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Coping with Disrupted Lives - a Study of Afghan Girls and !Heir Family Networks

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Coping with Disrupted Lives - a Study of Afghan Girls and !Heir Family Networks SUM Dissertations & Theses No. 04/2003 Coping with disrupted lives - a study of Afghan girls and !heir family networks Bente Damsleth Department of Social Anthropology & Centre for Development and the Environment University of Oslo ---~- SUM Dissertations & Theses No. 04/2003 Coping with disrupted lives - a study of Afghan girls· and their family networks Bente Damsleth Thesis submitted in requirement of Cand. Polit. Degree Department of Social Anthropology University of Oslo © 2003 Author, Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo Title page photo by author: Wafia (20) in Microian neighbourhood in Kabul, April1999 All rights reserved. ISSN 0806-475X The views expressed herein are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Centre for Development and the Environment. 2 ABSTRACT This thesis explores the practical and emotional ways of coping of the generation who has grown up with the war in Afghanistan, and in exile in Peshawar, Pakistan. Based on nine months of fieldwork in 1998/99, the study describes the life histories and the everyday lives of a munber of ymmg girls and their families during the various phases of war in Kabul, and in exile across the border. The study is concerned with the "new" refugees; the urban middle class of educated professionals who left Kabul at the outbreak of the civil war. By focusing on a section of the Afghan refugees that has received little attention, I highlight Liisa Malkki' s point that refugees are not a homogeneous group. In order to address their concerns and understand their coping strategies, they must be seen in the context of their specific political histories. Peshawar is described as a key place in the Afghan diaspora, and the refugees maintain strong links with Kabul as well as with their extended trans-national family networks. Another objective has been to challenge the tendency in international refugee discourse to view people affected by war and displacement as mere victims. I focus on the young girls as social actors without disregarding the difficult circumstances of their lives, attempting to bring out the coping, creative aspects of their life experiences. The girls live within the context of their families, and I have explored the changes in roles and relations within the households. Many of the girls live in female-headed households, and some are income earners. I explore how the girls adapt their new roles to the ideal of the khub dakhtar, the respectful daughter. The girls have all had their educations disrupted by the war, and dream of a future where they can attend schools and universities. Lack of education and livelihood opportunities in a war stricken Kabul, and increasingly difficult living conditions in Peshawar motivate more and more families to attempt migration. The successful ones are those who are able to mobilize resources in their extended family networks abroad. These networks are crucial to the coping of the girls and their families, and the study concludes that despite drastic changes and geographical dispersal, the role of the family has not diminished; the reciprocity norm in family relations still stands strong. The study also explores the various religious and cultural practices the girls and women draw on in order to cope emotionally with grief and loss, practices rooted in a cosmology that emphasize resilience, dignity and the ethos of hiding ones troubled heart with a smile. 3 4 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been written without the inspiration, hospitality and generous time of a number of people. First of all, the participants of the study, the girls and their families who spent time with me, talked with me and shared past and present experiences of life in Kabul and Peshawar. There has been so much production of opinion on behalf of the war stricken Afghan population, and in particular the girls and woman of Kabul. I hope the work of this thesis in some small way can contribute towards a better understanding of their life conditions, and the importance of recognizing that young Afghan girls have a story to tell that should be heard; the story of their own lives. Deep gratitude and thanks in particular to my two assistants who also became my friends, discussion partners and key informants. I thank you for allowing me to write your life histories. I have tried to repay your trust in me by treating the material with respect and dignity, just like you treated me. The thesis has been written as part of a research programme; The Dynamics of Forced Migration in situations of Conflict, under the leadership of professor Kristi-Anne St0len at the Centre for Development and the Environment (SUM) at the University of Oslo, and I thank SUM for the grant and the opportunity to write my thesis in an inspiring and friendly environment. In the process, St0len became my thesis supervisor, and I am very grateful for her constructive comments, her time and thoroughness. Thank you! I would also like to thank my first supervisor, professor Unni Wikan, who was encouraging me in a period of the writing process where I saw no hope of ever completing. It has been at times hard to "stay close to my material" as she advised me, because it seemed overwhelming. Finally, a major thanks to friends and family who have supported me in so many ways, and to my "support group" Anita and Janikke who have read and commented on chapters and have given invaluable advice and moral support. Last but not least deep gratitude goes to Knut Einar, who has believed in me, supported me and been there for me for two years without knowing of any other Bente than the one who was always writing her thesis. I promise, better times are coming up! Bente Damsleth, Oslo, October 2002 5 ~-~--------~--------- 6 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 11 Field and focus ..................................................................................................................... 11 Analytical concerns ................................................................................................................ 14 Coping with disrupted lives .................................................................................................. 14 The actor-oriented approach ................................................................................................. 15 Gender and generation ......................................................................................................... 1 7 Micro and macro-history ...................................................................................................... 18 Constructing life histories .................................................................................................... 19 The structure of the thesis ..................................................................................................... 20 Map of Afghanistan( showing Kabul and Peshawar) .......................................................... 21 CHAPTER 1: IDSTORY AND BACKGROUND ........................................ 23 Afghanistan and its people ...........................................................................................•........ 23 Kabul identity ....................................................................................................................... 25 Education .............................................................................................................................. 26 Social organization ............................................................................................................... 26 Women and honour .............................................................................................................. 27 The macro history of the war ............................................................................................•... 28 The Monarchy and modernization ....................................................................................... 28 The Republic coup and the Saur revolution ......................................................................... 29 The Russian war and the jihad ............................................................................................. 29 Dr. Najib and the Mujahedin government ............................................................................ 30 The Taliban .......................................................................................................................... 3 1 Kabul- a population on the move ....................................................................................... 33 The war economy ................................................................................................................. 34 Life in exile - Peshawar ...........................................................•..........................................•... 35 The status of the refugees ..................................................................................................... 35 The Afghan diaspora ............................................................................................................ 36 The new refugees ................................................................................................................. 3 7 The town dwellers ................................................................................................................ 38 The camp dwellers ..............................................................................................................
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