“It Should Be Your Utopia:” Exploring LGBTQ Perspectives of LA Gay Bar

Home , Gay bar

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

“It Should Be Your Utopia:”

Exploring LGBTQ Perspectives of L.A. Gay Bar Culture and the Straight Takeover

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

For the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology

Jeffrey A. Nelson

May 2019

The thesis of Jeffrey A. Nelson is approved:

______

Dr. Stacy Missari Date

______

Dr. Karen Morgaine Date

______

Dr. Moshoula Capous-Desyllas, Chair Date

California State University, Northridge

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

COPYRIGHT PAGE ...... ii SIGNATURE PAGE ...... iii ABSTRACT ...... vi INTRODUCTION ...... 1 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 3 Urbanization and Geography ...... 6 A Sense of Community Connected to Sexual Identity ...... 9 The Invasion of Heteronormativity ...... 10 Challenging the Notion of a Post-Gay Society ...... 12 Conclusion ...... 13 THEORETICAL APPROACH ...... 14 Queer Theory ...... 14 Application to Research ...... 16 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 17 Researcher Positionality and Reflexivity ...... 17 Phenomenological Approach ...... 18 Research Questions ...... 18 Participants and Recruitment ...... 19 Data Analysis and Interpretation Procedures ...... 19 Trustworthiness and Rigor ...... 20 FINDINGS ...... 21 Portrait of the Participants ...... 21 Table 1: Participant Demographics ...... 21 Established Gay Bar Regions in Los Angeles ...... 23 WeHo ...... 23 Silver Lake ...... 27 The SFV ...... 29 DTLA ...... 31 Community and Meaning Assessment of Gay Bar Attendance ...... 32 Bonding and Meeting Spaces ...... 33 Identity Confirmation and Empowerment ...... 34 Queer Events ...... 39 A Straight Presence in Los Angeles Gay Bars ...... 40 Heterosexual Playground ...... 40 Perceptions and Impacts of a Straight Presence ...... 42 Positive Aspects ...... 51 Comfort and Community ...... 51 Diversity in Voices ...... 53 Challenging Aspects ...... 54 Judgment and Pressure to Conform ...... 54 Cis Gay Male-Dominated Spaces ...... 56 Hookup Apps ...... 57 Racial Issues ...... 59

Commercialization and Gentrification ...... 60 Reconciliation and Resistance ...... 64 Self-Confidence ...... 64 Engaging with Choice ...... 65 Managing Expectations ...... 67 Perceived Changes in Los Angeles Gay Bar Culture ...... 69 Inclusiveness in Gay Bar Cultures ...... 69 Acceptance and Commercialization ...... 71 Modern Intentions in the Modern Gay Bar Scene ...... 73 The Next Generation of LGBTQ Gay Bar Patrons ...... 75 Forging the Path of the Los Angeles Gay Bar Scene ...... 77 Interaction and Inclusion ...... 77 Holding Onto Our Roots ...... 78 Decentralizing Los Angeles Gay Bars ...... 80 DISCUSSION ...... 83 Implications ...... 83 Geography Defines Queerness ...... 83 Selectively Inclusive ...... 85 Straight Intentions ...... 87 Self-Reflection ...... 90 Ethical Issues ...... 92 Limitations ...... 93 Future Research ...... 94 CONCLUSION ...... 96 REFERENCES ...... 98

ABSTRACT

“It Should Be Your Utopia:”

Exploring LGBTQ Perspectives of L.A. Gay Bar Culture and the Straight Takeover

Jeffrey A. Nelson

Master of Arts in Sociology

The rapidly evolving gay bar culture in Los Angeles and an increased straight presence in gay bars are complex phenomena. This study aims to highlight the lived experiences of

LGBTQ gay bar patrons as they relate to gay bar culture in Los Angeles, and an increased straight presence in gay bars. Using a phenomenological lens, twenty lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) gay bar patrons were recruited for one- on-one, in-depth interviews to examine the meanings they attach to these phenomena, and how they navigate changes over time. Eight findings emerged: (1) geographic location of gay bars defines queerness; (2) gay bars are spaces of bonding and empowerment; (3) straight folks in gay bars are conditionally acceptable, dependent upon intention and the level of respect; (4) Los Angeles gay bars provide comfort and diversity; (5) judgment and commercialization alienates LGBTQ gay bar patrons; (6) LGBTQ gay bar patrons carefully establish identity to reconcile with challenges; (7) meanings that are attached to the gay bar scene change with age; (8) holding onto historical roots and expanding upon

them is important as the scene evolves. These findings demonstrate how geography defines queerness, the selectively inclusive practices in gay bars, perceived intentions of straight people in gay bars, and the importance of self-reflection in the negotiation of personal identity and the identity displayed in gay bar spaces.

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INTRODUCTION

Queer spaces such as gay bars have operated as a place for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) individuals to form and display their identity away from the expectations and judgments of the heteronormative discourse. As society has come to further recognize LGBTQ identities, gay bars in particular have become more commercialized and visible to the public eye. While a greater level of acceptance towards

LGBTQ identities is welcomed progress, it also has its negative effects—the owners of bars/clubs and their investors use sexuality as a means to control the LGBTQ community and profit from it. West Hollywood (WeHo) is known as the gay district in Los Angeles,

California, which serves as a safe space for the LGBTQ community. However, straight men are entering gay bars to follow straight women seeking a safe space. Brown-

Saracino (2011) and Matejskova (2007) establish how LGBTQ individuals perceive straight presence in queer spaces. The conclusions drawn from existing literature vary regarding perceptions of the appropriation of gay culture by straight people. Most recently, Hartless (2018) explores how patrons determine the symbolic and practical functionality of questionably queer spaces based on marketing and aesthetic choices of these spaces. The findings from this research illustrate how bar and club owners often utilize vague marketing with the intention of catering to straight customers; this brings into question whether these spaces can continue to be considered “queer.” Hartless

(2018) highlights the ways in which straight people are invading formerly queer spaces, and how gay bars are changing their image as exclusively LGBTQ environments to embrace a post-gay ideology for profit.

Media outlets have also explored this phenomenon (Farber 2017; Cheves 2017), although an academic lens would provide a valuable addition to the conversation. While previous studies have touched on the straight presence in gay bar culture more generally

(Hartless 2018; Matejskova 2007), none have explored how LGBTQ gay bar patrons have reconciled the phenomenon of straight clientele entering spaces that have historically been the domain of members of the LGBTQ community. The literature does not directly address trans people in gay bars, and often leaves bisexual folks invisible, which is why some of the following language in the literature review specifically refers to lesbians and gay men, instead of LGBTQ, as it is important to not assume that their lived experiences match those of trans, bisexual, or queer-identified individuals. Using a phenomenological lens, this study explores the following overarching research questions:

How does gay bar culture change across primary Los Angeles geographic spaces— particularly within gay bars in WeHo, Silver Lake, the San Fernando Valley (SFV), and

Downtown Los Angeles (DTLA)? What meanings do LGBTQ patrons associate with attending gay bars? How does the presence of straight customers impact the experiences of gay bar culture? How do LGBTQ gay bar patrons navigate the changes in the gay bar culture over time? The purpose of this research is to utilize a phenomenological qualitative interview methodology to better understand the lived experiences of LGBTQ gay bar patrons in the modern Los Angeles scene as a result of the increase in straight- identified customer attendance.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Establishments such as gay bars have provided the LGBTQ community with a safe space where patrons have the potential to escape many of the pressures and expectations placed on them by a heteronormative society that exercises power in the form of oppression (Adams 2018; Bell and Binnie 2004; Croff et al. 2017; Davis 2013;

Doan and Higgins 2011; Ghaziani 2014; Gruskin et al. 2007; Lea et al. 2015; Matejskova

2007; Moran et al. 2003; Valentine and Skelton 2003). The Stonewall riots are an example of a social uprising that increased the visibility of queer spaces. However, there is a lack of research regarding how queer spaces are defined in modern times considering the increase in the access and visibility of queer spaces in large cities, including gay bars.

Humphreys (1972; 1975) was one of the earliest scholars to use ethnographic field research to study gay spaces during a time when LGBTQ communities were highly stigmatized and criminalized. While he is best known for his work Tearoom Trade:

Impersonal Sex in Public Places in which he shattered the stereotypes of men who have sex with men and their perceived threat to straight men, he is also recognized for his 1972 book named Out of the Closets: The Sociology of Homosexual Liberation, which explores the aspirations and goals of gay liberation and the systemic harm reproduced by heteronormativity. Aldrich (2004) provides a historical context to the shifting queer spaces, finding that LGBTQ communities have always used the city as an escape from social constraints and to ultimately establish what is now LGBTQ culture. This overview points out how the notion of the city as an escape has always existed throughout history around the world as a form of sexual expression. D’Emilio (1998) explores the

“homosexual emancipation movement” of the 1950s and 1960s to challenge myths of

invisibility associated with LGBTQ life and activism during and after World War II. He argues that identity consciousness led to a mass “coming out,” which would influence

LGBTQ activist groups and the individuals that formed and took part in them, including the Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis (D’Emilio 1998). Aldrich (2004) and

D’Emilio (1998) provide historical context to the shifting perceptions of the LGBTQ community, which vary depending on the geographic location.

While Los Angeles is often portrayed as being progressive, this city has served, and continues to serve, as a site for many struggles for the LGBTQ community. New

York and San Francisco are known for most of the LGBTQ movements in the United

States, although LGBTQ communities in Los Angeles also experienced police raids and other forms of physical harassment from police officers towards LGBTQ folks on the

Sunset Strip in the 1960s, which resulted in a series of riots and protests (Baldwin 2006).

Police entrapment practices and ultraconservative ideologies in Los Angeles required queer spaces to operate underground (Faderman and Timmons 2006). Faderman and

Timmons (2006) provide a window into the uprising of LGBTQ groups, which acted to organize around their shared sexual and gender-related identities to improve their living conditions and perceptions of the LGBTQ community as a whole. Gay bars acted as a space for LGBTQ individuals to congregate, which made them vulnerable to police raids and harassment, although lesbian bars were targeted less frequently due to increased heteronormative judgments being passed on gay men (Faderman and Timmons 2006).

However, many LGBTQ folks feared the destruction of their careers and social lives as a result of police raids in gay bars. Faderman and Timmons (2006) note that many working-class and young lesbians were less hesitant to attending these bar spaces, even

despite potential threats. Rather than using police raids as the primary tactic, law enforcement focused on attacking lesbian bars through other means, such as charging them with serving alcohol to an already intoxicated person. Nevertheless, the LGBTQ community in Los Angeles remained relentless in order to allow these communal spaces to exist.

While the Stonewall riots of 1969 are some of the most widely recognized events of activism in LGBTQ history, the Black Cat Raid that took place in the Black Cat

Tavern in Los Angeles on January 1, 1967 inspired the first protests in America to attract a significant number of LGBTQ folks, which took place two years before the Stonewall riots happened (Armstrong and Crage 2006; Baldwin 2006). However, unlike the

Stonewall riots, the Black Cat protests did not receive media coverage, which resulted in it failing to become noted as a significant moment in gay history. The pre-Stonewall era of the struggle for gay rights in Los Angeles is a rich history that includes the creation of gay rights organizations known as Mattachine and ONE (White 2009). White (2009) primarily focuses on the narrative and workings of ONE, which emerged from

Mattachine. While he notes that there is confusion regarding which gay bar was the first to open in Los Angeles, WeHo, originally called Sherman, became a safe place for many gay men, as it existed outside of the LAPD’s reach (White 2009). Faderman and

Timmons (2006) assert that gay bars in large cities have historically acted as a safe space for defining queer ideals, as gay soldiers returning from serving in World War II ventured back to Los Angeles for the city’s gay underground nightlife in order to meet one another in a more discreet fashion, given the city’s large population.

Urbanization and Geography

Many studies examine the geography of how gay neighborhoods, also known as gayborhoods, have become established within the city—these neighborhoods are safe spaces where sexuality is fostered and celebrated (Aldrich 2004; Bell and Binnie 2004;

Doan and Higgins 2011; Ghaziani 2014; Hubbard 2008; Lewis 2013; Maliepaard 2015;

Mattson 2015; Philen 2006; Simpson 2014; Valverde and Cirak 2003). Gayborhoods are defined as a geographic focal point where it is commonly known by locals that gays and lesbians establish the atmosphere through markers, such as rainbow flags (Ghaziani

2014). While straight-identifying individuals have the privilege of living in a society that caters to their leisure preferences, identities, and experiences, LGBTQ individuals continue to seek out spaces where they feel that they can be who they are without judgment from the mainstream discourse in both progressive and socially conservative geographic locations (Aldrich 2004). Struggles within the city are often defined by the differences that exist between groups (Bell and Binnie 2004). The marginalization and oppression of a minority group intensifies the need for a safe space, where these individuals can surround themselves with other members of this identity. However, the political environment of a given geographic area widely impacts the availability and safety in accessing these spaces (Aldrich 2004; Croff et al. 2017; Philen 2006; Valverde and Cirak 2003). Croff et al. (2017) explores safety within gay bars in conservative areas since the Pulse nightclub massacre in Orlando on June 12th, 2016. This study emphasizes that LGBTQ communities in conservative areas are concerned that they may be targeted with violence due to their stigmatized minority identity. There is a social value attached to resources such as gay bars for LGBTQ individuals, which is put at risk by the threat of

potential violence particularly within conservative areas. Even with this risk, LGBTQ folks in rural areas benefit from being able to access their sexual identity through available queer spaces when they are accessible (Croff et al. 2017).

There is a perceived sense of safety provided by a gayborhood, although sexual orientation-based hate crimes still take place in these areas. Stotzer (2010) analyzes hate crime data in Los Angeles County, and the relationship these statistics have to WeHo.

While this study reports that WeHo has a higher number of raw counts of hate crimes, the area does not have the highest risk of LGB folks being the targets of hate crimes; LGB folks are more at risk of a sexual orientation-based hate crime outside of WeHo. These hate crimes are predominantly based on an area’s median income, overall population density, and the amount of entertainment businesses in a specific area. Stotzer’s (2010) study indicates that there is less of a risk that LGB residents will be victimized in WeHo than in public spaces that are primarily heterosexual spaces. Since there are a high number of LGB people taking part in gay-friendly businesses in WeHo, there is a greater likelihood of opportunistic crime. For the perpetrator, these attacks are a way to reduce the stresses of economic hardship by targeting a more vulnerable population with violence (Stotzer 2010). This study argues that the percentage of LGB folks in a particular area should not be the main predictor in determining what spaces are considered safe or unsafe; an area’s median income, overall population density, and number of entertainment businesses are more meaningful factors.

Geographical analyses of gayborhoods, such as WeHo, explore the gentrification and commercialization of gay bars, which exploits the individuals who belong to these communities through increasing the price of leisure and turning LGBTQ culture into

spectacle for straight folks (Bell and Binnie 2004; Binnie and Skeggs 2004; Doan and

Higgins 2011; Ghaziani 2014; Hubbard 2008; Lewis 2013; Matejskova 2007; Mattson

2015). For example, Maliepaard (2015) concludes that gay men and lesbian women are the primary target of this exploitation within the queer community, simultaneously perpetuating the invisibility of bisexuals and other queer identities. Ghaziani (2014) utilizes gentrification to emphasize the intersection of sexual orientation and class to explain the phenomenon of heterosexual people seeking out gayborhoods for leisure activities. “Super-gentrifiers” are powerful business professionals who have access to resources that allow them to invest in districts with the agenda of shifting the purpose of these spaces for their own needs (Doan and Higgins 2011; Ghaziani 2014). Bars, bookstores, bathhouses, and other LGBTQ spaces are threatened by chain markets designed for mass appeal towards a heterosexual customer base with the focus of retail commerce, utilizing the niche market of LGBTQ spaces as a means to intrigue heterosexual newcomers with a sense of culture as spectacle (Ghaziani 2014). Some businesses in the gayborhood contort marketing strategies used to attract LGBTQ customers to sell a cultural experience for heterosexual folks. Gay-identified businesses in gentrified areas are targeting straight customers with their marketing to appeal to a wider demographic. Geography remains an important element in studying gay bars and other queer spaces, as areas that stigmatize alternative gender and sexual identities encounter very little gentrification or commercialization, if at all (Aldrich 2004; Philen

2006). When these spaces remain less visible, these establishments do not have the expectations to meet standards established by a heteronormative, patriarchal society.

