope, was thesite of thestruggle between West and East forcontrol of the area. Those who competedfor domination included the Old "Estonians" themselves,the Old Danes, the Old Swedes,the inhabitants of Great Novgorodand Pskov,later the Kievan and NorthwesternRus'ians, and finallythe Low-German Saxons, especially the Hanseatic League. Toponymiestudies, especially those of Paul Johansenand LauriKettunen,49 haveshown conclusively that the ancestors of theEstonians were an "aboriginal" people. The Old Estonianswere also the firstpeople in the easternBaltic lands to be mentionedin the Old Norsewritten sources. Skaldic poetry employs the wordsEistr "Estonian man" and Eistnesk- "Estonian" (adjective);the form estlat(= AEstland, i.e., "Estonia")appears in a runicinscription dating from about AD 1000 (the termAEist-fari "one who travelsto the Ests" is also notedin that source).The same formof thesenames for Estonia and Estoniansoften appears in thesagas. The PVL and otherOld Rus'iansources use thecollective term chuď ( singula- tive chud-in)to designateEstonia and the Estonianpeople. The wordchuď is of Germanicorigin and is etymologicallyrelated to the Gothicword piuda 'people.'50 In the Old Rus'ian sources, the word chuď refersnot onlyto Estonia proper(including Osilia/Saaremaa), but also to the Votianlands, the tradingtown Ladoga, and the landsbehind the portagesby whichthe basinof the NorthernDvina Rivercould be reached,the so-calledZavolochskaia Chuď (the Sauloke of the Norwegian-NovgorodianTreaty of 1326). Accordingto a storyin the PVL , the Chuď, togetherwith the Vepsians(Ves*), were instru- mentalin creatinga politicalorganization which included Great Novgorod. Old Rus'ian sources,both writtenand oral,reveal an intimateknowledge of Estonianmythology and epic poetry.They referto the foremostEstonian city Reval/Tallinnas Kolyvan' a designationderived from Kalev, the nameof the hero of the epos Kalevipoeg( e.g., NovgorodianI Chronicle).The transmitters of thisinformation were apparently Old Rus'iansof Estonian (Chudian) ancestry, sincepeople of Estonian(Chuď) originplayed important roles in Novgorodand Kiev as earlyas the 1060s and 1070s. A boiarinby thename of MikulaChiudin is mentionedin the PVL as one of the sevencodifiers of thePravda Rus'skaia (ca. 1072), apparentlybecause of his familiaritywith the variousmunicipal codes thenin use in the sphereof MareBalticum His palace,or dvor, in Kiev

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and his brotherTuky (died 1078), a militarycommander, are mentioned in the ' PVL.51 Furthermore,in Great Novgorodthere was a Chiudin tseva street (ulitsa)52and a Chudin'tsevy gate (vorota).53 Estonia enteredhistory in the Birca period(770 to 975), when East-West traderelations were established in the North.Estonia then became the gateway betweenthe emergingcultures of Mare Balticumand EasternEurope and the Muslimworld beyond, a worldin whichthe veryshape of the countryitself would be determinedby its relationto internationalcommerce. A systemof traderoutes and marketplaceson fallowland stripsand Birca "Birch"islands came intobeing. Harbors and portswere constructed, and ruralcastles and burgs neargreat lakes dottedthe landscapeof the country.These developmentswere paralleledby the emergenceof an Estonianhigh culture and a complex,decen- tralizedgovernment system. As Estoniabecame integrated into the networkof internationaltrade routes, a networkwhich passed through the lands of Mare Balticum and extendedto the Volga basin and beyond,her colonies east of the mainland,along withthe Vepsian( Ves') and Slavonian(Wendish) towns, became embroiled in thepower strugglesof the internationaltrading companies and charismaticclans of the Baltic North.About the year 1000 the townof Reval (Lyndanise)a colonyof "Gotland,"rose to a positionof economicand politicalpreeminence. During this period Estonia turnedWest as her traderelations were mediatedby the internationalmerchants stationed in Gotland. At the end of the Birca period,parts of Estonia became incorporatedfor someperiod into the realmof GreatNovgorod. This beganwith the suzerainty of VolodimerSviatoslavich over Estonia, which was of unknownduration. Then, in 1030, IaroslavVolodimerovich captured Tarbata (Tartu) and builta Rus'ian townthere, which survived for thirty years until it was burnedby theEstonians in 1060. IziaslavIaroslavich exacted tribute from Osilia. Swedishand Danish rulers,whose influence extended as faras Old Ladoga(Aldeigjuborg) in theEast, also attemptedto subdue parts of Estonia.Finally, during the eleventhand twelfthcenturies, Estonian pirates and slavetraders continued to pose a serious threatboth to Swedishand Danish charismaticclans and to the Rus'ianprin- cipalitiesof Novgorodand Pskov.In the firstquarter of thethirteenth century, aftera strugglewhich lasted for twenty years (1208-1227), German and Danish crusadersput an end to Estonianindependence.

