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55 130516 Informe Especial El Congreso Argentino.Indd
SPECIAL REPORT The Argentinian Congress: political outlook in an election year Buenos Aires, May 2013 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO THE ARGENTINIAN CONGRESS: POLITICAL OUTLOOK IN AN ELECTION YEAR 1. INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION 2. WHAT HAPPENED IN 2012? 3. 2013 OUTLOOK On 1st March 2013, the president of Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, opened a new regular sessions’ period in the Argentinian 4. JUSTICE REFORM AND ITS Congress. POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES 5. 2013 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS In her message, broadcasted on national radio and television, the 6. CONCLUSIONS head of state summarized the main economic indicators of Argentina AUTHORS and how they had developed over the last 10 years of Kirchner’s LLORENTE & CUENCA administration, a timeframe she called “a won decade”. National deputies and senators, in Legislative Assembly, attended the Presidential speech after having taken part in 23 sessions in each House, which strongly contrasts with the fi gure registered in 2011, when approximately a dozen sessions were held. The central point of her speech was the announcement of the outlines of what she called “the democratization of justice”. The modifi cation of the Judicial Council, the creation of three new Courts of Cassation and the regulation of the use of precautionary measures in lawsuits against the state were, among others, the initiatives that the president promised to send to Congress for discussion. Therefore, the judicial system reform became the main political issue in the 2013 public agenda and had a noteworthy impact on all areas of Argentinian society. -
Argentine Democratic Politics in an Era of Global Economic Crisis
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 8, No. 1: 1-25 Argentine Democratic Politics in an Era of Global Economic Crisis Alejandro Bonvecchi and Javier Zelaznik Abstract This essay investigates the political and economic conditions that shaped Argentina´s response to the international economic crisis of 2008-2009 and its effects on the democratic regime. Argentina managed not only to preserve its democracy but also to improve its citizens' level of support for it during the crisis. Three factors account for these outcomes. One is the government's ability to obtain funding for its counter-cyclical policies, which enabled it to redress some of the economic and social effects of the crisis. Another factor is the government's success in presenting its statist and redistributive policy responses as a break with the past, thus recreating expectations of change to the status quo and hope for a better future. Finally, the timing of the legislative election and the coalitional dynamics of the opposition allowed the government to perform a strategic shift, which effectively reshaped the political agenda and enabled the ruling coalition to recover from an important electoral defeat by reinventing its nature. These factors enabled the incumbent government to recast the continuity of its previous policies as a novel response to the crisis, and thus rekindle the basis for a positive assessment of the democratic regime among citizens. Key words: Argentina, democracy, economic crisis, elections. The political effects of the international economic crisis of 2008-2009 in Latin America were somewhat anomalous. Contrary to the expectations born out of the experience of the Great Depression, the crisis did not weaken but strengthened public support for democracy. -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
Casaroes the First Y
LATIN AMERICA AND THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER GLOBAL THE NEW AND AMERICA LATIN Antonella Mori Do, C. Quoditia dium hucient. Ur, P. Si pericon senatus et is aa. vivignatque prid di publici factem moltodions prem virmili LATIN AMERICA AND patus et publin tem es ius haleri effrem. Nos consultus hiliam tabem nes? Acit, eorsus, ut videferem hos morei pecur que Founded in 1934, ISPI is THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER an independent think tank alicae audampe ctatum mortanti, consint essenda chuidem Dangers and Opportunities committed to the study of se num ute es condamdit nicepes tistrei tem unum rem et international political and ductam et; nunihilin Itam medo, nondem rebus. But gra? in a Multipolar World economic dynamics. Iri consuli, ut C. me estravo cchilnem mac viri, quastrum It is the only Italian Institute re et in se in hinam dic ili poraverdin temulabem ducibun edited by Antonella Mori – and one of the very few in iquondam audactum pero, se issoltum, nequam mo et, introduction by Paolo Magri Europe – to combine research et vivigna, ad cultorum. Dum P. Sp. At fuides dermandam, activities with a significant mihilin gultum faci pro, us, unum urbit? Ublicon tem commitment to training, events, Romnit pari pest prorimis. Satquem nos ta nostratil vid and global risk analysis for pultis num, quonsuliciae nost intus verio vis cem consulicis, companies and institutions. nos intenatiam atum inventi liconsulvit, convoliis me ISPI favours an interdisciplinary and policy-oriented approach perfes confecturiae audemus, Pala quam cumus, obsent, made possible by a research quituam pesis. Am, quam nocae num et L. Ad inatisulic team of over 50 analysts and tam opubliciam achum is. -
Argentina: the National Congress Under the Gaze of a Lame Duck Kirchnerism?