A Sense of Community Connected to Sexual Identity

While leisure is certainly a draw for gay bars (Calder 2015; Davis 2013; Holt and

Griffin 2003; Johnson and Samdahl 2005; Lea et al. 2015), this scene also provides a sense of belonging to this community through other means, such as providing comfort and safety to LGBTQ individuals. The formation and display of identity are important expressions of the self that are provided within the gay bar scene (Brown-Saracino 2011;

Ghaziani 2014; Gruskin et al. 2007; Holt and Griffin 2003; Lewis 2013; Matejskova

2007; Moran et al. 2003; Philen 2006; Valentine and Skelton 2003). Davis (2013) examines gay bars as safe spaces with the understanding that these feelings of comfort come from the ability to display one’s identity in the form of performance. When a dedicated space is no longer made available for LGBTQ individuals, this loss of community can have a negative effect on feelings of belonging related to sexual identity

(Brown-Saracino 2011). This potential loss of space points out the urgency that a sense of community plays in the formation and ability to express one’s identity.

After the Pulse nightclub shooting, LGBTQ gay bar patrons have reevaluated their level of comfort and safety within these spaces (Croff et al. 2017). As LGBTQ identities have become more socially accepted, LGBTQ folks have become more comfortable in going to gay bars. However, the LGBTQ community is still assessing the importance of keeping aware of possible threats while in these spaces. In the 1950s, some gay bars used various tactics to distinguish newcomers from regulars, such as providing familiar patrons with cold glasses and unfamiliar customers with warm glasses due to a heightened sense of risk regarding new customers (Adams 2018). The Pulse nightclub shooting reignited the LGBTQ community’s feelings of hesitation to accept newcomers

in the gay bar setting, leaving some LGBTQ gay bar patrons wondering if bar culture should utilize similar methods to set newcomers apart from regulars (Adams 2018).

However, the risk of this violence occurring does not entirely stop LGBTQ bar patrons from occupying these spaces, but rather, incidents of violence have inspired some of these gay bar patrons to incorporate a stronger sense of community within the culture

(Gruskin et al. 2007). A sense of community results in a bond that makes these spaces more valuable for marginalized groups seeking safety from the expectations and judgments of normative heterosexuality (Johnson and Samdahl 2005).

The Invasion of Heteronormativity

Brown-Saracino (2011) explores Ithaca, New York’s lesbian community in the context of a culture that is reported to have a high level of acceptance for LGBTQ persons, which has produced a more heterogeneous bar scene that welcomes individuals of all backgrounds. This research study highlights the integration of straight folks into a setting that is predominantly populated with queer women, with the fragmentation of queer communities being a cost of this integration. One of the primary perceived costs of integration of straight and gay culture is a lack of community, making it difficult for

LGBTQ people to meet new friends and to feel a sense of belonging within the local community due to a lack of specific communal identity around sexuality (Brown-

Saracino 2011). While a greater level of LGBTQ acceptance into society is progress, it has also resulted in the invasion of heteronormative ideologies and expectations to establish a greater level of comfort for straight individuals at the expense of the LGBTQ community (Binnie and Skeggs 2004; Davis 2013; Doan and Higgins 2011; Ghaziani

2014; Hartless 2018; Matejskova 2007). Straight cisgender (cis) women have started to

enter the gay bar space to escape the straight cis male gaze, which leads straight men to seek out gay bars to meet women (Ghaziani 2014; Holt and Griffin 2003; Matejskova

2007; Moran et al. 2003; Reid, Aman Karlin, and Bonham-Crecil 2005). When this occurs, LGBTQ culture becomes further marginalized and suppressed in favor of a heteronormative ideology (Doan and Higgins 2011). The sense of safety and comfort for

LGBTQ individuals translates into a fear of judgment directed at them from straight customers, which is rooted in the disturbance of this comfort by a policing of behavior similar to what LGBTQ communities are subjected to outside of the gay bar setting

(Moran et al. 2003).

Bisexual individuals experience stigma from both straight and LGBTQ individuals, as many straight and queer people consider the bisexual identity to be “fake” or a “temporary phase” (Lea et al. 2015; Maliepaard 2015). Since bisexual folks do not have their own spaces, their options are to attend predominantly gay or straight venues where they are viewed to be either “not gay enough” or “not straight enough.” However, an increased presence of straight people in gay bars is encouraging the inclusion of non- gay identities in these spaces. While venues may have the reputation of being gay bars, questionably queer marketing tactics show that queer spaces do not always fully embrace their LGBTQ roots (Hartless 2018). Bars can be established as being “straight,” gay,” or

“lesbian” by markers and actions that are conveyed by customers, such as hand holding.

However, bisexuality is not clearly perceived through markers, as society assumes that people are only sexually and romantically interested in members of one gender, which is known as monosexuality (Maliepaard 2015). The mixing of sexual orientation markers challenges the expectation that all customers in these spaces are gay.

Challenging the Notion of a Post-Gay Society

The notion of a post-gay society, which refers to the idea that LGBTQ individuals have supposedly been accepted and assimilated into society, has led some communities to question the need for the existence of gay bars and other dedicated queer spaces (Brown-

Saracino 2011; Calder 2015; Hartless 2018; Lea et al. 2015). Lewis (2013) and Mattson

(2015) argue that considering gay bars and other queer spaces as unnecessary is an indicator of privilege. Since these studies note that these individuals were typically raised in more progressive areas, exclusively LGBTQ spaces did not serve as important of a role in their lives. Simpson (2014) examines age as an additional layer of intersectionality regarding the importance of gay bars, sexualized spaces, and social support groups, which enables self-expression and the development of an open communication between

LGBTQ individuals of various age groups. The existence of these spaces allow for

LGBTQ folks of a range of ages to share a space that demystifies stereotypes that younger people have regarding older folks, and vice versa (Simpson 2014).

Ghaziani (2014) explores how the notion of the post-gay society serves to strip the LGBTQ community of its culture and everything that it stands for, although the acceptance of this post-gay society primarily comes from younger members of the

LGBTQ community embracing an online space over a physical one (Calder 2015; Lea et al. 2015). However, gay neighborhoods do not only serve the purpose of providing a sense of safety and comfort, but also in maintaining culture and history—the visibility of identity remains to be important with the passing of time (Ghaziani 2014). The existing literature is equivocal regarding the assimilation of gay culture and a heteronormative society. Although the appropriation of gay culture by straight folks has been mentioned,

past research does not specifically address how LGBTQ gay bar patrons navigate challenges within these spaces.

Conclusion

While the setting and use of gay bars has changed, they have remained as a sacred place for many. Gay bars continue to provide a sense of belonging to a community and foster a positive sense of identity. However, urbanization and geography are important elements that contribute to the ways that the LGBTQ community interacts with these spaces. Some important factors to consider are access to attend gay bars and their level of visibility through gentrification and commercialization, which primarily occurs in larger cities that are considered to be more progressive. An increase in the attendance of straight-identified customers is an indicator of the so-called “post-gay” society, where

LGBTQ and mainstream heterosexual culture are assimilated within the same space.

While the times have changed from when the LGBTQ community had to hide in underground spaces, the contemporary Los Angeles gay bar is seeing yet another shift in its culture. This research study seeks to examine the meanings attached to attending gay bars, the impact of a straight presence in gay bars, how LGBTQ patrons reconcile with the evolving gay bar scene, and how attitudes, beliefs, and gay culture intersect and manifest across the different gay bar scenes within the Los Angeles area.

THEORETICAL APPROACH

Queer Theory

This study has been informed by queer theory, as the root of the concepts introduced by this theory have been particularly useful in analyzing the data. Berlant and

Warner (1998) define heteronormativity with the understanding that heterosexuality is viewed as the default sexual orientation. Heteronormativity is established and reproduced at the structural and interactional levels against those who identify outside of heterosexual norms. Foucault (1978) notes the idea that sexuality is based in medicine, rather than pleasure, has allowed Western fields of science to alienate individuals who do not align with heterosexual expectations. Butler (1990) extends this notion further in asserting that certain identities fail to exist in the heteronormative matrix.

Heteronormative society intends for one’s sex to inform their gender as well as their sexual orientation. These foundational works challenge the ways in which society understands established categories found in a heteronormative society and the ways in which they oppress gender and sexual minorities.

A queer theory approach challenges the notion of binary identity classification, deconstructs the categories that construct identities, and has the goal to undermine hegemonic discourses and binaries around sex, sexuality, and gender, particularly in relation to LGBTQ communities (Gunn and McAllister 2013). This theoretical approach maintains the concept that identities are not fixed, so they cannot be labeled or categorized (Butler 1990). Queer theory views the intersecting identities of gender and sexual orientation as fluid, embodied, socially constructed, and self-constructed, while attending to the ways in which these identities are reproduced and performed in social

spaces (Butler 1990). Homonormativity is a term that refers to the privileging and policing of identities within LGBTQ culture according to heteronormative values, norms, and beliefs. This results in further marginalizing more vulnerable LGBTQ folks by other

LGBTQ people to gain more legitimacy and visibility in a heteronormative society. For example, Mattson (2015) mentions a gay bar that replaced its backroom with a stylish restroom and a sign at the front of the establishment undermining the bar’s past by telling its patrons to not engage in “sexual shenanigans.” This is a clear message indicated by the bar that homonormative people do not engage in such behavior, and customers that do are not a part of the mainstream LGBTQ community. As applied to gay bar patrons, queer theory reflects on the effects of homonormativity in the lives of LGBTQ individuals.

Queer theory rejects essentialist theories of gay or lesbian identity, supporting a fluid notion of sexual identity (Tilsen 2015). Some of the existing literature analyzes queer spaces utilizing this theory to examine the theme of exclusion and appropriation of these spaces (Bell and Binnie 2004; Hubbard 2008; Maliepaard 2015; Mattson 2015).

Queer theory covers a wide array of topics across different cultural contexts. This approach provides a tool for researchers to analyze the ways in which heteronomativity is inherently embedded in society’s norms, values, and social spaces. Rubin (1998) explores how queer counter-publics lose their space in neighborhoods as a result of gentrification and in favor of mainstream heterosexual interests. Queer theory’s emphasis on heterosexual privilege is useful for examining, understanding, and interpreting the data in this study regarding the perceptions of straight people in gay bars. Additionally, this theoretical approach highlights the notion that sexuality does not exist independently

from other aspects of an individual’s identity, allowing for additional intersections of one’s identity to be taken into account.

Application to Research

The ways in which LGBTQ bar patrons express and engage with their identities within gay bar spaces is particularly critical to this study. Queer theory is useful in identifying the role that a hegemonic discourse plays in gay bar spaces, both internal and external to the LGBTQ community. The hierarchy of status based on intersecting identity factors such as gender, sexual orientation, and race are critical to analyzing participants’ perspectives of geographic location and cultural shifts. As gay bar culture becomes more integrated into the mainstream, queer theory is helpful in analyzing how identity and meaning are negotiated with perceived shifts that have occurred over time. This study seeks to analyze the effects of heterosexual privilege on members of the LGBTQ community within supposedly gay spaces. While Los Angeles is a fairly progressive city, it is important to analyze the distribution and exertion of power and privilege that exists within these spaces. Power ultimately informs the manifestation of privilege and oppression, which have proven to be essential themes when analyzing the spaces of sexual minorities.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Researcher Positionality and Reflexivity

I am an insider within the LGBTQ community. As a White, 24-year-old, gay, cis male, who regularly attends gay bars in the Los Angeles area, this is a community that I am familiar with and a part of. I selected this research topic partially due to my personal experiences with straight people in gay bars, although it was the passion expressed by other LGBTQ identified persons in informal conversations that led me to this topic of inquiry. However, I have primarily been a gay bar patron in the WeHo area, and occasionally DTLA and the SFV, making the spaces in Silver Lake relatively new to me.

Going into this research, I felt cautious that the SFV’s predominately older-skewing and more racially diverse clientele may not have felt as comfortable with me, given my intersecting identities. As a White, cis gay man, it is important to note that my intersecting identities may have potentially made it more difficult for lesbian women, transgender folks, older LGBTQ participants, and persons of color to feel entirely comfortable to be open during the interview.

As a member of the LGBTQ community, I have mixed feelings regarding a straight presence in gay bars—the negative feelings that I have are especially true of bachelorette parties that invade these spaces. For example, I have experience with straight women who have tried to force their way into my group of friends, grabbing onto us, and attempting to make us dance with them. While my experiences with straight men in gay bars have not necessarily been as intrusive, it can be concerning to see them flirt with straight women in a space designated for the LGBTQ community. Most of these occurrences have taken place in WeHo, which has become known for its growing straight

presence. I understand that not all members of the LGBTQ community in Los Angeles share my perspective. I have noted my own position on this topic by extensively journaling throughout the research process. I reflected on the interviews with participants and recorded how I would answer the interview questions if I were a participant. I found my responses to be more complex than I initially anticipated. While I feel that the visible increase in straight people in gay bars is problematic, the increased social acceptance of

LGBTQ culture is positive. I responded more extensively to questions regarding how I would like to see the gay bar scene in Los Angeles evolve than exploring my past experiences. I am not necessarily opposed to straight people attending gay bars, although these venues should be respected as a safe space for the LGBTQ community.

Phenomenological Approach

This qualitative research project is informed by a phenomenological approach.

Phenomenology seeks to examine the commonalities that exist between participants’ experiences regarding a particular phenomenon (Creswell and Poth 2018). The purpose of this approach is to collate individual experiences to grasp the nature of a human experience (van Manen 1990). This study aims to explore the ways in which LGBTQ gay bar patrons describe the meaning of their lived experiences in the evolving gay bar scene of Los Angeles and the ways in which they attribute meaning to the culture and the phenomenon of an increased presence of straight customers.

Research Questions

Based on the understandings established in the existing literature, the following four overarching research questions drive this phenomenological study:

RQ1: How does gay bar culture change across primary Los Angeles geographic spaces— particularly within gay bars in West Hollywood (WeHo), Silver Lake, the San Fernando

Valley (SFV), and Downtown Los Angeles (DTLA)?

RQ2: What meanings do LGBTQ patrons associate with attending gay bars?

RQ3: How does the presence of straight customers impact the experiences of gay bar culture?

RQ4: How do LGBTQ gay bar patrons navigate the changes in gay bar culture over time?

This study answers these research questions using a qualitative methodological approach through in-depth, one-on-one interviews.

Participants and Recruitment

This qualitative research study aims to highlight the voices of LGBTQ gay bar patrons in the Los Angeles area. This study includes the lived experiences of twenty participants who are at least twenty-one years old, who identify as LGBTQ, and who have attended a gay bar in Los Angeles at least once within the past year. Nineteen interviews took place in-person, and one interview was over the phone due to the participant’s travel schedule. Each interview was about one hour long. Participants were asked open-ended questions related to: experiences and meanings attached to attending gay bars, the presence of straight customers in gay bars and the positives and challenges associated with gay bars, and their reconciliation with changes in gay bar culture over time. Participants were recruited through snowball sampling via word-of-mouth.