TheFinnish Takeover of Finland (1) TheKainuans Therewere three main settlements of ethnicFinns in Finland.The firstwas centeredalong the Kokemäki River, and its settlers were called Kainuans (Kainuu: OE Cwenas,ON Kvaenir).5*This designation, which the Germanic peoples under- stood as "woman"(< kon-ļkuen-;hence Terra Feminarum and Amazonsin Fin- land), was not a tribalor nationalname, but rathera corporationalone. The Kainuans (FinnishKainulaiset) , whose name meant "the inhabitantsof Low-

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 192 Journalof BaltieStudies lands"55 (or so Finnishlinguists assume), were an organizationof furtrappers 7 (asejärjestö)56similar to thelater Bircarli5 (FinnishPirkkalainen, ca. AD 1300- 1500). They wereoriented towards the west,i.e., theGulf of Bothnia,and they operatedprimarily within the triangleKokemäki River- Lake Nasi-Kyrö River (in the north).58However, they also roamedthe Lappishnorth, where they oftenmet with the Kareliansand frequentedthe NorwegianHálogaland. Their base was the fur-tradingcenter of westernFinland, Pirkkala, named after the famousUppland town of Birka. It was located near the present-daycity of Tampere,on the rightbank of the KokemäkiRiver before it joins Lake Nāsi.59 Both corporations,the Kainuans and the Bircarli,were connectedwith the tradingcenter of Birka in the SwedishUpplands (about 800-975), ethnically and throughnomenclature ( < Birca/Pirkka).In the territoryof Kainuans(on the Eura and Kokemäki),forty-four Arabic dirhamswere found, mainly from thetenth century.60 Alfredthe Great (d. 899) preservedsome data on the Kainuans(Cwenas). It was because of theiractivity that he called the Gulfof BothniaCwensae in his interpolationsto Orosius.61 It is noteworthythat the Old Rus'ianform for theArctic Sea in thetext of theNöteborg Treaty (1323) wasKaiano more, or the Sea of the Kainuans.After 1242 the Novgorodianscalled their Finnish Kainuan neighborsby their"own" name,Sum', whichgoes back to the BalticFennic *soome-(Finnish suomi, Estonian, Votian soome -, Liviansuom - :> Latviansām-s, "inhabitantof Saaremaa"),whose origin remains unclear.62

(2) The Tavastians/Hämeans The territoryof the second Finnishethnic element was called Tavastaland (al-Idris!in 1154: ard Tabast id.) in Old Swedish,63and Hämä in Finnish.64 The Finnishterm supposedly goes back to the older form*sämä , whichis in turna Balticloanword, from the Lithuanianzëmè, meaning "land."65 Tavasta- land contains a systemof lakes from Roinevesi-Pälkänevesi-Vanajavesiand Längelmävesi,stretching from Lake Päijänneto theKymi River. The commercial activityof the Tavastianswas orientedtowards the Gulfof Finland.Their old centerwas conqueredin 1249 by Earl Birger,who constructedon thatsite the castleTavastehus (1249) or Tavastykymä(1540), also calledPor tus T avast orum (Ericus Olai, 1500).66 It was locatedby Lake Vanajavesiand is todaythe site of the city of Hämeenlinna.Thirty-four "Arabic" dirhamshave been found there,among them two Sasanian drachmas (dating from 616 AD and 625 AD).67 The designationHämä is the basis of the Old Rus'ian formlam whichap- pears in the introductorypart of the PVL,68 as well as in the text of that chronicle,s.a. 1042, in thestory about the unsuccessful expedition of Volodimer Iaroslavichagainst the Tavastians.69In the NovgorodI Chronicle,jEm' or Em' appear beginningwith the year 1142.70 The Swedishcolonization of Tavasta- land startedafter the Second Crusade(Bishop Thomas) in 1236-1249,especially afterEarl Birgeťsexpedition against what later became Tavasthus,71 which laterbecame the centerof a new Swedishprovince; today, as notedabove, it is

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 193 thecity of Hämeenlinna.

(3) TheKarelians The thirdethnic Finnish settlement was thatof theKarelians72 (ON Kirjala, Karjala; Kirjaìaìand), well-knownfrom Old Norse writtensources (Runic in- scriptions;sagas, especiallythe Egils saga). The NovgorodI Chroniclecalls thisbranch of the FinnsKorela (firsts.a. 1143).73 Some scholars,judging by toponymiedata, assumethat these settlerswere originally emigrants from the westernshores of Finland properwho passed along the lake route fromthe Kokemäki River to Lake Ladoga.74 Their new settlements,when they ar- rivedca. 800,7 5 wereconcentrated on the northern,northwestern, and western shoresof Lake Ladoga; however,their trading ventures later extended to Nov- gorod and the Gulf of Bothnia(along the waterwayLake Ladoga-Pyhäjärvi- Orivesi-Pielisjärvi-Oulujärvi-OuluRiver). Most probably, the time of the Karelians' arrivalon the shoresof Lake Ladoga was not accidental:this most active Fin- nishelement decided to seek itsluck in thenewly emerging Eastern trade (Bulg- hār-on-the-Volga-Birkain Uppland). It was as a collectivepopular memorial to thisperiod of the Karelians'"Sturm und Drang"that the national epic Kalevala was composed. In contrastto the Westfinns(from Finland proper, Satakunta, and Tavasta- land), who cooperatedwith the Swedes,the Kareliansvery early entered into a symbiosiswith their new neighbors,first with the Vepsiansand laterwith the NovgorodianRus* (first documented in 1137). The alienationbetween the two branchesof Finnsbecame so greatthat the Vepsians, with the Karelians follow- ing theirexample, use the common-Finnishword meaning"Swedes" for the Suomi-Finns(Karelian, Vepsian ruots),76 thusidentifying the WesternFinns withthe Swedes.The Karelianssupported the Novgorodiansin theircampaigns againstSweden, the mostfamous being the expeditionagainst Sigtunain 1187. Incidentally,the Kareliansalso startedto adopt the Orthodoxfaith. After Earl Birger'sexpedition to Tavastia(1249), the Germansand the Swedes triedto secure influencein Karelia.By the NöteborgTreaty (1323), GreatNovgorod surrenderedto the Swedesthe threewesternmost Karelian districts: Savo (later theprovince of Savolax),Jääski (to thesouth of Lake Saimaa),and Äyräpää(the isthmusbetween the Gulf of Finlandand Lake Ladoga).