SPECIAL REPORT Argentina: The National Congress under the gaze of a lame duck Kirchnerism? Buenos Aires, April 2015 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO ARGENTINA: THE NATIONAL CONGRESS UNDER THE GAZE OF A LAME DUCK KIRCHNERISM? 1. INTRODUCTION In 2015 we could witness the end of a political process called 1. INTRODUCTION “Kirchnerism”, which has governed Argentine for 12 years in a 2. KIRCHNERISM AND LEGISLATIVE row, and which was started by Nestor Kirchner in 2003 and then POWER continued by his wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner for two 3. THE CONGRESS IN 2014 more terms. 4. EXPECTATIONS FOR 2015 5. ¿AND WHAT ABOUT 2016? This year will also be a period deeply influenced by electoral 6. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS politics. The Argentinian Constitution prevents a new reelection of the current President. This means the President is living her last year in office and December the 10th 2015 it will be the last AUTHOR day of her term. We could have a second round on the elections which are always formed by the primary elections and the first round: this second round is known as the Ballotage or second round1. To this possible second round we need to add the provincial and municipal elections. In the most populated districts the elections will be divided (Federal capital, Cordoba, Mendoza and Santa Fe). Apart from the new President, new seats for the National Congress will also be elected. So far, the governing party rules the legislative agenda and is in possession of a majority of one's own although with a lower number of parliamentarians. -
PRIMARY ELECTIONS Special Report
PRIMARY ELECTIONS Special Report WHAT IS AT STAKE? Provincial Elections President 24 130 National Representatives Provinces of Catamarca, Buenos Aires, and the City of Vicepresident National Senators Buenos Aires held primary elections to governor while Santa Cruz had general election. NATIONAL PROVISIONAL RESULTS OF THE PRIMARY ELECTIONS s 47.65% PARTICIPATION: 75,78% Alberto Fernández – Cristina Fernández de Kirchner 32.08% Mauricio Macri - Miguel Ángel Pichetto 8.22% Roberto Lavagna – Juan Manuel Urtubey 2.86% Nicolás del Caño – Romina del Pla 2.63% Juan J. Gómez Centurión – Cynthia Hotton 2.18% José Luis Espert – Luis Rosales ELECTORAL THRESHOLD 1.5% 0.71% Manuela Castañeira – Eduardo Mulhall 0.24% Alejandro Biondini – Enrique Venturino 0.14% Raul Albarracín – Sergio Pastore 0.13% José Antonio Romero Feris – Guillermo Sueldo POLITICAL SUPPORT KEYS #1 THE CENTER REGION VOTE #2 BUENOS AIRES SUPPORT #3 THE REST OF THE COUNTRY The National Government In the first section of the Other provinces, mainly driven expected to count with greater province of Buenos Aires, by the support of several support in Córdoba and Santa bastion of Cambiemos in 2015 Peronist governors, also added Fe, that along with Mendoza, and 2017, the officialism got an important part of votes that would provide a number of adverse results from expected summed up in the final result votes to face the tight scenario while in the other two -of an led Alberto Fernández to win in the province of Buenos Aires, average lower income-, the with several points ahead. but finally it turned the opposite Frente de Todos prevailed with way. -
Argentina: a Change of Course
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNALPOLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT BRIEFING Argentina: A change of course Author: Jesper TVEVAD On 10 December 2015, Mauricio Macri will assume the presidency of Argentina for four years, replacing President Cristina Fernández who has been in power since 2007. Macri, who has been mayor of the city of Buenos Aires since 2007, was elected to the post in the second round of the On 22 November 2015, presidential elections on 22 November 2015, when he received 51.4 % of the Mauricio Macri, candidate vote, against 48.6 % for Daniel Scioli of the governing Front for Victory (Frente of a coalition named 'Let's change' (Cambiemos), was para la Victoria, FpV). elected president of Macri was the candidate of a coalition named 'Let's change' (Cambiemos), Argentina. He will assume which included his own centre-right 'Republican Proposal' (Propuesta office on 10 December. Republicana, PRO). He is the first elected president in more than a century not to come from one of Argentina's two dominant political forces, the Peronist Macri received 51.4 % of the Party and the Radical Civic Union (Unión Cívica Radical, UCR). Macri's election vote in the second round of ends 12 years of Peronist governments under President Néstor Kirchner the presidential elections. (2003-2007) and his wife and successor, Cristina Fernández; it may also spell the demise of 'kirchnerism' (kirchnerismo), a broad popular movement representing the legacy of the Peronist tradition. However, parliamentary and His election ends 12 years provincial elections on 25 October confirmed the FpV as the strongest sector of Peronist governments. -