Data Analysis and Interpretation Procedures

After transcribing all of the interviews, I read through the transcripts to familiarize myself with the data that was collected over the course of twenty qualitative

interviews. I created a table for each participant, which was used to input all initial codes that were found through each interview. After closely reviewing each table, I established overarching themes that emerged from the data, as well as sub-themes that were more salient. I highlighted the text on the interview transcripts according to the colors on the tables to identify when participants were discussing each theme. I engaged in a within- case analysis and then compared the themes across all cases to narrow down the most salient themes across all participant cases in a cross-case analysis. I referred back to my research questions to ensure that the themes reflected the overarching questions previously established.

Trustworthiness and Rigor

As a gay man, I did not have difficulty establishing rapport with fellow LGBTQ gay bar patrons. I maintained contact with a community advisor who served as a sounding board throughout the research process. He was selected as an ideal community advisor due to his extensive experience in the gay bar scene, which includes two decades worth of experience in navigating gay bars within Los Angeles. This community advisor provided input to ensure that my practices and questions utilized an anti-oppressive lens.

He provided feedback on my research questions and interview questions to ensure that they were relevant to the community. Additionally, I had prolonged immersion in the data and in the field. My thesis chair, Dr. Moshoula Capous-Desyllas, provided a peer review of analytic procedure. I kept a journal as I navigated through the research process to reflect on my positionality, methodological processes, participant interactions, and any tensions that arose throughout the research process. I utilized triangulation of data sources through my own participant observations, my interviews, and my journal entries.

FINDINGS

Portrait of the Participants

The following Table 1 illustrates the demographics of the individuals who participated in this research project.

Table 1: Participant Demographics

Name Ethnic Relationship (Areas Background/Sexual Age Occupation Education Status Frequented) Orientation/Gender Temp in Chad White 24 Business Bachelor’s Single (WeHo) Gay Male Intelligence Da White Some Bar10der 46 Bartender Single Gay Male College (SFV) Cocoa Mixed High (WeHo/ (Black/White) 30 Insurance Married School SFV) Lesbian Female Marie Hispanic Accounts (WeHo/ 36 Associate Married Lesbian Female Receivable SFV) Mike Chinese/Taiwanese Unemployed in 31 Master’s Single (WeHo) Gay Male Events Nani Massage Central American Some In a (WeHo/ 32 Therapist/ Bisexual Female College Relationship SFV) Photographer Marlin White Post- (SFV/ 46 Bachelor’s Single Gay Male Production WeHo) Al White (Outside of 26 Aquarist Bachelor’s Single Bisexual Transmale L.A./WeHo) Ron White Casting (Silver 36 Bachelor’s Single Gay Male Producer Lake) Anson (Silver Hispanic Casting Teaching Lake/ 37 Single Gay Male Producer Credential DTLA/ WeHo)

Britney White Nurse 33 Master’s Single (WeHo) Gay Male Practitioner Steven White Administrator In a Poly (DTLA/ 31 Master’s Gay Male at University Relationship WeHo) Spike (Silver White Some In a 32 Artist Lake/ Gay Male College Relationship DTLA) Dimitri Fundraiser for White (WeHo/ 28 LGBT Non- Bachelor’s Single Gay Male Silver Lake) Profit Nathan (Silver White Some 36 Artist Single Lake/ Queer Male College DTLA) Kimbra (Silver Lake/ White Social Work In a Poly 25 Bachelor’s WeHo/ Queer Female Direct Service Relationship Event Locations) Fred (WeHo/ White In a Poly Silver Pansexual 32 Music Tech Bachelor’s Relationship Lake/Event Transmale Locations) Mixed Tony Film (Latino/White) 29 Bachelor’s Single (WeHo) Critic/Cashier Gay Male Mixed (Black/French/ Jade Latinx) 21 Writer Bachelor’s Single (WeHo) Bisexual Female (of trans experience) Bob Mixed Stem Cell (SFV/ Some (Italian/Mexican) 30 Therapy Single WeHo/ College Gay Male Coordinator Silver Lake)

Additionally, any bar names referred to in quotes by the participants have been replaced with pseudonyms created to protect the confidentiality of the specific gay bar spaces.

Established Gay Bar Regions in Los Angeles

Many cities have a gayborhood, or sometimes just a small block of gay establishments, which designates where the population is primarily LGBTQ-identified. In

Los Angeles, WeHo serves this purpose in a general sense. However, Los Angeles’ dispersed geography extends to the gay bar scene. Silver Lake has been queer-friendly for quite some time, and this notion continues to be true in the modern Los Angeles landscape. The SFV and DTLA also provide spaces for certain crowds of LGBTQ folks.

Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons stick to a certain area where they feel most comfortable, while others find it necessary to explore a wider array of what the Los Angeles gay bar scene has to offer. As will be discussed in a later section, some members of the LGBTQ community prefer attending specific events, which are not necessarily location specific, making a variety of these gay bar regions viable options for them to feel comfortable on certain nights. The gentrification of these areas has resulted in the rise in rent costs for businesses, resulting in a frequent cycle where gay bars close and new gay bars take their place. This leads to less of a sense of loyalty to a specific bar. In the following sub- sections, each of these areas will be explored more extensively.

WeHo

WeHo is the most well known of the established gay bar regions in Los Angeles.

This gayborhood is located in an affluent area, containing an assortment of gay bars, restaurants, sex shops, hotels, and apartments with rainbow flags flying at most

establishments and a street crosswalk painted as a rainbow. Most of the LGBTQ gay bar patrons that frequent WeHo do not spend their time in the area at a single bar, but barhop from one to the next, as these bars are lined up one after the other along Santa Monica

Boulevard. Britney (33, White, gay, cis male) said that his group, “…plays it by ear. We don’t have a plan. We are there, and then we decide, ‘let’s go here, and here.’” Others are more intentional on which bars they attend, as Tony (29, Mixed (Latino/White), gay, cis male) said that he goes to certain bars in WeHo because, “The energy is there, the crowd is there, the music is what I like. I just feed off whatever energy I get from that.” The bars along this strip cater to different crowds, as some venues are more upscale, targeting young and trendy patrons, which are also more likely to attract straight customers. The dive bars are smaller venues that attract older crowds.

WeHo presents a trendy and fantastical image of what it means to be queer, which make it particularly unique from the other gay bar regions across Los Angeles. It fulfills the hedonistic image of gay nightlife presented by the media. Al (26, White, bisexual, transmale) describes the atmosphere as:

…Disneyland, or almost something like where you have to change jackets before

you go into the theme park. “Here, take off your normal day jacket, and wear this

sparkly, rainbow jacket.” It felt like it was its own bubble…the street is a shiny,

glittery rainbow walkway with arches all down it with fairies spinning in spirals

around the arches, just showering glitter everywhere…reality has stopped.

This flashy gay bar region is defined by its “explosion of gayness,” as Spike (32, White, gay, cis male) referred to it, which is particularly appealing to young LGBTQ folks, who are looking to party amongst other queer-identified individuals. Jade (21, Mixed

(Black/French/Latinx), bisexual, female, of trans experience) said that WeHo is the place to go, “…if you’re looking to get blackout drunk, or you’re enjoying a big celebration, like your twenty-first birthday.” Cocoa (30, Mixed (Black/White), lesbian, cis female) concurred, “If you’re going to WeHo, you’re going to drink. People go, because they want to have a good time, and they want to party. Nobody is like, ‘Let’s go there for a fucking scone.’” With WeHo’s reputation as the gayborhood, there is an assumed level of safety that the LGBTQ community feels that allows them to comfortably party in these spaces, which simultaneously makes it a place where many young LGBTQ folks have their first experience in a gay bar. However, most participants were unable to recall their first gay bar experience, whether it was due to it being too long ago, or having become too intoxicated during their first introduction to gay bar culture. The markers and the strip of gay establishments in WeHo provide a sense of comfort in being able to openly express identity without the fear of violence. Nani (32, Central American, bisexual, cis female) described this sense of comfort when she said, “I’ve walked down that street eating hot dogs in a bralette and gold pants…I feel totally safe. I don’t feel like I’m going to be kidnapped, raped, beaten, and left in the streets.” Al added to this image when he said, “…it’s lit up for you, and you’re walking down the big queer walkway, all queered up.” Being surrounded by the markers and the atmosphere that comes with being in a gayborhood provides a level of comfort that allows the LGBTQ community to be more vulnerable in the ways that they enjoy nightlife.

Many participants described WeHo as being the “mecca” for gay life, as its status as the Los Angeles gayborhood extends past Los Angeles, and even past the scale of the

United States. This gay bar scene emphasizes the stereotype of its clientele being

conventionally attractive people, as defined by a crowded, male-dominated space that favors bodies that are young, cis, male, White, clean cut, lean or muscular, well-dressed, and a haircut that is considered to be in-style. Mike (31, Chinese/Taiwanese, gay, cis male) referred to WeHo as, “The textbook of what you see in the media gay community…it’s very ‘fake.’” This image of WeHo’s standard of attractiveness is perpetuated through its advertisements featuring nearly nude, lean or muscular, clean cut cis men, with the go-go dancers, the bartenders, and television screens playing music videos and other advertisements emphasizing this image that many patrons put on a pedestal. Da Bar10der (46, White, gay, cis male) described this scene as a place where,

“It’s all very superficial. It’s about being known, looking good, working out, living up to that stereotype, and if you don’t, you just won’t fit in.” The popular television show

Queer as Folk was often used as a point of reference to describe WeHo, for better or for worse, as it brings the hyper stylized notion of gay nightlife into reality, although for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons, this is not a reality that they want to take part in.

In having the image of being the “mecca” of gay bar culture to uphold, this scene becomes defined by its party atmosphere, which draws in tourists and younger crowds.

Some participants saw this image as being negative. Nathan (36, White, queer, cis male) found solace in gay bars that have placed more focus on a communal space and non- alcoholic fueled dancing. He described WeHo as:

It’s very messy, it’s young…It feels almost like Queer as Folk. It kind of makes my

skin crawl. It almost feels massively insecure. It’s not my vibe. I’m not a heavy

drinker. It feels very wet, it feels very messy, and it feels very, “Night out!

RAGER!” to me, and that’s not my thing.

Generally, LGBTQ gay bar patrons in their twenties are more likely to enjoy this atmosphere, while participants in their thirties or above are more likely to find the WeHo scene to be too focused on the party aspect of gay culture. Marlin (46, White, gay, cis male) concurred when he described the culture as, “Young, twink boys, who care about their looks mostly…it can be a lot sometimes.” Twinks are a type of gay tribe, known for being young, thin, hairless gay men, which falls in line with the stereotypical WeHo image of who would be seen inside of the typical WeHo bar, although this does not necessarily apply to all bars found along this strip. However, those who strive for a scene with a different clientele and vibe generally venture into the other gay bar regions of Los

Angeles.

Silver Lake

The members of the LGBTQ community who do not relate with the WeHo scene are pushed to pursue safe spaces in the other established gay bar regions, including Silver

Lake. WeHo is considered to be part of the West side of Los Angeles, while Silver Lake is considered part of the East side; the culture, the clientele, and the intentions of the spaces are radically different, establishing a clash of values. Silver Lake’s bars are more spread out, opposed to the centralized strip of WeHo. The crowd was described as

“hipster,” “indie,” “less polished,” and “older” than WeHo. While this scene has its own dive bar image that it upholds, it largely contrasts that of WeHo in a way that makes it almost the antithesis of what WeHo represents of gay bar culture. Spike recounted that the gay bars in Silver Lake have a “…more relaxed atmosphere. It’s a lot of hipsters. You see some real interesting fashion choices, and people just don’t care. They’re like,

‘Whatever. I think I look cool.’ Done. You see beards, and facial hair, it’s just more

relaxed.” While the hipster atmosphere is perceived as being pretentious to some, others find this safe space to be more accepting than WeHo to other letters of the LGBTQ alphabet than only the “G.” Kimbra (25, White, queer, cis female) said that the existence of these spaces outside of the mainstream scene “…has allowed it to adapt more easily the current fringes of trans, non-conforming, gender-bending of queer culture that’s kink positive and body positive.” Similarly, Bob (Mixed (Italian/Mexican), gay, cis male) reflected on his body positive experience in a Silver Lake gay bar:

I actually won fifty bucks in cash and fifty bucks in drink tickets to dance and strip

on stage. There were three or four people that were competing, and my friends

were like, “You can win this, you can win this.” I was like, “I’m not going on

stage, are you kidding me? Hell, no. I’m not going to flash my body like that!”

(laughs) But, they convinced me. They got me a couple shots, put my name on the

list, and before you know it, I’m on stage, and I’m taking off my shirt, dancing

(laughs). Never thought I would do it, but it was fun, and there was no judgment.

I’m an Italian man. I have [body] hair. Everybody here has hair, and so, I felt

comfortable while up on stage, and I won, so it boosted my confidence.

If the same contest were to take place in WeHo, the body types of those on stage would fit within the stereotypical image of tight, young, hairless bodies. However, in Silver

Lake, there is a broader acceptance of those who do not fit within that singular image. In fact, there are bars in Silver Lake that place bears, otherwise known as men who are hairy and larger in size, at the top of the hierarchy in attraction. Those who are more drawn to those bodies are more likely to attend those bars, rather than those in the WeHo area, which is the case for Ron (36, White, gay, cis male), who said, “I love those bars.

They’re my community. I feel the most comfortable [in those bars].” Bob painted an idea of this particular scene when he called it, “Raunchy. I like that, though. I like the bear scene. It’s fun. I even dressed up sometimes in my leather harness.” Silver Lake provides a different experience for its patrons that contrasts with the experience being offered by the WeHo scene.

The SFV

The gay bars in the SFV are spread out from one another in a more suburban area.

While many LGBTQ gay bar patrons who live in the SFV are willing to travel to the other areas to enjoy the nightlife, those who in the other established gay bar regions are less likely to travel to the SFV gay bar scene. Similar to Silver Lake, the gay bar scene is decentralized and has a dive bar atmosphere. Da Bar10der described it as “…more of a clique as far as everybody knows each other. It’s a small gay community. It’s more like a

Cheers, everybody knows each other’s names. Kind of more family. More about making friends than hooking up. I like that.” Additionally, Marlin said that, “It can be fun, but it’s definitely a lot more mellow than WeHo. I can’t say people aren’t dancing, because they are at The Village. It’s an older crowd. They’re there to have fun. It’s a different kind of fun.” While the age group is largely different from the other areas, Jade added, “In the

Valley, they’re dominated by the Latinx community, and I fucking love it, rather than being dominated by cis White boys…I felt safer, like I was at home.” For some LGBTQ gay bar patrons, this environment feels comfortable, or as Dimitri (28, White, gay, cis male) put it as being “…more community oriented…It’s less jam-packed. I would describe it as being more laid back.”

When asked about the SFV gay bar scene, some participants replied that they had never been, while others responded negatively to the experience that these particular bars provide. Nani provided her perception of the clientele when she said that the patrons here are “…much more older, single, desperate vibe. Less secure for young men, who really want to help identify, because typically you’re looking at insecure, dependent relationships.” Cocoa said that, “It’s a dingy place. I’m always terrified to touch anything in those bathrooms. It just feels gross…it’s like, ‘Uhh, I’m going to clean my hands three times after I’m done in this bathroom,’ but the bartenders are always super nice.” While the cleanliness and the dive bar atmosphere is unsettling for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons, it provides a safe space for others that does not require its patrons to meet a certain standard of attractiveness in the ways that they present themselves. Bob said that,

“I don’t feel like I have to dress up so much. I can go in my sweats, and still have a great time.”

LGBTQ gay bar patrons find proximity and the type of experience that an area offers to be the most important factors in determining which locations they frequent.