TheProblem of theCori (Kuri) and Livs The oldesthistorical source for Courland is Rimbert's "Vita Anskarii"(ca. 865-876). It says that the "Sueones" (who were,according to archaeological evidence,"Gotlander" [Frisian-led international] merchants and the Uppland Swedishmilitary forces) were driven out of Courlandca. 800.77 Theymay have begunjourneying to Courlandin the seventhcentury. The "VitaAnskarii" says thatthe "Dani" vainlytried their luck in Courlandin 852, whilethe nextyear the "Suenones"renewed their efforts, with some success. Apparently, however, the "Sueones" could not establishthemselves permanently (confirmed by ar-

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 194 Journalof BaltieStudies chaeologicalevidence from Grobina and Apuole), despitethe effortsof Eirikr Emundarsonof Uppsala(d. 882). Courland'sdefenders in the ninthcentuiy are called Cori in the "Vita Ans- karii." These people werethe drivingforce in not onlyCourland but in all the territorieswhich comprise present-day Latvia, as well as in themaritime regions of Lithuaniaand Prussia,until their conquest by theGermans in thefirst half of the thirteenthcentury. The latterwas accomplishedafter a fiercestruggle betweenthe Cori and the Germanswhich was wagedin threestages: during 1230- 1231, 1243-1244,and 1260-1263. Of all existinghypotheses about the origin of theCori (Kurs) and theLivs,78 that proposedin 1939 by the late Paul Johansen,the renownedauthority on Baltic history,most deservesour carefulattention.79 According to Johansen, the medievalhistory of the maritimeEastern Baltic lands can be dividedinto threeperiods: 1. c. 650-800: the supremacyof theGermanic Vikings; 2. c. 800- 1236: the hegemonyof the unitedEstonians (especially the Osilians)and the Livs;3. from1236 on: therules of theGermans. Johansen writes: The Estoniansand theii kin, the Livonians, followed the path of the Vikings, soon developinginto their competitors and worst enemies. Step-by-step they drove the Vikingsaway from the Eastern Baltic territories and deprived them of an outpost theyhad held in Courland for almost two hundred years (650-800)-the Gottlandish- Upplandand Swedish colony of Grobin (Grobina). Theyfought the Vikings with their own kinds of weapons. They took over their [theVikings*] administrative andtrading traditions and robbed them of their wives as wellas of theirprecious cultural goods, which now became the property of the Estoniansand the Livs. Thusthere developed a strong type of EasternBaltic man (Herrenmensch ) whose richnorthern cultural heritage can be seenby the graves of the Livs. The consequencefor Courland was the four-hundred-year (AD 800-1236) hegemonyof the united Estonians (especially the Osilians) and Livs over the Baltic Kuri (Cori).A mixedculture evolved, in whichthe old was maintained alongside the new. TheCori defended their heritage vigorously. Because of the naval power of the Osil- ians,the entire coast from the Memel River to theWestern Dvina remained inthe handsof the Estonians and the Livs.80 The questionof wherethe Livs lived beforecoming to CourlandJohansen answeredon the basis of linguisticdata, especiallytoponymy, and politicaland militaryterminology. This he foundto be akinto thatof thepresent Livian language, whose closest relativeis the southernEstonian Werro (Voru) dialect.81 The penetrationof the Proto-Livsfrom their home to Livonia and Courland wentalong the rivers Gauja (Livländische Aa), Ogra(Oger), and Aiviekste(Ewst). The westwardmigration of theLivs began in thefifth century AD.82 Some small additionsto Johansen'svery enlightening picture can be sug- gested.Recent linguistic studies have proved beyond doubt that the Baltic peoples originallydid not live in thecoastal areas: all theirfishing, maritime, and naviga- tional terminologyis of Fennic,or, to be more precise,Livian and Estonian origin.83Therefore, I suggestthat we not concernourselves with the original Kuri (Cori), who linguisticallymay have been Baits.In any case, the linguistic backgroundof the pre-Fennic population of Courlandis irrelevantto ourquestion,

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 195 since these people remainedahistorical. I do not see the so-called"Kurische Frage" as a vitalhistorical problem. The rulingstrata of Courland,beginning withthe sixthand seventhcenturies, were the historicalCori (Kuri) who,like the Osilians,were Nomadsof the Sea and, usingan Estoniandialect as their linguafranca, were busy organizing and developingtheir military and maritime poweron the territoriesfrom the estuaryof theriver Memel to thelarge Eston- ian islands. Like the EstonianOsilians, the Cori acquiredtheir new political name fromthe territorythey conquered.In contrastto them,the Livs, an- othergroup of newcomersfrom southern Estonia, but one whichwas notactive in empire-building,preferring to engagein long-distancetrade, retained their old name.