Argentina's Trade Policy in the Context of Latin American Populism Natalie M
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Senior Theses Honors College 5-2017 Is Populism Against Trade? Argentina's Trade Policy in the Context of Latin American Populism Natalie M. Pita Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses Part of the International Business Commons Recommended Citation Pita, Natalie M., "Is Populism Against Trade? Argentina's Trade Policy in the Context of Latin American Populism" (2017). Senior Theses. 201. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses/201 This Thesis is brought to you by the Honors College at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IS POPULISM AGAINST TRADE? ARGENTINA’S TRADE POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF LATIN AMERICAN POPULISM By Natalie M. Pita Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation with Honors from the South Carolina Honors College May 2017 Approved: Gerald A. McDermott Director of Thesis William R. Hauk, Jr. Second Reader Steve Lynn, Dean For South Carolina Honors College TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................3 OVERVIEW OF POPULISM.....................................................................................................7 POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA.........................................................................................11 A RETURN TO POPULISM?.................................................................................................13 -
Argentina and the Falkland Islands
Argentina and the Falkland Islands Standard Note: SN/IA/5602 Last updated: 27 January 2012 Author: Vaughne Miller Section IADS This Note looks briefly at the government in Argentina under Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, who has pursued the Argentinean claim to sovereignty of the Falkland Islands as a constitutional mandate. The arguments on the Argentinean and British sides have not changed with a change of government, while recent developments such as changes to the way in which fishing licences are issued and oil exploration around the Falklands, are continuing to affect bilateral relations. The Falklands/Malvinas are regularly debated at the United Nations Committee on Decolonization, at which a resolution is adopted calling on the two sides to talk about the issues. Successive UK governments have insisted that it is the Falkland Islanders themselves who have the right to decide on their destiny. Argentina maintains that the UN principle of the right to self-determination does not apply in the case of the Falklanders. Both the UK and Argentina accuse each other of colonialism. See Standard Note 6201 for information on the defence of the Falklands. Contents 1 The Argentinean Government 2 1.1 Néstor Kirchner Government 2 1.2 Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Government 4 2 UK relations with Argentina 6 3 The Falkland Islands 8 3.1 UK Government’s position on Falklands sovereignty 8 3.2 Argentinean views on sovereignty of the Malvinas 10 This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. -
Left Versus Right Populism: Antagonism and the Social Other
Left versus Right Populism: Antagonism and the Social Other Pierre Ostiguy and María Esperanza Casullo [email protected] [email protected] Article very much in progress. Presented at the 67th PSA Annual International Conference, Glasgow, UK, 10-12 April 2017 Most theoretical works on populism are still pitched at the level of the category, or “root concept” (Collier and Levitsky 2009; Goertz 2006), although the “Tower of Babel” on the concept may be less than a few decades ago, at least in political science and sociology. A newer and much needed literature has begun to tackle the sub- categories of left- and right- populism (Filc 2010; Mudde and Rovira 2013, Roberts 