Spike described the clientele as, “They’re probably the guys that don’t want to make the trip [out of the SFV]…You’ve got your regulars, because I’m sure they live right up there, and just want to come to a place where they can get a drink after work.” Steven

(31, White, gay, cis male) recalled this scene as being:

Suburban, quieter…slim pickings…it feels underwhelming in the sense that

there aren’t a lot of people there…it almost feels like people that are there either

don’t want to be there, or they find a sense of community around a theme, like

that’s why the pup community was so big for a long time…pockets of sub-culture

sort of finds their way into these spaces…

Pup play is generally a more relaxed power dynamic than a master/slave dynamic, where roleplaying takes place as the “pup” (submissive) or the “handler” (dominant). Sub- cultures, such as pup play, find solace in some of the SFV gay bars. However, these sub- cultures exist in other bars in other geographic areas, as well, although Steven went on to note that, “I found that more in the SFV than I did elsewhere, even though there are bars specifically dedicated to bears or leather.”

DTLA

The modern DTLA gay scene is relatively new, although it has rapidly grown in popularity, even despite only being composed of three gay bars, one of which has closed its doors recently. However, people are still learning that this is an available space, and some have never even heard of it. Cocoa said, “To be honest, I have not really gone anywhere in Downtown LA for any sort of gay scene, because, I didn’t really think there was a gay scene in Downtown LA.” When asked to describe this particular gay bar scene,

Nathan said:

It’s very green. It’s hard to even give it an identity yet. It’s only been really up

and running for like four years. Not even…it’s ripe for gay bars. I think it’s a

really great location for things that are kind of new and fresh, and not afraid of a

little bit of grit around them. It’s about as hip as you can get.

In being such a new scene, there is more room for growth and new voices to enter the space, resulting in a greater degree of inclusion. While Mike has not been to the DTLA scene himself, he said, “…the friends that I’ve seen go are Hispanic, all over the place, so

I feel that kind of speaks for itself, because they’d rather go to a bar in Downtown LA rather than West Hollywood. I feel like that’s kind of telling.” Having gone several times,

Marlin said that, “It’s a little on the leather side, but it’s still kind of young, but more eclectic…they have a leather person and a drag person over here, and then I’ve seen girls down there, lesbians, it’s very mixed every time I go there. It’s a fun vibe.”

Since the gay bar scene in DTLA is still so new, it is currently a neutral territory of sorts that draws in LGBTQ gay bar patrons from the three aforementioned areas into the same space. Spike said that, “The scene is like the perfect blend of WeHo and Silver

Lake. It’s the place where the gayness of WeHo and the relaxed, hipster vibe of Silver

Lake merged together…the crowd is just so mixed. It’s like everybody in the community.” Kimbra described it as “…less WeHo. It had some of the alt[ernative] people, because Downtown is really accessible to the East siders, so I think more punky and grungy and a little alt.” Similarly, Dimitri recalled a similar image, when he said that,

“It’s a little bit more alternative…It’s super cheap, they have really fun drag shows…You get people from all walks of life that are going.” However, it is the meaning that LGBTQ gay bar patrons attach to these venues that establish how these spaces are accessed, which will be explored in the following section.

Community and Meaning Assessment of Gay Bar Attendance

Since Los Angeles is such a large and diverse city, there is a wide array of options for LGBTQ gay bar patrons to experience. There are several factors that contribute to the meanings that LGBTQ gay bar patrons attach to the gay bar scene in Los Angeles, including the geographical location, the clientele at their preferred bars, their intersecting identities, and the atmosphere that exists within their favored locations. Some LGBTQ

gay bar patrons attach positive meanings to the experience, while others attach negative meanings. These meanings are important for understanding the current state of the gay bar scene in Los Angeles.

Bonding and Meeting Spaces

The most salient meaning attached to gay bars is that these spaces operate as bonding and meeting spaces that allow LGBTQ gay bar patrons to escape the expectations established by heteronormativity. Marie (36, Hispanic, lesbian, cis female) described, “It’s a sense of community. Even though everyone’s getting trashed and partying, it’s us. It’s our people.” Chad (24, White, gay, cis male) said, “You don’t have to explain your sexuality to anyone. People don’t feel uncomfortable around you. You can bond with people easily.” The majority of participants attend gay bars with other

LGBTQ-identified friends to enjoy the space together. For some participants, entering these spaces with the right crowd is important. Fred (32, White, pansexual, transmale) said that he attends gay bars with, “Mostly female-identifying people…I feel more comfortable with them, in terms of they know who I am. I feel more protected.” As will be discussed in a later section in greater depth, attending gay bars with friends is crucial to having a positive experience for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Others are a part of

LGBTQ choirs and sports teams, and gay bars are places to bond as a team. For Al, he said that going to gay bars with other members of his trans choir feels like “…you have just won a soccer match. You’re with your teammates…It’s bonding, yes with trans people, but with trans people that are all putting themselves in the same position of publicity, to publicly perform.” Dimitri said that, “It’s definitely a sense of community…A lot of that is because I do go out after my dodge ball teams or after

training for cycling. It is sociable…which is what defines my experience.” Gay bars are the hubs for LGBTQ nightlife, but they are also communal spaces for LGBTQ people to meet and bond.

Participants’ responses varied when asked about how they feel about going to gay bars alone. Those who are open to sexual encounters and those who feel more confident in gay bars responded more positively to going alone. Marlin said, “It’s easier to meet people when you’re by yourself than when you’re with a group, and no one approaches you. They’re all scared off.” Da Bar10der spoke about intention when he said, “When

I’m alone, it’s about hooking up.” However, going alone to a gay bar can be unappealing or nerve-wracking for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Anson (37, Hispanic, gay, cis male) said, “I find it very intimidating to go to a gay bar by myself in Los Angeles…there’s that fear of judgment of being by yourself.” For others, it is only appealing to go alone to certain types of bars. Dimitri said, “I probably won’t go alone to Trance by myself, because most folks are there in groups, and it’s really hard to hear in those places [dance clubs]…” While gay bars can be a place to bond and meet others, the conditions under which that occurs differs based on a level of comfort. The ability to use gay bars in this manner is simultaneously connected to how LGBTQ gay bar patrons define what their identity means in these spaces.

Identity Confirmation and Empowerment

For some LGBTQ gay bar patrons, being able to attend gay bars is an important aspect of their queerness, while it is less important for others. Steven said that when he attends gay bars:

It feels like I’m gay…I feel like I’m at my living room at Payload. I feel like I can

have any conversation with anybody, and have any emotional reaction in this

space, and I feel completely safe and secure, even post-Pulse. It really is that

sense of community. That sense of belonging.

However, some LGBTQ gay bar patrons do not see the definition of queerness presented by gay bars to be as inclusive and welcoming. Chad explained how gay bars define what it means to be gay for its patrons when he said, “It’s all around pop culture…The experience of what it means to be gay is, you are either super into movies, super into pop culture, whatever…you’re just supposed to enjoy your life to the fullest, be ultra hedonistic…” Reflecting on her first gay bar experience, Kimbra said, “I was also really grungy and weird, hippy style, which does not flow with the WeHo lesbian scene…Everybody wears plaid and leather, and jeans, and whatever. This casual, chic look.” Despite the Los Angeles gay bar scene being quite diverse, it is frustrating for

LGBTQ gay bar patrons when they feel that they do not align with the culture being put on display, as it does not feel true to how they reconcile their own identity.

In hindsight, participants received confirmation of identity from attending gay bars when they were first introduced into this culture, although these meanings that they attached to these spaces changed over time. While first entering the gay bar scene was freeing for most participants, there was also an expectation of receiving positive attention. Tony said, “It’s a very selfish experience, because when you’re in the closet, you do things to appease other people versus, finally, this is the spot that I can do what I want.” Da Bar10der said, “In my twenties…I got so much attention, and I loved it. It made me feel really good about who I was, and about the way I looked.” Nani said, “We

don’t get a lot of positive attention in normal society, so when we’re in our own little society, we like the [positive] attention.” Certain gay bars in Los Angeles cater to younger crowds that are seeking that attention, but as Nani put it, “Sauna is for young gay men seeking attention and learning their gayness…you go have fun at Sauna, girl, because I’m going to be over here [at another bar].” Participants described this desire for attention in gay bars to be almost a rite of passage to being in touch with their queerness, especially those experiencing it for the first time in WeHo. Many participants shared that they felt invisible before being able to access spaces where they could be themselves among other LGBTQ folks.

Other participants said that gay bars have continued to remain a positive influence on their lives, even if the intentions for going had changed. Ron mentioned that gay bars are more enjoyable for him now, as he stated that, “I feel like throughout the years, I’ve almost figured out what part of the community within the community I would feel most comfortable in…once I started hanging out in the bear community type of area…I felt a little bit more like I had direction.” While most participants noted that the gay bar scene feels less exciting than it once did, they also mentioned feeling a sense of comfort in the familiarity of having more self-confidence and a greater understanding of what gay bar scenes they feel most welcomed in. Tony said, “When I go out to bars, it’s really to capture a feeling, and then keep that cycle continuing on and on, but hoping that that feeling turns into something tangible.” The gay bar scene serves as the hub for face-to- face interaction in the LGBTQ community, as many of the participants treat this space as a potential scouting ground for hooking up and/or a long-term relationship.

While several participants mentioned yearning for attention when first entering the gay bar scene in Los Angeles, this desire changed over time, as the empowering aspect turned into self-doubt for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Da Bar10der said, “I’m just comfortable being behind the bar. I’m actually not comfortable being on the other side of the bar anymore…it’s hard for me to socialize,” as gay bars are now only a place for him to work and occasionally support friends who want to go. Anson said, “I feel nervous, I feel self-conscious, I feel ugly…I mean, not completely ugly. I don’t know. I get really self-conscious.” He used to attend gay bars at least five times a week, but now he only goes once every three or four months. He started to find the gay bar scene to be exhausting, and what this scene had to offer was no longer a priority for him, therefore changing the meaning that he attaches to these spaces. The perceptions of gay bar culture changing with age will be explored in greater depth in another section.

Folks with trans identities can have rather different experiences when it comes to feeling empowered. Al described the experience of embracing his queerness in gay bars, and shared, “…these cis gay guys giving me a ticket to feel sparkly and beautiful and part of something, so I’m going to take it, even though I know this scene on this ride wasn’t quite designed for me.” For Fred, he described this experience as, “Having an idea of what bars exist, what nights are going on at bars, having tried out various nights, maybe seeing some people out that you know when you go.” He defined his relationship with the gay bar scene as being about the communal aspect of feeling a part of something. Jade said, “For me, it really doesn’t mean much…I know my best friend is going to be comfortable, so there’s that.” The typical night at a gay bar has less of an impact on the confirmation of identity for trans folks than it does for cis gay men and cis lesbian

women. In Los Angeles, there is less of a trans presence in gay bars, and while there are exceptions, most gay bars do not tailor to nor necessarily invite the trans the trans community on the typical night.

Some participants recognized the empowerment provided by the historical significance of gay bars. For these participants, being able to attend gay bars provides a sense of privilege that their elders did not get to experience, as they had to fight for what is now made available as an experience to foster and celebrate identity. Mike said,

“…because of history, and the LGBTQ movement, I think they’re really important, especially in light of where we can go to be more free and more open with ourselves.”

Cocoa said, “…when I pull myself back sometimes and think about all of the things that people had to go through before me…I think that when I go to gay bars, I appreciate it.

It’s a badge of honor.” Mike continued that the gay bar scene was more important when he was younger, because, “…I could explore more and be more comfortable with my sexuality.” However, now that he has confidence in knowing who he is, the spaces are not as important for him. Anson reflected on how he felt after his first gay bar experience, as he thought to himself, “’Yeah, this is right. This is exactly what I had been missing.

This is what I’m supposed to be. This is who I am. Everything else was wrong before.

I’m gay.’” Nani expressed a similar feeling of relief, as she said, “I felt like I could breathe. I felt like taking my bra off, or taking my ponytail down…or unbuttoning your pants after a big meal. That’s what it feels like.” Participants acknowledged that these moments of realization and fostering of identity are a privilege that did not exist for previous generations of the LGBTQ community.

Queer Events

The lesbian scene has changed over time, as most lesbian bars and Lesbian Nights in Los Angeles are practically extinct, although the lesbian community finds solace in queer events that move from one location to the next, making it more about the meaning attached to the event, rather than the physical space itself. The queer event community is more connected than folks in gay bars. The primary reason for attending is more focused on supporting other members of the LGBTQ community. Fred said, “I have some friends who throw parties in the scene, so if they were having an event or something, I’d go to it.” Kimbra said, “It’s rare that I go out on a weekday. If I do, it’ll be for an event or a party, and if it’s important for a friend of mine, like they’re there performing, or they’re there hosting it.” The atmosphere is different in a queer event than a typical night at a gay bar. Kimbra recalled, “I don’t imagine that people were doing coke. Maybe a lot of them carried on to do so, as their nights went on…it wasn’t like that scene was defined by it.”

Since the queer event scene is still evolving, many members of the LGBTQ community are not aware of these events. Kimbra reminisced, “…my partner is seven years older than me, and was in that scene, and he talks about all of these lesbian, queer events that were going on when I was in college, and had no idea that they were going on.”

These queer events are less cis male-centric than the typical gay bars found in Los

Angeles, and the comfort this provides is an essential component to defining what this scene means for Kimbra and Fred. Kimbra said, “More people identify as queer now than, ‘I’m a woman that loves women.’” She continued to express, “…it’s to go dancing, it’s to go out, it’s to be with friends, but it’s to be surrounded by queer people that feels really nice.” Similarly, Fred said, “I only really go on nights that are more queer-

centric…I don’t really take the time to go to events that aren’t more marketed towards creating a space that I don’t feel that I’d be comfortable in…” As both a producer and occasionally a patron, Nathan said, “I will always have a really special place in my heart for gay bar culture…we’re doing night events, I’m throwing a new queer monthly party.

Nightclub culture, I can’t shake her…I know how important it is, and how sacred it is…”

Queer events are an outlet for those who want to create their own space and enjoy a culture that differs from the usual gay bar experience. LGBTQ gay bar patrons experience internal and external shifts within this space, which changes the meanings that they attach to gay bars.

A Straight Presence in Los Angeles Gay Bars

Heterosexual Playground

The attendance of straight folks in gay bars is a particularly complex topic, as most participants had mixed feelings when asked about how they feel about straight people in gay bars. Some participants initially had difficulty unpacking their feelings regarding straight people in these spaces. While this phenomenon has the potential of taking place within any of the established gay bar regions, it occurs most frequently in the gentrified area of WeHo. Nearly all of the participants acknowledged that straight women enter the gay bar setting to escape the gaze of straight men, which participants expressed a level of respect for. For instance, Da Bar10der said, “There’s one reason why straight women go to gay bars: they want to go relax without guys hitting on them…they just want to relax, chill, and not feel pressured.” Tony added, “To an extent, I definitely feel that women throughout history have always been automatic allies for [gay] men, for the most part, so I feel like they assume that because they have been allies for so long, that

it’s just a space that they belong to, as well.” However, straight men soon followed straight women into gay bars as a place to meet straight women. Marlin said that when he brings his straight male friend, “He would usually leave with a straight girl, and I’d go home alone…The girls’ defenses are down. They’re in a gay bar thinking, ‘Oh, I’m safe here,’ and then he swoops in and takes them home.”

In a sense, gay bars transform into a heterosexual playground of sorts, where the

LGBTQ space becomes a conduit for a heterosexual agenda. Dimitri said that when he goes with his straight girlfriends, “…a lot of the straight guys will come and try to hit on them, and it starts to feel like you’re defending your straight girlfriends against these straight guys at your own bar, when the focus should be on you.” Some participants questioned why straight men would want to attend a gay bar at all, although they all came to the conclusion that it would be to find straight women. Al said, “I’m not sure why a straight guy would go to a gay bar. I have no idea what they’d be trying to get there, other than creeping on women who have their guard more let down, which is…annoying.”

Dimitri continued with another story where:

I found myself trying to console this girl once at the bar about this guy, who is not

paying her any mind, this straight guy…I’m like, ‘This is not what this is for.’

This is not of interest to me. I would go to a straight bar to deal with that.