Wendsand Iranians In AD 558-568 a smallgroup of giftedorganizers and empire-buildersfrom InnerAsia, youthsof the Hunnicpeople called Var and Khunni,appeared on the easternand northernfrontiers of Byzantium.Initially, they made some ar- rangementswith the Byzantinegovernment. Soon theycrossed the Danube and establishedtheir nomadic Pax, whichhad its centerin Pannonia.Like every nomadicPax, theAvars- or, to be moreprecise, the Pseudo-Avars- had twomain sourcesof income: raidingand blackmailinga sedentaryempire (in thiscase, Byzantium),and conductinginternational trade. The imperialhordes (charismatic clans, in the terminologyused here) of the Pseudo-Avarsengaged primarily in runningthe Pax and maintainingits military strength.Their commercial operations were in the handsof professionallong- distancemerchants from Inner Asia, mainlyof Iranianand Tocharianorigin (Serbs, Croats,Obotriti , Vilti). A balance betweenthe two groupsand their activitieswas maintained,according to the traditionalpattern of cooperation betweennomads and faringmerchants. The Avarsmust have been verysuccessful in theirendeavors, for during the 232 yearsthat their Pax existedin East-CentralEurope (568-800) theyamassed greatriches. Charlemagne's biographer, Einhard (ca. 817-830), wrotethe fol- lowingafter the capitalof the Avarshad beentaken: "All themoney and treas- ure that had been yearsamassing was seized,and no warin whichthe Franks have ever engagedwithin the memoryof man broughtthem such richesand such booty."84 The Avarsblocked the Scandinavians'route to Byzantium, causingthe pauperizationof the peninsula.Also, until800, theAvars were the primaryconcern of thetwo major European powers, Byzantium and theFranks, especiallysince they shared common borders. Since therewere comparativelyfew Avars (they appeared in Europeas fug- itives),they had to relyon the peoplesthey conquered, particularly the Slavs, foradditional manpower. They trained their male slaves,who werebasically of Slavophoneorigin, to servetwo purposes:to be "swordfodder"during their militarycampaigns through Europe, and to be suppliersof bread.The Avars organizeda sophisticatedand efficientsystem to implementthese purposes.

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 196 Journalof BalticStudies It was in thisway thatthe Avarsfostered the beginningof the so-calledSlavic migrations.The Slavs (or Sciavi,to use the better,neutral term) now beganto colonizethe territories abandoned by theGermans. However,the Avarsdid not forsaketheir Inner Asian connections;not only did theycontinue to tradewith the area,but, as archaeologicaldata indicate, theyreceived a steadyif smallstream of newcomersfrom that area between 630 and 700. Amongthe Iranianpeoples within the AvarPax who,we assume, wereprimarily merchants, there were the Serbi (Surbi, Sorabi), Khorbati (Croati), Abotriti, and Vilti/WelatabLThese groupswere apparentlygranted economic controlover the territoriesbetween the Elbe and Oder,and, after 626, someof thementered into cooperative agreements with Frankish merchants. Three Iranian "merchant-tribes"lived outside the Elbe-Saale-Oderbasin. The Khorbati(Croats) were one of the two ruling"tribes" in Bohemiaduring thetenth century, since they and theSurbi /Serbs controlled the Danube- Adriatic region.If one accepts the testimonyof ConstantinePorphyrogenitus (ca. 948; De AdministrandoImperio, chapter 33), the rulingPolish dynasty was also of Iranianorigin ("unbaptized Serbs"). In thisconnection one mustkeep in mind thatthere never existed a "CommonSerbian" or "CommonCroatian" Slavonic language;only the Serbsand Croatsof the givenregion adapted the local Slavic idiom. The Elbe-Abotritiwere called the Nort-Abtrezi by the "GeographusBavarus," who distinguishedthem fromthe Oster- A btrezi,also called Praedenecenti85 They controlledthe crossroadsnear and in BraniSevo,the important trading and miningcenter in the Danube regionlocated near the estuary of theriver Morava into the Danube. Afterthe fall of the AvarPax the Danube Bulgārsoccupied this territory.The Oster-Abtrezi,desiring to be underFrankish protection (as were,at that time,their "relatives" the Nort-Abtrezi ), sent several missions to EmperorLouis I Debonnaire(in 818 to Heristad,in 823 to Frankfurt,and in 824 to Aachen).The matterwas finally agreed upon, and in 827 an openFrankish- Bulgarianconflict broke out. The war overthe Avarsuccession lasted until 845 and was not fullyresolved until 864, whena treatywas signedat Tullnon the Danube. This was also the time(860s) when the Slavic missionof Cyrilland Methodiusstarted, which succeededin creatingthe Slavonicrite. The latter, aftersome misfortunesin Moravia,made a historiccareer (bringing Slavization) as a factorunifying (Danubian) Bulgaria and Rus', the successorof theKhazar empire. The generalimpression which one gets fromstudying the historyof the politicalorganizations of theSurbi, the Welatabi,the Abotriti, and laterthat of theirsuccessors, the Czechs and thePoles, is thatthere was no strongconnection betweenthe dynastyof the superiorkings and the regaliand primoresof the basicallySlavic tribal-territorialorganizations. While the superiorkings readily acceptedChristianity as a necessarystep in evolvinga highercivilization (i.e., a Christianmonarchy), the regali and theirtribes were against such an innovation. Whilethe kingswere successful in Bohemiaand Poland,the Baltic Wends (Obo-