2016; Zaslove 2008; Otjes and Louwerse, 2013; Stavrakakis and Katsambekis 2014).1 This more recent development has been triggered both by the emergence of clearly leftwing populism in the South of a continent, Europe, convinced that that populism was for all practical extent on the right, as well as by the increasing cross-regional comparison between Europe and Latin America, where populism in its third wave (the “Bolivarian” type) has been very clearly on the left, but which has also seen its share of right-wing populist leaders, like Carlos Menem and arguably Alvaro Uribe). In that much needed “descent” in the ladder of generalization, there is however a substantial danger that the rich theoretical unity of the concept may be lost or reduced to some trite banality, such as “anti-establishment politics”, a dichotomy between a “good” or “pure” people and a “bad” or “corrupt” elite, or even “irrational”, “angry” or “demagogical” politics. -
Neoliberal Crisis, Social Demands and Foreign Policy in Kirchnerist Argentina
Neoliberal crisis, social demands, and foreign policy in Kirchnerist Argentina* Anabella Busso** Abstract Traditionally, Argentine foreign policy has been regarded as the domain of the executive, and a laudable expression of realism. Perspectives that include domestic variables as a source of foreign policy have only emerged relatively recently, and have only assumed importance in a redemocratised Argentina in the course of its recurrent economic and political crises in the late 20th and early 21st century. This dynamic was particularly marked during and after the crisis of 2001. As a result, Kirchnerist foreign policy was affected by a range of complex domestic factors. The aim of this article is to show how those factors drove the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner, without abandoning executive primacy, to prioritise a neodevelopmental economic model, and combine them with an autonomous foreign policy which they believed to be the only way to meet the social demands of those affected by the neoliberal crisis. Keywords: Foreign Policy; Public Policy; Crisis; Domestic Constraints; Kirchnerism. Introduction The influence of domestic factors and social demands over foreign policy is more evident in a redemocratised Argentina. Previously, when foreign policy was still being made in the realist tradition, it was conceived as an elite activity, intended to address and respond to systemic factors alone. Events over the past 30 years prove that, besides external influences, foreign policy has been permanently affected by domestic constraints that have impacted on its contents and its level of politicisation. This is closely related to the successive crises Argentina has experienced since 1983, most seriously in 2001, which can be described as akin to a ‘state collapse’. -
Pension System Reforms in Argentina
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Digital Archive at Oslo and Akershus University College Silvia I. Reyna Rickert ________________________________ Pension System Reforms in Argentina Why the U-Turn? Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences Abstract The 2008 Argentine pension reform represented a new change of paradigm in the country’s pension policy. It encompassed the elimination of the fully funded, defined contribution (DC), private tier of the so-called Integrated Retirement and Pensions System (SIJP) – a two- tiered arrangement implemented in 1994 and inspired by the World Bank’s recommendations contained in the work Averting the Old Age Crisis (World Bank 1994). And the shift back to a publicly managed, single-tiered pension system provided in a pay-as-you-go defined benefit (PAYG-DB) basis: the Argentine Integrated Retirement System (SIPA). In order to finally explain these events, in this thesis I present a detailed account of the events that took place in 2008, divided into six chapters. The first chapter introduces the topic, its background and the research question: Why did Argentina change its pension system back to a one-tiered, pay as you go DB system in 2008? The second explains the appropriateness of the research strategy and the design chosen for this study. In the third chapter, the reader is introduced to the events under analysis and the possible explanations or “suspects” to be explored upon. The fourth chapter provides the framework and settings to understand Argentina’s policy making process.