For Kimbra, this notion of the heterosexual playground becomes even more evident and potentially concerning when straight folks attend gay bars in groups without any queer people. She said, “…it’s easy if you’re in a [exclusively straight] group to not be aware of your surroundings or the environment that you’re operating in.” However, when straight

people attend a gay bar with LGBTQ-identified individuals, she finds that they are more likely to be respectful and aware of the space.

Traditional views and behaviors of masculinity and femininity in an LGBTQ space set the stage for understanding the mixture of heteronormativity and gay bar culture. Kimbra said, “…the way that we formulate masculinity and femininity, and what’s allowed…You can be a straight cis girl, go to a gay bar, and it doesn’t touch anything.” Society imprints the notions that straight cis men are stripped of their masculinity by being involved in LGBTQ culture, while straight cis women do not lose status for attending gay bars. Dimitri said, “…straight guys…they don’t want to be seen going into a gay bar.” The heteronormative concepts of masculinity and femininity can be rather intensely followed by straight folks at gay bars, as the concept of attending a gay bar as a straight man can challenge his masculinity. However, the traditional notions of femininity contribute to why straight women feel safe in gay bars. Nani said, “…gay men are perceived as feminine, because we have not discussed the masculine and feminine roles…there is that femininity, that softness, so I think that’s what draws women there, is that they feel safe there.”

Perceptions and Impacts of a Straight Presence

When asked how straight people in gay bars make them feel, most participants responded with the same response of, “It’s fine,” although upon continuing to expand on that, this topic proved to be rather complicated for some to come to a single, definitive answer. Steven responded that he had both a “visceral reaction” and an “intellectual reaction” to this particular question. For the former, he said, “I feel almost like it’s an intrusion…that’s my gut instinct…if you don’t have a sherpa, go away. I don’t need you,

I don’t want you. Shoo.” However, for the latter, he said, “Equality means quality, so there needs to be room for education, there needs to be room for straight people in gay bars…there needs to be opportunity for conversation and understanding, and…mutual respect.” The majority of the participants responded with mixed feelings when asked about straight folks in gay bars, although a smaller group of participants saw no issue with a straight presence. Bob said, “The fact that they’re there, I don’t feel so threatened...I’m around my community, I feel much safer, I’m more myself. If a straight male is there, that just makes me feel safe, because ‘You’re here. You have no problem with me. You’re no threat.’” He would feel the need to act more “straight” around them in a heterosexual public space, although that is not the case in an LGBTQ-dominated space.

For others it is more about the physical taking over of space that is concerning.

Mike said, “…we don’t want to have…in a way, an invasion. I don’t want that kind of experience of invading.” Similarly, Spike said, “…we should welcome straight clientele in the gay bars, but at the same time, you don’t want it to feel like we’re completely being taken over.” Fred said, “…there needs to be a one-to-one ratio. If you’re a single, straight person, you need to be there with a single queer person, who has brought you there.”

Chad said that when this occurs, “…it’s like being played with, that you aren’t in control of your experience, in a sense. That it’s being kind of violated from an outside intruder.”

It is important for the LGBTQ community to have control over their own expression of queerness. When the power to define a safe space shifts to straight folks, members of the

LGBTQ community can feel frustrated. Mike said that when this takeover has occurred at certain bars, “...it was kind of an attack on our community, just because it’s like, ‘…this

is our realm…this is where we can feel open, and we don’t have a lot of places that we can be.’” The level of presence of straight people that is considered appropriate is largely dependent upon how much of the physical space they are consuming compared to

LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Certain gay bars are more likely to attract straight customers, specifically the larger gay club atmospheres in the WeHo area.

When the Los Angeles gay bar scene is subjected to a heterosexual influence, most of the participants reported several concerns for their gay bar safe spaces. Some

LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned that straight folks have a stereotypical image of what a gay person acts like, and expects them to act accordingly, especially as it applies to straight women. Ron said, “…they generalize what a gay person is, and it’s almost like we’re a caricature of what a gay person should be. Where we have to be like, ‘Hey, girlfriend! You look great!’ I’m not like that…’now I’m placating to what you want.’”

Nathan similarly said, “…there’s that, ‘Hey, girl!’ Trying to relate to you thing…they’re completely being offensive, and are totally menstrualizing you, and it’s really offensive.

Deeply.” Similarly, straight men can be offensive in how they attempt to relate to gay culture, as well. Cocoa said, “The straight dudes’ way of being accepting of gay people is either, one, if it’s a lesbian, it’s, ‘Oh, that’s hot,’ or if it’s a gay dude, it’s, ‘That’s cool, man. Let’s just bro hug it out.” They acknowledged that while it may not be intentionally offensive, it places pressure to conform in a space where they should be free to be themselves. This directly connects to the concern that straight folks do not understand the purpose and historical significance of what gay bars represent for the LGBTQ community.

Nathan continued, “Unfortunately, I don’t think that they’re [straight folks] capable of understanding the history of what gay bars are; the history of the fight, of the struggles…” Al provided an example of this when he went to WeHo with a straight woman in attendance. He shared, “She was like, ‘I just want to have so much FUN!’ I think that I was annoyed by that, because there were queer people there. There were gay guys there, who I think were processing doing something really empowering to them.” Al felt that the gay men in his group were having an empowering experience by being in the atmosphere of WeHo, which was disrupted by the straight woman in the group. Several participants reported that a lack of knowledge and awareness can be problematic, and can disrupt what is supposed to be a safe space for the LGBTQ community. Dimitri said,

“…sometimes I have [straight] women, who will barrel through me to get to the dance floor. I’m like, ‘This is not your space to be barreling through me to get in the middle of the dance floor.’” Steven added that straight folks in gay bars should be, “Someone who is going to be your ally, not someone who still needs the education.” Since gay bars serve as places to escape from the pressures and judgments of mainstream society, it can be problematic for members of the LGBTQ community to cater to straight people in these spaces.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons have varying feelings regarding straight folks in gay bars, which is dependent upon their intention for being there. Nathan said that some

LGBTQ folks could sometimes enter gay bars with poor intentions and behaviors, although straight people need to enter gay spaces with “extra intention.” He continued that, “You can be an ally, you can support, I totally appreciate straight people being in gay bars, if their intention is to respect, honor, and participate, respectfully.” There can be

a clash of intentions between LGBTQ gay bar patrons and straight folks, which confuses what the space is intended for. Fred stated that he feels the need to go through extra steps to figure out a straight person’s intention. He expressed, “I constantly feel like I’m having to analyze their behavior in the space to decide whether or not I’m comfortable with them being there,” which makes it difficult for him to entirely indulge in the space, and all that it has to offer.

Once intention is established, it can be perceived to be either positive or negative.

Jade said, “For me, I’m torn, because straight women can tokenize gay men, but also, I understand those that are there to support their friends who are first-timers in a gay bar.”

Some LGBTQ folks mentioned the pride of being able to invite their loved ones into these spaces to introduce their culture to them, although providing the necessary education can be challenging. There is an opportunity for straight folks to show their support for the LGBTQ community, which Mike said, “…is excellent, especially for rights.” The normalization of gay bar culture means a stronger opportunity for advancing equal rights. Having a network of allies that support the LGBTQ community is crucial, and being able to experience gay bar culture together can be an enjoyable experience for some LGBTQ gay bar patrons. However, LGBTQ gay bar culture is perceived as spectacle to some straight folks. Multiple participants reported feeling like, “…animals at the zoo. It’s something for people to try and say they did…,” as Anson described it.

Cocoa found it to be problematic when her straight friends would say, “’We’re going to

WEHO tonight, do you want to go to WEHO with us?’ It’s like, ‘We’re going to

VEGAS!’ That’s the same emphasis that they would put, and I’d be like, ‘Oh, so it’s just another Saturday for me.’” Gay men, in particular, mentioned feelings of being gawked at

by straight women, as if they become a part of a straight woman’s experience. Jade said,

“…they [straight folks] feel that it’s a ‘cool’ or ‘hip’ thing to go to laugh and celebrate at a gay bar, and it just feels weird…that’s supposed to feel safe for gay boys and gay folks.” Even when the intention is not malicious, an exciting night out at the gay bars in

Los Angeles for straight folks can establish feelings of unease and doubt for many

LGBTQ gay bar patrons.

The most notorious instance of culture as spectacle was discussed in the form of bachelorette parties in gay bars, where groups of straight women attend a gay bar to get wild and celebrate marriage. Nathan said:

I know we have our rights now, but I think it’s something that is sort of like

celebrating getting to sit in the front of the bus. It’s just a weird thing. You’re

choosing to celebrate something specifically that, historically, we haven’t had

access to, and you’re celebrating that thing in our space.

Even most of the participants who said that they generally do not have an issue with a straight presence in gay bars indicated that bachelorette parties are inappropriate. These events are certainly more prevalent in some particular bars than others. Dimitri put it,

“We’re always the hair stylist or the makeup artists, like there to prop up straight people.

I’m not here to prop up anybody’s bachelorette party, unless it’s a lesbian bachelorette party.” The majority of LGBTQ gay bar patrons said that bachelorette parties not only disrupt the space, but also are insulting the very roots of what gay bars culturally and historically represent. Rather than respectfully participating in gay bar culture, these straight women are viewed to be shifting power structures within the bar, as Kimbra said,

“I think the bachelorette party exemplifies all of the things, because if you’re about to get

married, it’s all supposed to be about you,” although she expanded that this should not be the case in a space that is not designed for them.

When asked about how straight people in gay bars makes them feel, participants predominantly spoke about straight women, even when they were not discussing bachelorette parties. Upon being asked how straight men make them feel in gay bars,

LGBTQ gay bar patrons in Los Angeles initially questioned the frequency of seeing straight men in gay bars. However, there is a question of whether it is actually less likely for a straight man to be in a gay bar than a straight woman, or if they are simply less visible to LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Al said that the straight girl in his group, “…didn’t get that the women in the group were also queer,” Men tend to blend more into gay bars than women do. There is an assumption that all of the men in gay bars are gay, while the sexual orientation of women is considered to be more ambiguous, which comes from the view that women are more sexually fluid than men.

Those who acknowledged straight men in the gay bar scene mentioned intention and behavior as being critical to being respectful in these spaces. Cocoa referred to three types of straight men that she has experienced in gay bars, including ones that:

…got dragged there, and don’t want to fucking be there, but they feel like they

have to be there for whatever reasons to be macho and puff out their chests and

protect their women, and the other ones are just awkward and they got dragged

there and they want no interaction with anyone…and the ones that are like,

“Yeah, fuck it, man. Let’s go. You want to go to a gay bar? Let’s go to a gay bar.

I’m going to take some shots. I may dance a little. May even kiss a dude.”

Da Bar10der experienced the first personality that Cocoa mentioned while working his shift, as some straight men have complained when there was gay porn playing on the televisions. He responded by saying, “’If you’re not comfortable being in a gay bar, don’t be here. This is our environment…if you’re disgusted by it, don’t come here.’” LGBTQ gay bar patrons drew an issue with straight men who are offended by being flirted with or are disgusted by gay sexuality in a space where these things are commonplace. Some

LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned frustration with potentially confusing a straight man to be a gay man. Steven said, “…there’s a lot of cruising that happens in gay bars, where cruising is going to happen. It’s [straight men in gay bars] almost false advertisement.”

This doubt creates feelings of unease when wanting to flirt with a member of the same sex in a gay bar. In the heterosexual public sphere, LGBTQ folks are apprehensive to flirt with members of the same sex, which is introduced into gay bars in this instance. This shifts power from being in the domain of the LGBTQ-identified folks to straight people having the power to reject advances made by LGBTQ people, and potentially a greater degree for concern to follow regarding safety.

For some straight men, a gay man flirting with them is an act of challenging their masculine heterosexuality, which has the potential for an aggressive response that changes perceived safety for LGBTQ gay bar patrons. While participants noted that straight women could be problematic in gay bars, they are not perceived as being threatening to their physical safety, although this is not true for straight men. Kimbra said, “If a dude with hegemonic masculinity, if they feel threatened, their response is, historically, violence, while for women, not necessarily…It’s a little bit more scary.” A greater degree of interrogation regarding their intention comes into play for straight men

than for straight women, as violence towards members of the LGBTQ community has historically been performed by straight men. Other participants mentioned moving from less progressive areas to Los Angeles, although the safety concerns that they once took more seriously when they were younger have been difficult for them to shake entirely.

While it can be frustrating for gay men and lesbian women to navigate an uneducated straight presence, there is an even greater lack of education regarding other identities in the LGBTQ community that enter some of these spaces. When speaking about affirmation of his transmale identity in gay bars, Fred said, “Cis gay men and cis straight women, actually, sort of sit in the same place for me, or close at least, because cis gay men are pretty terrible at getting gender and sexuality correct for transmen.” He recalled that straight men are more likely to affirm his identity; he felt that straight men view him as “another dude,” while gay men and straight women do not necessarily understand that he is potentially eligible from a romantic and/or flirting standpoint.

However, different trans identities are perceived differently both internal and external to the LGBTQ community. Al said, “…there’s much more of a danger for trans females…Nobody cares about trans men that much, like people really don’t like trans women…” While there are certainly issues around trans inclusion in gay bars with other members of the LGBTQ community, the infusion of straight folks is an additional layer of potential challenges, whether it is around the affirmation of gender identity or feelings of safety. Specifically trans women of color are often the targets of violence by straight men, establishing a cause for concern. While a straight presence is a complex phenomenon, the next section will illustrate the positive aspects of the gay bar scene in

Los Angeles that keep LGBTQ gay bar patrons returning to these spaces.

Positive Aspects

Comfort and Community

The gay bar scene in Los Angeles is particularly unique in how it integrates the progressive and diverse Los Angeles culture with LGBTQ culture. The sense of comfort in the fostering of identity that these gay bar spaces provide was frequently discussed throughout all of the interviews. When discussing how going to gay bars made him feel in his twenties, Da Bar10der said, “…it made me feel special and comfortable with my own sexuality.” There are not many spaces that exist to allow the LGBTQ community to be surrounded by others in the same community, so the gay bar scene in Los Angeles has provided an outlet for these folks to feel comfortable in their identity. Despite Los

Angeles feeling more progressive than places where some of the participants have lived previously, LGBTQ gay bar patrons reported that they feel as if they need to mute their identity outside of gay bars. Anson said that when he goes to straight bars, “I’m more watchful of how I’m acting, my mannerisms, what I’m doing, if there is dancing, how

I’m dancing, who I’m dancing with…I’m a little bit more self-conscious in a straight bar.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons said that there is more of a hostile vibe in straight bars, whereas gay bars allow them to no longer have to monitor their behavior of who they are looking at, how they are dancing, or how they are acting without the fear of violence.

This sense of comfort and community is extended to younger generations in ways that are more visible than in less progressive cities. Mike said, “I think the younger generations are coming out more, and I think that’s adding to more people to going out.”

As mentioned previously, feelings of safety are attached to these spaces, which is inspiring younger LGBTQ folks to attend gay bars without the fear of judgment or

violence. Even those who may not potentially know how they identify have a space to experiment and grow. Jade said, “I think it is opening up the doors for exploration for men and women to be able to explore their sexuality, whereas it’s not as stigmatizing as it used to be.” An individual questioning their sexuality is able to do so in a way that is safe, while gay bars provide an experience of what the culture has to offer. However, even some LGBTQ gay bar patrons who have been attending gay bars for years continue to be empowered through the gay bar scene. Tony said, “It’s almost like having an alter ego. You have your day-to-day personality, but then when you go out at night, you morph into this supreme being in my head…you feel more sexually alive and attractive.”

LGBTQ gay bar patrons discussed the community within gay bars as feeling comfortable enough to allow them to be themselves. Being in a gay bar setting has inspired several of these LGBTQ patrons included in this study to be themselves, even if they are typically more introverted. Comfort and community are positive aspects of gay bar culture that expand on how LGBTQ gay bar patrons attach meanings of identity confirmation and empowerment to these spaces.