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 197 triti, Vilti)mobilized all theirresources in a belatedrevival of theunproductive paganreligion and the developmentof a kind of anti-Christianism(in praxis, it was an anti-Germanmovement)^ with the resultthat by the twelfthcentury theydisappeared from history. For the purposesof our maintheme, let me makesome summarizingstate- ments: 1. The realmsof theSurbi, Wilti/Welatabi, and Abotriti (originally Iranians, laterSlavophones) were commercially oriented. Evidence of theseactivities are the hoardsof Kuficcoins and otherartifacts and treasuresdiscovered on their territory,as well as the indisputableearly existence along the westernBaltic coast (from the seventhto eighthcentury) of marketplacesand ports.It is reasonableto assumethat the Dmish-Abo triti conflict of 808-809 concerning the emporiumof Rericwas a strugglefor hegemony in the Balticafter the col- lapseof theAvar Pax. 2. The threerealms had theirown charismaticclans, interested in expansion, whichwere recognized as partnersby theFranks and theScandinavian dynasties. 3. Themembers of the realms' charismatic clans bore- as didthe Rus' dynasty- names fromdifferent cultural-linguistic spheres, depending on the political situation,e.g., Iranian(e.g., Wacan,fl. 789), Germanic(Godeleibus, /7. 808; Ceadrag,fl. ca. 820; Sigtryggr,fl 950; Guthscalcus,d. 1066,etc.), or Slavic (Slavomir,/7.81 7-823 ;Goztomuizl, d. 844;Mistui,d. ca. 990, etc.). 4. Since the realmsin questiondid takea directpart in Orientaltrade, mem- bersof theircharismatic clans may be expectedalso to have made careersin EasternEurope. Such occurrencescan be substantiated:in the mid-tenthcen- turyMal"k" Liubechanin,a nativeof theAbotriti town of Lubika,86stayed in Novgorodand later became the maternalgrandfather of Volodimerthe Great(d. 1015).

The culturaldevelopment of mankindbegan in Mesopotamiaand soon spread to the landsaround Mare Nostrum , the Mediterranean Sea (forpractical reasons Chinamust be excludedfrom this overview). Until the eighthto tenthcentury AD, human(European) history was thehistory of thelands around the Mediter- ranean.At thattime, rightly called the VikingAge, a shiftto theNorth started to takeplace. First,the lands bordering the North Sea and thenthe lands around Mare Balticum, the Baltic Sea, were includedin history.This was the most significantresult of theactivity of theVikings. But the Old Norsemenwere not the ones to establishhegemony in Central and EasternEurope. Due to specificdevelopments (the adoption and adaptation of the formerstate- and culture-buildingexperiences), West and CentralEurope becameculturally Slavic. Its easternwing (the Rus',) was rootedin the Khazar achievements,while the Western(the Czechsand the Poles) becamethe succes- sors to the Avars.For this reason,my overviewbegan with the EasternSlavic groupand has endedwith the Western group of theSlavs.

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 198 Journalof BalticStudies NOTES

ABBREVIATIONS

G. De'csy,Einführung = Einführung in die Finnisch-Ugarische Sprachwissenschaft (Wies- baden,1965). B. Granberg,Förteckning = Förteckning över kufìska myntfund i Finland (Helsinki, 1966). J.Jaakkola, SH - SuomenHistoria , vol. 2-3 (Porvoo-Helsinki, 1956-1958). P. Johansen,Nordische Mission = NordischeMission. Revals Gründung und die Schweden - SiedlunginEstland (Stockholm, 1951). KSIA= KratkieSoobshcheniia Institūta Arkheologii, Moscow. KSIIMK= KratkieSoobshcheniia Institūta Istorii Material'noi Kul'tury, Moscow-Leningrad. A. N. Nasonov,Russkaia Zemtia = "Russkaiazemlia" i obrazovanie territorii drevnerusskogo 1951). gosudarstva(Moscow, ' NPL = Novgorodskaiapervaia letopis starshego i mladshego izvodov, ed. A. N. Nasonov (Moscow-Leningrad,1950). PSRL= PolnoeSobranie Russkikh letopisei (St. Petersburg/Leningrad-Moscow). PVL= Povesťvremennykh let, ed. D. S. Likhachev,2 vols. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1950). SSS = Stöwnikstarozytnosci stowianskich (Warsaw, 1961- ; inprogress). M.I. Tikhomirov,Goroda - Drevnerusskiegoroda, 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1956). Y. H. Toivonen,SKES = Y. H. Toivonen,E. Itkonen,A. Joki, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja,6 vols. (Helsinki, 1955-1978). M.Vasmer, REW = MaxVasmer, Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 1953-1958).

1 NPL,78 (s.a. 1242).Cf. Kniga BoVshomu Chertezhu, ed. K. N. Serbina(Moscow-Lenin- grad,1950), 153-55; cf. M. Vasmer, REW, III, 352. 2 M.Vasmer,/?^, III, 352. 3 N. N.Cherniagin, Dlinnye kurganyi sopki [Materialy i issledovaniia po arkheologii SSSR, vol.6J (Moscow-Leningrad, 1941); S. A. Tarakanova,"Dlinnye i udlinennye kurgany," SovetskaiaArkheologiia, 19 (1954), 47-110; F. D. Gurevich,"O dlinnykhi udlinennykh kurganakh,"KSIIMK, 72 (1958),54-65; V. V. Sedov,"Krivichi," Sovetskaia Arkheologiia (1960),No. 1, pp. 47-62. 4 Sedov,"Krivichi," 47-62; cf. review of that article by Krystyna Musianowicz inRocznik Biatostocki,3 (1962), 465-66; V. V. Sedov,S lavia ne verkhnegopodneprovia i podvin'ia (Moscow,1970), 71. 5 BirgerNerman, Archeologische Untersuchungen bei Izborsk, Sitzungsberichte der GelehrtenEstnischen Gesellschaft (1924), 52-73; V. V. Sedov,"Izborsk aia ekspeditsiia," Arkheologicheskieotkrytiia 1972 goda (Moscow, 1973), 39-40; V. V. Sedov,"Raskopki izborskoiekspeditsii," Arkheologicheskie otkrytiia 1973 goda (Moscow, 1974), 31-32. 6 I. K. Labutina,"Okhiannye raskopki v Poskove,"Arkheologicheskie otkrytiia 1972 goda,20-21; K. M. Plotkin,"Raskopki gorodishcha Kamno pod Pskovom," Arkheolo- gicheskieotkrytiia 1973 goda,28; cf.also A. L. Mongait,Arkheologiia v SSSR (Mos- cow,1955), 362; M. I. Tikhomirov,Goroda , 389-90. 7 Sedov,"Raskopki izborskoi ekspeditsii," 31-32. 8 As presentedin theseventeenth-century chronicles, the town's oki name was supposedly Slovensk, since its founder had the name Sloven; see M. Kh.Aleshkovskii, Kamenný e strazhy(Leningrad, 1971), 104. 9 Labutina,"Okhrannye raskopki," 21. 10 Concerningthe piatiny see A. N. Nasonov,Russkaia zemlia, 117-26; concerning the Shelonskaiapia tina, see pp. 118-20; on the Vodskaia piatina, see pp. 120-21. 11 NPL,507.

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 199 12 Ibid.,17; furtherreferences are on pp. 54, 78, 89,95, 253,295, 321, 337, 446, 450. 13 Ibid.,28; further references areon pp. 78, 215, 295, 297, 349, 424, 450-51. 14 Thename Vatland occurs first ca. 1164-1181in thebulla of Pope Alexander III (1159- 1181) to Stephan,bishop of Uppsala(1164-1185); see Diplomatarium Suecanum, ed. J. D. Liljegren,(Stockholm, 1829), I, 257; Liv-,Esth- und Curländisches Urkunden - buch,ed. F. G. Bunge,III (Reval,1857), no. 169a (13 April1241). 15 Hanserezesse,First division (Leipzig, 1870), 7, no.568, § 7. 16 Thebulla of PopeGregory IX to thebishops of Uppsalaand Linköping on 9 January 1230:"pagani Wathlandiae"; seeDiplomatarium Suecanum , I, no.154; cf. S . S. Gadziat- skii,"Votskaia i Izhorsakaiažemli Novgorodskogo gosudarstva," Istoricheskie Zapiski, 6 (1940),103-04. 17 M.Vasmer, REW, I (1953),213; G. Décsy,Einführung, 240. 18 V. V. Sedov,"Etnicheskii sostav naseleniia severo-zapadnykh zemeP Velikogo Nov- goroda(IX-XIV vv.)," Sovetskaia Arkheologiia, 18 (1953), 209-10;A. N. Nasonov, RusskaiaZemlia, 118; E. N. Nosov,"Istochniki po slavianskoikolonizatsii Novgorodskoi zemli,"Vspomogat el'ny e istoricheskiedistsipliny, (Leningrad, 1974), 212-41. 19 Mongait,Arkheologiia vSSSR, 362-64. 20 See PaulJohansen, "Novgorod und die Hanse,"Gedächtnisschrift fürF. Rörig (Lübeck, 1953),121-48. 21 Cf. E. A. Rydzevskaia,"Kholm v Novgorodei drevne-severnyi Hólmgaròr," Izvestiia RossiiskoiAkademii Istorii MateriaVnoi Kul'tury , II (Petrograd,1922), 105-12. On the townSlovensk, the alleged predecessor ofGreat Novgorod, see also M. N. Tikhomirov, Goroda,23-24, 378. 22 PjalarJóns saga, ed. L. F. Tan-Haverhorst (Harlem, 1939), 12. 23 Firstattested to inthe NPL (s.a. 1195),41. As to theetymology, see Johansen, "Nov- gorodund die Hanse," 129. 24 M. I. Zaitsevaand M. I. Millionen,Slovar' vepsskogo iazyka (Leningrad, 1972), 302-03; cf.Johansen, "Novgorod und die Hanse," 129. 25 NPL,17; cf. S. S. Gadziatskii,"Votskaia i Izhorskaia zemli," 102. * 26 A. N. Nasonov,Russkaia Zemlia, 80-81. The Vod firstappear as a componentpart of theNovgorodian army in 1270; see NPL, 89. 27 Aleshkovskii,Kamennye strazhy, 59-60; cf. A. N.Kirpichnikov, Drevnerusskoe oruzhie, I (Moscow-Leningrad,1966), map on p. 50; II (1966),maps on pp. 24 and34. 28 Getica,ed. E. Ch. Skrzhinskaia(Moscow, 1960), p. 150 (text)and pp. 265-66 (com- mentary). 29 Ibn Fadlān,ed. A. P. KovalivsTcyi(Kharkiv, 1956), facsim. pp. 206 a; 207a; 208 a; generallyon thetopic see V. Minorsky,Marvazlon China , the Turks and India (London, 1942),34, 112-14;B. N. Zakhoder,Kaspiiskii svod svedenii o VostochnoiEvropě, II (Moscow,1967), 59-69. 30 GestaHammaburgensis, IV, 19, in Ausgewählte Quellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters,vol XI,ed. W. Trillmich (Berlin, 1961), 458. 31 V. L. Ianin, Denezhno-vesovyie sistemy russkogo srednevekov'ia (Moscow, 1956), 101, 120,pl. l,pl. 2. 32 B. A. Kolchin,Novgorodskie drevnosti. Dereviannye izdelia (Moscow, 1968), 5-10. 33 De AdministrandoImperio, ed. Gyula Moravcsik (Budapest, 1949), 56. 34 I. M.Trotskii, "Voznikno venie Novgorodskoi respubliki," Izvestiia Akademii Nauk SSSR, ser.7 (1932),no. 4, 271-91;no. 5, 349-74. 35 Mongait,Arkheologiia v SSSR, 362; L. A. Golubeva,"Raskopki v Beloozere," Arkheo - logicheskieotkrytiia 1965 goda (Moscow, 1966), 174-76; L. A. Golubeva,"Amfory i krasnoglinianyekuvshiny Beloozera," KSIA, 135(1973), 101-04; cf. also S. I. Kochkur- kina,Iugo-vostochnoe Priladozh'e vX-XIII vv. (Leningrad, 1973); L. A.Golubeva, Ves' i Slavianena Belom ozere X-XIII vv. (Moscow, 1973).