While Los Angeles is an expansive city that can be difficult to navigate, the gay bar scene provides a sense of community and belonging that brings LGBTQ folks together. Dimitri explained the experience of going to one of his favorite communal gay bars as, “…there might be a ton of people that I don’t recognize, but there will be at least five or ten people that I do recognize, so I love that aspect that I can meet new people, but

I don’t have to.” The city has a large community, although it is common for LGBTQ gay bar patrons to run into familiar faces, establishing a greater sense of community and belonging. However, unlike some of the smaller cities that some of the participants came

from, there is room to meet new people each time they go out to a gay bar. Bob described this sensation as, “You have your own town. It’s very empowering. It’s my community.”

The various established gay bar regions provide a safe bubble, where LGBTQ gay bar patrons can feel an empowering sense of identity through a physical space.

Diversity in Voices

Whether an LGBTQ gay bar patron is drawn to a specific bar for the clientele that it draws, the vibe, or events that take place, gay bars in Los Angeles have a wide array of options. Fred said, “There’s more access to demographics of the gay scene here that could lead to more specific interests than there are in other places.” Within each of the established gay bar regions, there is the possibility to explore gay bars that emphasize different experiences, whether it is kink-oriented, divey, more upscale club scenes for dancing, among others. Dimitri said, “The fact that Downtown and Silver Lake...they promote diversity, I think is really fun to watch…I’m grateful for it, because those are the places where I feel the most comfortable, personally.” Similarly, Kimbra expressed that

Silver Lake is, “…leather daddies and more punky, so always on the periphery of gay culture, like the kink culture, and BDSM.” The various gay bar regions attract specific crowds to each venue. However, DTLA provides a “neutral territory,” where LGBTQ gay bar patrons of different scenes are able to co-exist within the same space. This is exhilarating for those who do not like how members of the LGBTQ community are segregated based on attributes, such as body type.

Within the diversity that exists in the gay bar scene in Los Angeles, there is room for creativity, as artistic LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned the ability to be experimental in having the dual role of being both a producer and a patron. Nathan said, “The thing I

like about L.A. in general is the ability to grow here, and the ability to contribute to dialogue.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons expressed how Los Angeles has events going on every night of the week, which get quite crowded, revealing how new spaces are constantly being created out of familiar bar locations. Spike talked about a specific gay bar that gives back to LGBTQ artists, which has the potential to expand to other bars in the future. He expressed:

They always have different vendors that will come in and set up tables, like queer

artists, queer vendors selling pins for their art, clothes, or whatever. It’s so

cool!...It’s a really great way to include these queer artists and merchants who

are trying to make a living and get their name out there, and be interactive with

the community, and have a place to do it. I had never seen that anywhere.

While Los Angeles is still an expensive city to live in, LGBTQ gay bar patrons working as producers in some form explained that it is more doable than many other major cities around the country. They continued that there is still a large amount of space for creative growth, as the gay bar scene is constantly changing. The next section will present the challenging aspects that LGBTQ gay bar patrons struggle with in the Los Angeles gay bar scene. While nearly all participants stated the same few positive aspects, the responses to being asked about challenging aspects were more diverse, depending on their lived experiences.

Challenging Aspects

Judgment and Pressure to Conform

While most LGBTQ gay bar patrons had a lot to report regarding the positive impact that gay bars have had on the fostering of their identity, many of them also

highlighted challenging aspects that are specific to their lived experiences in gay bars.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned experiencing feelings of judgment inside of gay bars from other members of the community to varying degrees. Chad said, “I don’t belong in

Sidekick. That’s for the really hot gays. I belong in Watering Hole, because I’m not a

‘real gay.’ I’m like a ‘fake gay.’” He expanded on this by discussing how LGBTQ people are defined according to status in these spaces. When he reflected on his experience as a gay man, he said, “…being a part of a clear tribe is an important sense of status, because it’s kind of a signal of your sexual preferences…Another source of status is…The more intelligent they perceive you to be.” When asked what the most important status indicator is, he said, “If you’re tall, because height signals dick size.” In these spaces, being at the top of the hierarchy according to these indicators of statuses is powerful. Since gay bars in the modern Los Angeles landscape tend to be predominantly male, there is less of an issue regarding status, or the pressure to meet these expectations for those of other gender identities. However, when in a lesbian bar, Cocoa said, “You just feel like you’re in a fucking meat shop…Everyone is on display. Everyone is being judged in some way.”

Most lesbian gay bar patrons explained that they felt judged in lesbian bar settings, although they did not attach this to gay bars that are predominantly male. When one is not the targeted object of affection in a specific space, there is less pressure in feeling judged in this way. LGBTQ gay bar patrons expanded that not all gay bars necessarily feel judgmental, as it can change from gay bar region to region, and sometimes even bar to bar within a given region. Some participants felt that the more upscale gay bars, which are predominately where straight people go, narrowly define queerness by expecting people to conform to stereotypes of what it means to be gay, such as feminine gay men

and butch lesbian women. Cocoa said, “They’re [straight women] like, ‘Oh, we can go shopping and do all of this,’ It’s like their best girlfriend.” This perpetuates the stereotype that all gay men are effeminate, treating them as if they are fashion accessories. However, these narrowly defined gender roles simultaneously leaves trans, bisexual, and other identities left out of the conversation and therefore invisible in these spaces.

Cis Gay Male-Dominated Spaces

Multiple participants spoke about how all of the LGBTQ community is lumped together in male-dominated gay bars, as lesbian spaces have closed throughout Los

Angeles. Kimbra said, “…we don’t have bars, so we have parties that travel.” Some women identifying as lesbian or queer still attend the male-dominated gay bar spaces, although the clientele is primarily men, who are not always the most welcoming of anybody who is not a cis gay man. Kimbra said:

There’s still this huge gender binary, and the queer lesbian scene is more open to

trans and gender non-conforming folks than the gay male scene, and that sucks,

especially for trans dudes, who are like, “I’m a gay dude, and I’m not interested

in going to a lesbian party,” but you’re going to not be welcome to a gay male

party.

Contemporary queer politics are evolving to include conversations around identities beyond gay men and lesbian women, although some LGBTQ gay bar patrons did not always express feelings of comfort in these spaces, particularly those who have identities, such as trans or pansexual. This was reflected in Fred’s experiences of navigating spaces that did not affirm his transmale identity. For example, Fred said, “…if someone calls me

‘she’ or ‘her’ to not necessarily let it trigger this part of my brain that’s like ‘They’re

misgendering me,’ because they literally call all of their gay male counterparts ‘girl,’

‘she,’ ‘her,’ so it’s hard to differentiate….” Some slang within the LGBTQ community can be offensive and exclusionary, even though these ways of referring to one another are not necessarily malicious in intent.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons discussed toxic masculinity’s place in the gay bar scene, and how invasive it can become. Nani said, “It’s what we’re taught on TV, that the hero has to come and crush the villain, and that’s masculine. It’s really not. So, for entertainment purposes, it’s fine, but in real life, it’s not.” This manifests in the gay bar scene in a couple different ways. LGBTQ gay bar patrons pointed out how straight men get offended when men flirt with them, and how gay men do not utilize consent. Nani continued that, “…I’ve noticed with the straight men, there’s this defensive, ‘Oh, he’s looking at me.’ I’m like, ‘You have to calm down.’ I feel like that’s a problem, is that they make it a thing.” Jade explained consent in gay bars when she said, “…gay bar culture is just very sexual, and consent doesn’t exist.” A few LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned being groped and touched without permission, which has affected different participants to varying degrees, dependent upon previous sexual experiences. However, some LGBTQ gay bar patrons assume that since it is a gay bar, it is acceptable to grope and grab others without asking for consent.

Hookup Apps

Technology is a theme that was discussed throughout most of the interviews with gay men, as most of the apps used to find hookups or potential dates in the LGBTQ community are primarily for men seeking men, such as Grindr and Scruff. Ron said,

“People don’t go up to people necessarily all the time anymore. If you see a hot guy at a

bar, you’re probably going to log onto an app to see, ‘Is this guy close to me?’ It’s easier to write over text than it is to say something face-to-face.” The digital space has changed the rules of social interaction in gay bars, making it more acceptable for gay men to be awkward and rude to one another in the search for instant gratification of finding sex or dates. Gay men dismiss each other on the basis of attributes, such as body type, race, age, and penis size. These apps have made it more difficult for smaller gay bars to keep their doors open, since gay men started to search for sexual encounters through apps, rather than going to a physical space. However, even when gay men go to gay bars, they are often on these hookup apps. Da Bar10der said, “People go to West Hollywood, and they pay more attention to being on their phones and finding a hookup there than looking up in front of them.” Since the intention for going to gay bars has changed for many gay men, it has forced the gay bar scene and its patrons to adapt within these spaces.

The apps also provide a level of anonymity that makes some users feel more comfortable to express preferences in an exclusory fashion. This technological influence on communication has started to seep into the physical space, although generally not to the extremes seen on the apps. When discussing the “no fats, no femmes, no Asians” culture on the apps, Mike said, “…that is a challenge in our gay community, especially in

L.A., especially in our bigger cities, because not a lot of gay men want to date those kind of men, and that’s unfortunate.” This is an issue that Mike found in practice in both physical spaces and in written form on the apps. Ron said, “I see people all the time on

Grindr, GROWLr, Scruff, stuff like that, people are always saying ‘no’ to certain races. I feel like everybody has types, but there’s a right way and a wrong way to go about discussing them.” As someone who has experienced this firsthand, Tony said, “Speaking

as someone who’s half Latino, I can admit that it’s easier to find someone by registering yourself as White under the race question, because if you’re mixed, you’re denied automatically.” While it is generally less likely to directly hear this language in a gay bar, this behavior existing online certainly has an impact on the physical spaces and acceptance based on other intersecting identities.

Racial Issues

The stereotypical image of the “ideal” gay man projected by gay culture in Los

Angeles is cis, White, young, lean or muscular; this ideal type is perpetuated in the gay bar scene. Mike said, “I think that’s the biggest challenge right now, is that we’re trying to fight and be more open and not a little bit ‘racist’…you don’t have to be attracted just to a cis, White gay man. There are other gay men out there.” However, a lot of this comes back to the hierarchy of gay bar culture. Jade said, “L.A., specifically, is an interesting city, because we always look to give someone some kind of label or identity, whether it’s gay, or whether it’s Black or White, it has to be one specific identity, and you’re judged based on that.” While LGBTQ gay patrons said that they view gay bars that have specific themed nights that cater to a specific race to be positive, there are challenging aspects that come with having these nights. Tony said:

There’s just this thing that it’s been proliferated around through media…that we

consume is that Asian men are assumed to be either asexual or feminine or not

sexual at all…they’re kind of segregated, pushed to their own place, and if White

guys try to do anything, they’re seen as going against the grain, and they even

give them these little stupid colloquial names, like Rice Queen. It’s very offensive.

Race is another way that LGBTQ people are organized within the hierarchy of status and power. Many White people will avoid certain bars to avoid spaces that are more known for being popular with LGBTQ folks of other races. Anson said, “I feel like

I’ve seen White people not wanting to go to certain places, because like, ‘Oh, it’s all

Asian, it’s all Mexican, or whatever’…You still see, no matter what bar you go to, people tend to stick within their own ethnic or racial groups.” Those at the top of the hierarchy get the most attention inside of gay bars, including the most sexual advances made towards them. LGBTQ gay bar patrons perceived that these individuals feel as if they are able to treat others who are considered less attractive with disrespect. Racial tensions were primarily discussed by gay men, while participants of other intersecting gendered and sexual identities rarely mentioned this issue.

Commercialization and Gentrification

While the normalization of gay bar culture is good for obtaining more rights and acceptance of LGBTQ folks, it has led to the commercialization of these safe spaces.

Chad explained how this has resulted in shaping what it means to be gay when he said,

“…you feel like everything you do is being validated or invalidated by images that are being constantly fed to you by the media…it’s like you buy a gay identity.” He continued that WeHo, in particular, “…makes you want to escape reality, instead of enjoy reality, and drink more, and watch more music videos, and have sex in the bathroom.” While

WeHo has been known as the gayborhood for many years, reality TV star Lisa

Vanderpump has opened upscale restaurants alongside gay bars on the strip. These more broadly famous restaurants are driving rent costs up in the surrounding areas, causing

WeHo to become further gentrified. Anson said, “…people gravitate towards that, and a

certain type of person gravitates towards that. To me, it’s not a good thing.” Outside of the gay bars, the hit TV show Ru Paul’s Drag Race moved from LOGO to VH1, opening up to a wider, more straight audience. Many gay bars host viewing parties for the show, which has only increased the rate at which these spaces are being commercialized for non-LGBTQ crowds. Spike said, “Now, when we go to the viewings at the bar, it is just a madhouse. It’s so packed, because it’s not just the gay community there to watch it…I can’t get a drink anymore. The line is wrapped around the bar.”

LGBTQ gay bar patrons discussed how the commercialization and gentrification of gay bar culture have led to a series of other challenges. While some LGBTQ gay bar patrons listed the heavy amount of alcohol in the gay bar scene as being a positive aspect, several of the participants noted that there is way too much of it, as it now defines the scene. Nani said, “I definitely think that alcohol and drugs are more prominent in the gay scene, because people want to go all out. They want to live their best life, because they’ve been suppressed for so long.” She explained that a lot of LGBTQ folks feel the need to party harder to “make up for lost time,” since they lived so much of their lives hiding who they are. Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons explained that purchasing nice clothes, a haircut, and several drinks at a gay bar is mandatory in accessing what it means to be gay. A queer social life is commercialized through the images projected by gay bar culture of how to look, behave, and think. As the area within a gay bar region becomes more gentrified, these expectations become more narrowly defined. As more affluent people begin to move into the area, they are more likely to frequent these particular bars, which pressures these establishments to cater to crowds that perpetuate this stereotypical image. Maintaining the gay lifestyle in Los Angeles with regards to keeping up with

current fashion trends, paying for Uber rides, and buying alcohol on a weekly basis becomes very expensive. Al said, “…cis gay men…don’t have the money to go there, to go to that area of West Hollywood, but they do, like on a regular basis, and they’re all broke because of it.” This consumerism and consumption is a product of the commercialization of gay bar culture. LGBTQ gay bar patrons compared the prices of

Los Angeles gay bars to ones in other cities, and found that every aspect of the gay nightlife culture is significantly more expensive due to the gentrification and commercialization that has caused prices to skyrocket.

In this context, gentrification is explored through the lens of leisure, rather than residency. The trendy restaurants and businesses draw affluent heterosexual folks to these areas. DTLA is the most recent gay bar region to be experiencing gentrification. This area maintains a gritty atmosphere, although the area is constantly under development to attract more people. Nathan explained, “The reality is that it’s a hugely untapped area for a long time that is now experiencing, not only business growth, but residential growth. So many people are living Downtown now, which was never the case…It’s gone from a ghost town at night to, it’s Manhattan now down there.” However, Silver Lake has also been gentrified over the years. Nathan remembered, “Silver Lake…used to be all super, super, super, super gay. It’s all been homogenized now and taken over by hipster straight bars.” The gay scene in Silver Lake has become smaller over time, and focused on conforming to a middle-class, heterosexual taste.

Most LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned the segregated Los Angeles geography, as it splits the community and makes it more expensive to travel from one gay bar region to another. Steven said, “Los Angeles does a very poor job of bringing people together, in

general. It feels very New York to me, except everyone is divided by freeways instead of subways. There’s a lot of isolation.” A lot of Los Angeles residents stay in their neighborhood, making it a challenge to navigate all that Los Angeles gay bar culture has to offer. Gay bars have become more expensive and more congested, resulting in a change in the way that gay bars are experienced. LGBTQ gay bar patrons said that they have to carefully select spaces that do not feel so congested, otherwise it ruins the experience. These large crowds make it difficult for LGBTQ gay bar patrons to interact with one another in a substantial way. Chad said, “…it prohibits the building of community, because the music is so loud, the venues are generally very crowded and uncomfortable.”