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 200 Journalof BalticStudies 36 PVL,1, 132; cf. A. N. Nasonov,Russkaia Zemlia, 100-04. 37 PSRL,I, ed.E. F. Karskii(Leningrad, 1927), col. 302; cf. A. N. Nasonov,Russkaia Zem- lia,90; M.N. Tikhomirov,Goroda, 418. 38 M.Vasmer, 1,331. 39 NPL,97. 40 TadeuszLehr-Sptewiiíski, "Dzwina," SSS, I, 2 (1962),443. 41 Cf.,e. g.,M. Vasmer, REW, I, 331. 42 D. V. Bubrikh,Proiskhozhdenie kareVskogo naroda (Petrozavodsk, 1947), 28; V. I. Lyt- kin,"Iz istoriislovarnogo sostava permskikh iazykov," Voprosy Iazykoznaniia (1953), No. 5, p. 64; cf.H. Kirkinen,Karjala idän kultuuripiirissä (Bysantin ja Venäjan yhtey- ksistäkeskiajan Karjalaan) (Helsinki, 1963), 36; Mariti Haavio, Bjarmien vallan kukoistus ja tuho:Historiaa ja runoutta (Porvoo, 1965). 43 V. L. Ianin>Denezhno-vesovye sistemy, 101 and pl. 1. 44 Ibid.,120 and pl. 1. 45 See O. Pritsak,The Origin of Rus I, (Cambridge,Mass., 1981), 27, 169,171, 523, 527. 46 See GerardLabuda, Zródta, sagi i legendydo najdawniejszychdziejow Polski (Warsaw, 1960),51-58. 47 GerardLabuda, "Ostsae -Baity k w opisieKróla Alfreda i jego informatorów," inZrôdîà, sagii legendy,58-71; A. Gãters,"Osti und Ostsee," Beiträge zur Namenforschung, 5 (1954),244-48; K. Malone,"King Alfred's North," Speculum, 5(1930), 156-57. 48 Ed. GerardLabuda, Zródta skandynawskie i anglosaskie (Warsaw, 1961), p. 54 (photo- typ.edition), p. 69 (text). 49 P. Johansen,Nordische Mission; Paul Johansen, Die Estlandlistedes Liber Census Daniae (Tallinn-Copenhagen,1933); Paul Johansen, "Der altnordische Name Ösels als verfassungs- geschichtichesProblem," Festschrift Karl Harff (Innsbruck, 1950), 95-110; Lauri Ket- tunen,Etymologische Untersuchungen überestnische Ortsnamen (Helsinki, 1955). 50 M.Vasmer, REW, III, 352. Cf. R. A. Ageeva,"Ob etnonime Chuď (Chukhna, Chukhar')," Etnonimy(Moscow, 1970), 193-203. 51 PVL,I. 40 (s.a. 945), 114 (s.a.1068), 121 (s.a. 1072), 132 (s.a. 1078); II, 210-ll;Atf>I, 111,177, 189, 197. Cf. M. I. Tikhomirov,Goroda, 162-63. 52 NPL,35 (s. a. 1175),71 (s.a.1231), 351 (s.a. 1340), 361 (s.a. 1348), etc. 53 Cf.D. S. Likhachev,inPVL, II, 211. 54 Cf.Kustaa Vilk una, Kainuu-Kvenland. Missä ja mikäl(Helsinki, 1957). 55 Y. H. Toivonen,SKES, I, 142-143.Concerning the Kainuans see J.Jaakkola, SH, II, 302-33(especially chapter 24): "Mitäo li vat muinaiset Kainulaiset"; the map of Kainuu namesis giventhere on p. 303.The name Kainuu still exists in Lappish; see Eliel Lager- crantz,Lappischer Wortschatz (Helsinki, 1939), 258 (no.2044): kajnelatä "Bauer nicht LappischerRasse . . . Finnländer. . . Finneaus Kainuu." 56 J.Jaakkola, SH, 11,312. 57 Ibid.,334-46 (Chapter 26: "Muinaisenpirkkalaisliikkeen alku). Theroutes of the Bir- carliand the sphere of their activities are discussed on pp. 296, 338. 58 Ibid.,map on p. 296. 59 Ibid.,277. 60 B. Granberg,Förteckning, 174-86. 61 J.Jaakkola, SH, 11,306-10. 62 NPL,77; cf.p. 81 (s.a. 1256).Concerning the etymology ofSuomi, see G. Décsy, Ein- führung,238; M. Vasmer, REW, III, 45; Y. H. Toivonen,SKES, IV, 1114-1115. 63 ConcerningTavastaland, see J. Jaakkola, SH, II, 193-203. 64 ConcerningHämä, see J. Jaakkola,SH II, 204-11.The old historyof the Tavastaland is givenin vol. 1 of Harneenhistoria. Esihistoria ja keskiaika, edited by the Hámeen Heimoliitto(Hämeenlinna, 1955), especially 402-21.

This content downloaded from 132.174.254.159 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 14:27:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Slavs,Finns, and Baits 201 65 Y. H. Toivonen,SKES, I, 97. 66 J.Jaakkola, SH, II, 196-200. 67 B. Granberg,Förteckning, 186-209. 68 PVL.1, 10, 13. 69 Ibid.,103. 70 NPL,26. 71 J.Jaakkola, SH, III, 189-281. 72Ibid., II, 212-70;Kiikinen, Kar jala idän kulttuuripiirissä. 73 NPL,27. 74 J.Jaakkola, SH, II, 218-27and the map on p. 221.Cf. also D. V. Bubrikh,Proiskhozh- deniekarel'skogo naroda ; V. N. Bernadskii,I. I. Smirnov,la. A. Balagurov,Ocherki is- toniKarelii, I (Petrozavodsk, 1951), esp. 42-43. 75 J.Jaakkola, SH, II, 239-49;E. Jutikkala(with K. Pirinen),A History of Finland(New York,1969), 12. 76 G.Décsy , Einführung, 238. 77 VitaAnskarii, ed. W. Trillmich inAdam von Bremen (Berlin, 1961), 94, 96. 78 J.Endzelfns, "Uber die Nationalität und Sprache der Kuren," Finnisch-ugrische Forsch- ungen,12(1912), 50-72; V. Kiparsky,Die Kurenfrage (Helsinki, 1939); Ed Šturms, "Zur VorgeschichtederLiven," Eurasia Sept entrionalis Antiqua, 10(1936), 35-53. 79 P. Johansen,"Kurlands Bewohner zu Anfangder historischen Zeit," Baltische Lande, I (Leipzig,1939), 270-306. 80 Ibid.,303-04. 81 Ibid.,304. 82 Ibid.,304-05. 83 ValdisJ. Zeps, Latvian and Finnic Linguistic Convergences (Bloomington, 1962), 84-97. 84 Einhard,Vita Karoli Magno, ed. G. H. Pertzand G. Waitz, (Hannover, 1905), 14. 85 "GeographusBavarus," ed. ErwinHerrmann, in Slawisch-Germanische Beziehungen (Munich,1965), 221; the name Praedenecenti occurs in the "Annales Regni Francorum," s.a.822 (= Herrmann,Slawisch-Germanische Beziehungen, 92) ands.a. 824 (= Herrmann, Slawisch-GermanischeBeziehungen, 94: legatosAbodritorum, qui vulgoPraedenecenti vocantur). 86 PVL,I, 49. Note:I receivedfour relevant recent books only while reading the proofs of this study; thus,I couldnot refer to them here. Fortunately, their data and concepts do notchange mygeneral picture and analysis. The publications inquestion are: Wolfgang H. Fritze, Frühzeitzwischen Ostsee und Donau (Berlin, 1982); C. F. Meinander,ed., Finno-Ugri et Slavi1978 (Helsinki,1980); V. V. Sedov,Vostochnye slaviane v. VI-XIIIvv. (Moscow, 1982);Jerzy Strzelczyk, ed., Stowiaňszczna potabska miqdzy Niemcami a Polsky (Poz- nan,1981).

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