When asked if there was anything else that he would like to add at the end of the interview, Mike said, “Pride has gotten to be…not necessarily a celebration of pride. It is becoming more of a concert and a tourist attraction, and I think that’s not the way to go…it should be open. You shouldn’t have to pay for a ticket.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons discussed how Los Angeles Pride has become so commercialized to the point where it becomes a cash grab opportunity for bars and the organizers of Pride, rather than a celebratory event to remember what that means culturally and historically. With the normalization and commercialization of gay culture, the younger generations are progressively becoming less aware of historical struggles, as LGBTQ gay bar patrons perceived that these younger LGBTQ folks are focused more on the party aspect than what it means for the community, similar to what has occurred with Los Angeles Pride.

However, the gay bars use the event of Pride to profit from the LGBTQ community.

Marlin said, “Sometimes I question it when you go to Pride, and prices are jacked up, and

they give you small amounts of booze, and charge you a cover.” Requiring LGBTQ gay bar patrons to pay a cover charge fragments the community, as some LGBTQ folks may have difficulty affording entrance. LGBTQ gay bar patrons find there to be less of a sense of community around a shared struggle in these spaces. The next section will explore how LGBTQ gay bar patrons reconcile with these challenges.

Reconciliation and Resistance

Self-Confidence

LGBTQ gay bar patrons are subjected to a wide array of challenges that come with the positive aspects of being able to experience community in these particular settings. However, they reconcile with these challenges to establish their own sense of space and identity in several different ways. The most common way to navigate and resist challenges in gay bars was through an understanding of personal identity (and knowing oneself) and maintaining a sense of self-confidence (and accepting oneself). LGBTQ gay bar patrons unpacked how it is important to present themselves in a specific way that displays intention and in a way that stays true to themselves, rather than allowing the gestalts of gay bar culture to define who they are. Chad said, “I end up feeling that I have to construct my own identity very slowly through this very screened process: Is this really what I feel? Is this who I am?”

Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned that knowing who you are is essential to tapping into a sense of community that feels safe. Regardless of intersecting identities, many of these folks highlighted the importance of not being defeated by the aforementioned challenges. Bob said, “I had to figure out who I was, what I wanted for myself, accepting who I was. Just don’t care. After one loves themselves, you just don’t

care anymore about what other people think.” Similarly, Jade said, “The way that I create a sense of community or a sense of safeness in a club scene is really knowing who I am, and really encouraging my group of friends to know who they are.” All of the LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned age as being the primary factor for developing this sense of confidence. However, other folks turn to other resources to gain this confidence, such as their friends and alcohol.

Engaging with Choice

Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons struggle with feeling the need to go every weekend to access their sexual identity, although they reconcile with this by choosing to engage with these spaces in different ways, such as relying on the support of friends. Tony said,

“Never be alone…I’ve been alone for so long before coming out, now that I’m surrounded with friends, it’s kind of like, you can say that it’s a crutch.” While some

LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned using friends as a crutch to aid with this sense of confidence, others view it as “safety in numbers.” Many LGBTQ gay bar patrons treat going to gay bars with their friends as being the main experience to feeling comfortable, and all other meanings attached to these spaces are secondary. LGBTQ gay bar patrons who focus on enjoying the gay bar experience with friends are less concerned with receiving validation from strangers.

Similar to how people choose who they go to gay bars with, they also choose the spaces that they want to spend their time in. Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons avoid WeHo in order to avoid feeling judged or as if they need to fit within the “ideal” image of what it means to be a part of the gay male community, while others are more intentional about the specific bars they frequented and the clientele they engaged with in these spaces. This

intentional act of resistance was a strategy used by many of the participants. Ron said, “I started going less to places where I felt like I was being judged, and more to places where

I wasn’t feeling judged.” Depending upon the meanings attached to certain gay bar regions, what is a safe utopia for some is a judgmental madhouse for others, which is why many LGBTQ gay bar patrons are able to reconcile with challenging experiences by finding where they feel comfortable, as different spaces cater for different types of people.

Some participants said that they feel as if they need to go to gay bars to access a queer identity, as Chad said, “…it’s the most accessible way to feel gay, or to be gay.”

Dimitri reconciles with challenges of feeling isolated by engaging with the gay bar scene on a deeper level. This is his way of putting himself out of his comfort zone by experiencing different gay bar regions, which allows him to express his sexual identity in a variety of ways according to the setting. He said, “[I] straight up find a day, and be like,

‘This is the day I’m going to Silver Lake. This is the day I’m going to the gay clubs in the

Valley.’ There’s this mentality that the Valley is too far, when it’s just over the hill.”

Conversely, engaging in gay bar culture on their own terms has led LGBTQ gay bar patrons to access these spaces less often. For Da Bar10der, he expressed that his social time is spent at, “…nice dinners and restaurants. It’s not going to gay bars and clubs. My priorities are completely different now.” While he tries to avoid gay bars now, Nathan said, “I engage on my own terms…not feeling pressured to go out, just because I felt like

I needed to be there.” These participants do not allow gay bar culture to be the sole outlet for accessing their sexual identity.

Managing Expectations

Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons grew up in Los Angeles, while others moved from various other states across the United States. However, a few LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned that their expectations of the Los Angeles gay bar scene were based on what they had seen in the media. For example, Kimbra compared it to MTV culture, as she said, “We live in this culture, where the media is obsessed with partying, and it’s like,

‘Go, have fun! You’re young! Go drink, go do drugs, you’re going to have the best time of your life!’” Cocoa similarly said, “Up until then, I only had things that you see on TV shows or whatever, and I’m thinking, ‘I’m going to see some gay dude convulsing off of

GHP in the corner or something.” Many LGBTQ gay bar patrons explained their initial expectations being around intense partying, although some participants expected gay bars to be the primary site for all things queer-inclusive. The more time spent in the gay bar scene, both of these initial expectations faded, which then transformed into something different that they now experience. Kimbra said that she reconciles with the lack of a dialogue around queer culture in gay bars, among other issues by:

…this not being my only queer space, and learning that I’m not going to get all of

the things that I need out of a queer space. It’s probably one of the main pillars of

my life, but it’s only one pillar…what I don’t get from the gay bar scene, I try not

to look for it there anywhere…People who read queer books, probably a lot of

people in the bar, but that’s not where we’re going to talk about it, so looking for

those spaces external to that scene, and not having my whole self be identified by

that scene.

Trans folks reconcile with challenges in the gay bar scene in unique ways. It is important for them to manage expectations of what to expect from the gay bar scene regarding the lack of inclusion of trans identities. When discussing his presence in gay bars, Al said, “I feel like a respected guest. So, it’s kind of easier when you have that delineated, because we [him and the cis gay male bar community] have incentives to respect each other, but I’m still a guest.” While he still occasionally goes to gay bars in

Los Angeles, he enters the space with the mentality that this space is not designed for him, and he will not be able to access the form of empowerment in these spaces that cis gay men do, although he can still enjoy the space for what it is, have a good working relationship with this segment of the community, and attend gay bars with the intention of spending time with his trans choir group.

In other cases, the result in managing expectations differs, as Fred said, “I lean on friends who have lived here for a long time, who are running parties, who are queer- centric, and I just don’t show up for the cis gay male scenes as much anymore.” Since cis gay men are less likely to affirm his identity, he feels more comfortable in queer spaces that are more inclusive of trans identities. Jade manages her expectations by knowing what to expect from gay bars, and primarily frequents them to support her best friend in his pursuit of a relationship in a space that he feels safe in. Otherwise, she creates her own inclusive space within her home by inviting friends over. Jade said, “For me, it gives me the opportunity to know someone on a very human base, and actually being able to look in their eyes and communicate, and communicate off of body language than yelling or screaming at each other in a bar, and only getting half of the conversation.”

For some LGBTQ gay bar patrons, it is less about the actions that they take, and more about having a certain frame of mind when going into the gay bar scene. When reconciling with an increase in straight attendance, Anson said, “I tell myself, ‘At least people are becoming more accepting of gay people and LGBTQ people.’” When it comes to the discrimination and segregation that takes place in gay bars, Anson continued to express, “I just tell myself that, ‘Things still need to change, and at least I’m noticing it.’

I understand that this problem exists, at least I notice it.” Participants said that they do not know how to necessarily implement change, but noted that it is important to not turn a blind eye to these challenges, but that having these conversations is a step in the right direction. Conversely, Britney said, “…you do get touched purposefully without having permission. It’s better that you just are fine about it. It’s not all totally devious, but sometimes people will just do a little bit of a touch here and there…It just has to kind of roll off.” Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons noted that some of these challenges, such as around consent, are to be expected by the clientele that attend gay bars, and to be a part of the gay bar scene, patrons have to accept that it is integrated into the culture. The final section of findings will look at the evolution of the Los Angeles gay bar scene, specifically how the gay bar scene in Los Angeles has changed over time, and where

LGBTQ gay bar patrons want to see it go in the future.

Perceived Changes in Los Angeles Gay Bar Culture

Inclusiveness in Gay Bar Cultures

Many LGBTQ gay bar patrons expressed that gay bar culture in Los Angeles is male-dominated and has issues with the inclusion of other intersecting identities.

However, they also noted that there has been a greater level of inclusion than what

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existed in these spaces when they first started attending gay bars, which has extended to straight folks, as well. These LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned that they think that the accommodation of diverse clientele will continue over time, as the scene becomes more mixed. Chad said that gay bars have become, “Less segregated…Straightness will become less significant over time. It will just become, you know, gay means gay. Gay means different. It won’t matter.” This sense of integration has come in smaller doses, especially as it includes trans identities. Al outlined how one particular gay bar in WeHo has a Trans Day during Pride month, as he expanded that, “…just because of that, almost the outreach that they do, sort of inviting trans people to come and are trying to make a space for them, and having more clout.” While LGBTQ gay bar patrons said that there is still a lot of work to be done in these spaces regarding inclusion, there have been more efforts made by these spaces to include trans folks in gay bar spaces.

Segments of the gay male community have been particularly judgmental towards more effeminate gay men in the past, which established a divide. Britney said, “Guys are a little more open about being femme. Using products, being more flamboyant, if they want to be, maybe that a little more.” Similarly, Steven said, “…we’re starting to get away from masc4masc-ness.” However, DTLA and other more mixed locations have encouraged the integration of the sub-cultures of gay bar communities. Dimitri said,

“There’s more options. I think people are more educated on their options, too. There’s this promotion of diversity and mixing with folks that are like you…there will be less of

West Hollywood is the only place to go.”

While the male-dominated gay bars occasionally exhibit inclusion of other identities, the queer event space displays more progress. Fred wants to see more queer

events take over segregated spaces, as he said, “They find bars, they hopscotch around to different bars to throw specific events, and I think that helps those spaces realize that there’s a market of inviting gay culture into their space, and that there’s a need for that.”

Kimbra expanded on the essence of queer events, when she said, “I do think there’s a lot of communal exchange and support, and so many people at events pulling other people in…I do think there are efforts to try and be more inclusive.” Nathan outlined why he enjoys attending queer events, and why it brings a more diverse crowd, as he said, “I typically go to bars to support events that I want to go to for something special, for an artist, for a drag queen that I want to see, whatever. There’s a reason besides going and drinking,” which allows for a more diverse crowd of LGBTQ folks to enjoy the space.

Acceptance and Commercialization

As established gay regions become gentrified, LGBTQ gay bar patrons explained how the commercialization of gay bar culture has changed the culture over time, and that it will only intensify. A wider acceptance of LGBTQ folks in Los Angeles has resulted in the normalization of gay bar culture, and therefore a culture to profit from. Cocoa said:

I feel like people will see a market for it. I think, at that point, it’s just going to be

a market. It’s not going to be like, “Oh, to have a gay bar, so that they have a

place to go or whatnot.’ I think it’ll be, “Gays like to party, and now that it’s

more accepted, more people are coming out, so we need more places for them,

and that’s money.”

Similarly, Mike said that the gay bar scene in Los Angeles is, “More touristy. A lot more busy. A lot more younger people go. It’s a lot busier. A LOT busier. Yeah, I don’t like it.

I really don’t like it.” Marlin spoke about Vanderpump’s reality television establishments

in WeHo, when he said, “I’m afraid it’s going to be even more mixed [with straight people and gay people]…I feel like a lot of people from out of town…are like, ‘Oh, we’re doing the whole reality bar crawl.’ I think it’s going to get more and more integrated.”

While Ron agreed with this notion for WeHo, he said, “I don’t know about the East side bars, because the bars over there are not like a town like it is here…they would continue to stay the same,” and he extended this same notion to the gay bars in the SFV. While

LGBTQ gay bar patrons said that WeHo is the most gentrified and commercialized area covered in this study, some noted that the SFV and Silver Lake have held onto their roots, and will continue to do so, such as Ron. Other LGBTQ gay bar patrons acknowledged gentrification in DTLA and Silver Lake, but to a lesser degree and aimed less at tourists.

As mentioned previously, gay bar culture in Los Angeles is male-dominated and remarkably crowded. However, LGBTQ gay bar patrons attribute the crowds and the increase in drink prices to the commercialization that has taken place through the normalization of gay culture. Britney referred to this normalization of culture when he said, “I feel like the culture is a lot more accepting of people just being gay…It’s less shameful to go to a gay bar, whereas there used to be almost a sense of not wanting to be seen going in there and coming out of there.” While the reduction in stigma is positive,

LGBTQ gay bar patrons are discouraged by this evolution in gay bar culture. When Spike described some of the more popular gay bars in Los Angeles, he said, “It’s so crowded, it’s so insanely crowded. You can never find any of your friends, you can’t even walk around, the drinks are so expensive, and there’s women everywhere,” while gay bars were not perceived to be as crowded and the drinks were not as expensive in the past.

Similarly, Marlin said that when he went to get a drink from a gay bar in WeHo, “…it

was fourteen or fifteen dollars for the drink, and I was like, ‘I can’t believe how expensive it is.’ They’re like, ‘Yeah, sorry.’ The reason we used to go there is a big, tall glass would cost you six bucks.”

Modern Intentions in the Modern Gay Bar Scene

While LGBTQ gay bar patrons described the hookup apps as a challenging aspect, they also talked about how they have impacted intentions for entering the space.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons acknowledged that the apps harmed the gay bar scene, although multiple participants mentioned that the apps will not completely eliminate the gay bar scene, as many people in the community initially feared. Dimitri said, “I think we saw an initial downturn at bars, and it was frightening for a second for a lot of the business owners, but I don’t think that an app could ever truly replace the experience of going out and having that safe space for people.” Anson looked at the potential evolution of the digital and physical spaces becoming supplemental to one another, as he said:

I think that on the one hand, gay hookup apps keep people at home and less likely

to feel the need to venture out to meet someone. You can just do it from the

comfort of your own home. At the same time, especially apps where location is a

factor, I think that going to a gay bar…makes it easier to be closer to a number of

options.

Similarly, Steven said, “The more we go into a comfortable position around presenting multiple versions of ourselves, digitally, the better we’ll be able to do it in the real world, or in the non-digital world, I should say.” These LGBTQ gay bar patrons see that the gay bar scene will eventually evolve alongside the apps, even though there has been an initial lag effect.

The apps have changed the intentions for why some LGBTQ gay bar patrons go to gay bars, as bars are less frequently used as a hookup spots; although gay bars offer a unique experience that LGBTQ gay bar patrons do not see being replaced by hookup apps. Nevertheless, not all LGBTQ gay bar patrons view the mixture of the digital world and the physical space as optimistically. Nathan said, “I just think it has changed the need to go out, the intention of going out. How many times do you look at people on a dance floor and everybody is on their phone? Oh my God.” He expressed frustration that the dance culture in gay bars has been consumed by addiction to technology. Dimitri said, “I fear for the places that are like The Mine, because if you’re not going to The Mine to get dick, and you’re not going there with a big group of friends, then what are you really going there for?” The gay bars that are intended for more interpersonal experiences, including hookup culture, have been perceived as being the most at risk of closing due to the impact of the hookup apps. Marlin also expressed concern with technology’s impact on intention in gay bars over time, as he said, “You couldn’t meet someone unless you went out…I just felt like there were more people to meet, and now, it’s like, ‘We’re out, we’re taking selfies.’ We’re out, but we’re not really looking.”

Some LGBTQ gay bar patrons did not necessarily perceive that the gay bar scene in Los Angeles itself has changed, but that their outlook and their priorities have changed, therefore changing how they engage with the gay bar scene. The main reason for their perceptions changing is age. Spike said, “It’s challenging, because I feel like, is it the vibe changing, or me changing? It’s hard to differentiate the two. Am I just getting tired of this and growing out of it, or is it actually become more obnoxious?” Similarly, Nani said that the craziness of the younger LGBTQ in gay bars “…can be annoying for older

people, who are looking for something more stable, or people who have been out and understand themselves better…and are more comfortable with themselves that they don’t need to be so flamboyant.” Similarly, Anson said, “Age is probably the biggest factor, and the fact that I have done it all, and I’ve seen it all. It’s not as exciting to go out anymore as it was when I was just coming out when I was young and energetic.” This change in mentality with age has led to LGBTQ gay bar patrons not going to specific gay bar regions, such as WeHo, reducing the frequency that they go out, or using the space for bonding purposes with friends, rather than for partying.

The Next Generation of LGBTQ Gay Bar Patrons

With more LGBTQ folks coming out at an earlier age, participants noticed that a new generation is starting to enter the gay bar scene. However, these younger LGBTQ people have had technology integrated into their upbringing, resulting in a different mentality from other generations. Chad said, “Most Gen Z’ers want to be Instagram models and have their own YouTube channels…it’ll become more about appearance, poise, and demeanor. It will become more about how White you appear to be. Not necessarily white skin, but in the sense of eloquence, in the sense of civility.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons who discussed future generations of LGBTQ folks unanimously said that a shallow culture based on looks has only worsened, and that it will continue to escalate in this direction.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons expanded on this by discussing a sense of entitlement and selfishness in gay bar culture that did not exist to this extent previously. Nani said,

“The culture has definitely changed a lot more. It’s a lot more selfish in L.A., but when I was younger and going out more often, that’s more of what it was.” She reflected that

when she was younger, there was a greater sense of community through how LGBTQ folks looked after one another to ensure that they stayed safe. Cocoa said, “I think we’re losing a little bit of the appreciation for what we have…I think we do have to appreciate the history, and the fact that we are able to have a lot of the things that we have now, because people have sacrificed for us.” Similarly, Nathan said, “I really don’t think that most millennials quite understand how special it is, and how necessary it was for our elders.” Newer generations of LGBTQ folks are growing up in a culture that has led participants to believing that there is more of a sense of selfishness and entitlement that did not exist when they were new to the gay bar scene.

The LGBTQ gay bar patrons who have been in the scene for a longer period of time explained the divide between the new generation and older folks. Marie said, “I think younger people are more focused on technology, and that’s how they meet people, instead of going out to meet people, but I think the old crowd is just set in their ways.”

While LGBTQ gay bar patrons still noted that those who have been in the scene for a longer period of time use the hookup apps, they tend to be more hesitant about how the culture has changed. Nathan said, “Everybody I know that’s my age group, we all just are facing this kind of weird, ‘What the fuck?’ moment. We don’t know what we’re doing.

We don’t know how to engage with each other anymore.” Chad prophesized, “It

[shallowness in gay bars] probably will get worse. It will get worse. It will be very hostile, competitive. That’s what I see. Hostility and competitiveness.”

Forging the Path of the Los Angeles Gay Bar Scene

Interaction and Inclusion

When asked how they would forge the path of the gay bar scene in Los Angeles,

LGBTQ gay bar patrons most commonly responded that they want more interpersonal interaction and more inclusion of diverse identities. Chad said, “Less alcohol. Softer music. The music becomes less of the reason why you go, and more of like a background to the activity that is happening. More interaction between people.” Similarly, Ron said,

“…maybe they can do speed dating nights type of situation or something like that to help people meet other people.” Accounting for technology, Nathan described a bar in San

Francisco, when he said, “…dance, talk. You’re not supposed to be on your phone. If the

DJ sees you on your phone, he’s going to ask you to put it away.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons who attach meanings of bonding and meeting people mentioned that they want it to become more focused on interaction between members of the community. For some of these folks, the amount of emphasis placed on alcohol is problematic, and they want to see the gay bar scene be less defined by partying. However, Jade was not as optimistic about this particular change happening, as she said, “I would like to see WeHo chill the fuck out, but I know it’s not going to, so I’m really not holding my breath.”

Since many of the gay bars in Los Angeles are gay male-dominated, LGBTQ gay bar patrons expressed that they want to see more inclusion of other identities. Jade continued that, “I would really like to see them invite more folks in. I want to see them do more, if they want that, because I think that there’s so much opportunity for more inclusive bars.” Similarly, Fred said, “…having more queer nights, or their regular nights

become more queer-inclusive.” While Al concurred that he wants gay bars to be more inclusive than they are, he also added:

It would be nice to have a space in the L.A. core area that is truly, culturally

trans. By trans, I am also including intersex or severely gender non-conforming to

a point where maybe you don’t even use different pronouns, but you really don’t

fit in with gays and lesbians.

However, most LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned inclusion into the gay bar establishments themselves, rather than creating entirely new spaces for other identities.

Cocoa said that she does not like the segregation, as she explained that, “I would like for it to be a place where people could go of all types in the LGBTQ community…There’s not like, this is where all the trendy gays go…if you’re a transgender, you can go here.”

Similarly, Anson said that he would like to see the gay bar scene, “…become less judgmental…become more accepting, more loving, more inclusive, more friendly, because I don’t necessarily think that gay bars now are the friendliest places to go.”

Holding Onto Our Roots

Several LGBTQ gay bar patrons mentioned the importance of holding onto their roots with regards to what gay bar spaces historically represent for the community.

Within the interviews, participants shared ideas about the many advancements that

LGBTQ gay bar patrons want to see. Within this discussion, there are elements to this scene that they want to see go back to how they once were. For example, Nathan said, “I would love more dance-focused spaces. I would love there to be more a sense of the underground. I miss the underground. I think that comes with culture accepting us.

There’s no underground anymore. There’s no sub-culture, everything is just culture.”

Similarly, Mike said, “Make it smaller….I’m talking about this in WeHo, I think it would do very well for it to kind of not make it as touristy, and slow the growth a bit.” The growth of commercialization of gay culture resulted in feelings of alienation for some

LGBTQ gay bar patrons. Cocoa said, “I would like for it to stay, or continue that way, and have more places, but that the community and culture and all of that doesn’t change,” especially as she referred to feelings of straight people taking over what these spaces mean.

The essence of what the gay bar space means to LGBTQ gay bar patrons is particularly important. However, for many of the participants, the straight presence has interrupted the ability to access these roots. Anson said, “It’s become the ‘cool’ thing to do, or it’s where you went because you had to, and it’s the only place you could go, whereas now, it’s the ‘cool’ thing to do.” Meanwhile, Steven admitted that the hookup apps in the Los Angeles gay bar scene have been problematic for the aforementioned reasons. Steven also shared that some of the newer apps that are less about putting gay men into boxes of what they are searching for and “…better reflects who a gay person is.

A gay person is not always sex, is not always boyfriend, is not always both, so I think there is an improvement there that you’re not always single dimensionally presenting yourself.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons are fluid with their intentions at gay bars, and some participants argued that the spaces should embrace that.

For others, it is a connection to the elders of the LGBTQ gay bar community that allows them to hold onto their roots. Nathan said:

I wanted to know all the stories. People that lived through the AIDS crisis, like, ‘I

want to know. I did, too, sort of, but not like you.’ I look at those people as a

connection to other people that I never got to meet, and that’s really

important…The only way to learn that stuff is to talk to the elders.

Kimbra said that she wants gay bars to hold onto their roots of what these spaces were for the elders and allow these roots to continue to grow, as she explained, “I would like the spaces to really, intentionally embody politics…push our community to represent what it never represented, which is like racial awareness…queer culture has [been]…coopted by colonialist rhetoric, the same way that feminism was.” She continued that she wants the gay bar scene to be an opportunity for LGBTQ folks to interrogate themselves as part of a larger conversation around queer culture and identity.

Decentralizing Los Angeles Gay Bars

As mentioned previously, LGBTQ gay bar patrons described WeHo as the

“mecca” of gay nightlife, as it is centralized within the gayborhood. However, as it has become more gentrified and commercialized, there has been an influx of both young and straight folks. While some LGBTQ gay bar patrons find solace in the safety that they feel in the gayborhood, most want to see gay culture become more decentralized in Los

Angeles to allow for a greater amount of access to these spaces across the Los Angeles core area. Dimitri said, “I would love to see more shit open up in Hollywood…I would also love to see more options further East…As more folks are coming out of the closet, there are going to be spaces that need more of those gay bars for the young ones to escape to.” Marlin said, “I’d like to see it expand over here into the Valley, for sure.” Based on their proximity, these LGBTQ gay bar patrons want to see gay bars open in areas; trips to certain desired established gay regions can be rather far. Nani said, “It’s a lot safer to drive the extra twenty minutes to feel like you’re in your own community, and it’s kind

of like a little utopia.” LGBTQ gay bar patrons who live in the SFV are willing to drive further for this particular experience, even though the participants who live in the SFV would prefer options that are closer to them. Anson expanded on decentralization more, as he said:

I would want more options of gay bars in other areas outside of West Hollywood

or Downtown or Silver Lake. I would want more options in Santa Monica. I

would want more options in Culver City. I would want more options in

Koreatown. I would want more options in Hollywood, but at the same time, I

don’t want it to become just like any other bar.

While the decentralization of gay bars in Los Angeles is a common theme among many of the interviews, having more gay bar options that reflect and amplify the diversity of the Los Angeles gay bar scene is important to them. Ron said, “I like the bear community bars that I go to…I would love another bear kind of bar.” Similarly, Nathan said, “I would like to believe that there will be more options. I would like to think that it’s going to stay interesting and fresh…and that the people who are already doing things will continue to work hard to provide a space.” Marlin expressed a less optimistic perspective in getting more large spaces due to evolutions in gay bar culture in Los Angeles, as he said, “I would like to see a huge venue just be gay again, but I don’t know if that’s going to happen. I feel like people like variety and want to bar hop. They aren’t committed to one place.” The other established gay regions are evidence that more gay bars are sprouting outside of WeHo, although only time will tell how they will manifest in the gay bar culture of Los Angeles.

It should be your utopia. Gay bars have existed as a safe space, and as a space of

congregating and meeting, originating from a time when it was for safety

purposes, not just for pleasure and fun. Literally, we had to gather in spaces that

were secret, so there’s a sacred quality to the gay bar. It’s a safe space. It’s

sacred. It’s holy ground. Certainly during things like the AIDS epidemic, the gay

bar served as your only escape. It was your only chance to shake it off, and I think

it’s a very special place. I still look at it as a place to connect with my brothers

and sisters, and engage in our dialogue, and in our space to do it.

- Nathan

DISCUSSION

Implications

Geography Defines Queerness

The first overarching research question in this study explores the geographic component of gay bar culture in the Los Angeles area. WeHo, Silver Lake, the SFV, and

DTLA each provide a different atmosphere and clientele. While there is some crossover of clientele, WeHo, Silver Lake, and the SFV segregate different types of LGBTQ folks according to factors such as body type and intention, although there is a deeper level of segregation that takes place within the individual gay bars in these regions of Los

Angeles. Aldrich (2004) provides useful insight into how these spaces are created to escape the judgments of a heteronormative society, although my findings take this a step further by displaying how Los Angeles specifically generates gay bars with an emphasis on alternative queer cultures (Silver Lake and DTLA) to escape what has become mainstream gay culture (WeHo). This culture seeks to provide a space that is removed from pressures to conform to a singular definition of queerness.

None of the current research looks at how gay bar culture from one region to another defines queerness. WeHo is the “mecca” of gay bar culture, which defines queerness as a sense of status achieved through being a White, young, hairless, cis gay man with a lean or muscular body type. Meanwhile, Silver Lake is the opposite in that it embraces a hipster, alternative style in a way that is more embracing of other queer and intersecting identities. The SFV is the most casual of the areas, portraying less of an image of how queerness should be presented through these elements of status. The clientele of this gay bar region has more Latinx patrons than the other areas. Finally,

DTLA is the most diverse and accepting in its clientele, as it emphasizes queerness over gayness, similar to Silver Lake. Most LGBTQ gay bar patrons only feel comfortable in specific gay bar regions. The queer events provide a broader sense of queerness that is not as narrowly defined as gay bars. However, this is due to the space having a more diverse crowd that is not predominantly cis-gay male. Depending on the gay bar region, there is a different concept of masculinity that impacts how gay identities are performed and perceived across the aforementioned scenes. Philen’s (2006) findings argue that sexual orientation-based communities are dependent upon masculinity, which can be used to understand how LGBTQ gay bar patrons in this study perceive the different gay bar regions. For example, effeminate gay men are more likely to be in WeHo, while butch gay men are more likely to be in Silver Lake; this creates a mentality that pits the two gay bar regions against each other. Aldrich (2004) addresses the desire that LGBTQ folks have to find locations that feel safe from judgment, which explains how LGBTQ gay bar patrons in Los Angeles are intentional regarding which scene they decide to be a part of.

The Pulse nightclub massacre demonstrates that gay bars are still targets for violence (Adams 2018; Croff et al. 2017), although LGBTQ folks in Los Angeles feel safest in WeHo, since it is in the gayborhood. Similarly, Stotzer (2010) finds that despite gayborhoods having a higher number of sexual orientation-based hate crimes, these areas are less at risk than predominantly heterosexual spaces with more economic hardships.

This particularly makes sense that WeHo is a more crowded, affluent area that provides the LGBTQ community with a perceived sense of physical safety, while LGBTQ gay bar patrons feel less safe in DTLA and the SFV. Doan and Higgins (2011) and Ghaziani

(2014) discuss “super-gentrifiers” as they relate to the LGBTQ community, which is particularly prevalent in my study’s findings. Vanderpump has opened restaurants along the strip of gay bars in WeHo, allowing her to profit from using the gayborhood as a setting to draw in customers who are internal and external to the LGBTQ community, shifting the purpose of what the gayborhood is meant to represent. Outsider influencers, such as Vanderpump, begin to have an influence on how the gayborhood defines queerness, which leaves many LGBTQ folks feeling as if they have a loss of control over their own identity and how others socially construct it. As the gay bar regions become more gentrified, LGBTQ gay bar patrons feel a greater sense of safety and acceptance in these areas, although this comes at the cost of community based on sexual orientation.

Brown-Saracino’s (2011) research refers to similar costs and benefits to Ithaca becoming integrated.

Selectively Inclusive

The next major takeaway point centers on inclusion, which answers the second research question of what meanings LGBTQ gay bar patrons associate with gay bars.

These are spaces that allow LGBTQ folks to bond with and meet other people who share the commonality of being within the same community within a physical space that feels safe and comfortable. This particular finding supports existing research in how LGBTQ folks feel most comfortable displaying this particular part of their intersecting identity within the confines of gay bars, although the performance of identity becomes muted in predominantly heterosexual public spaces (Davis 2013; Gruskin et al. 2007; Lea et al.

2015). The gay bar scene can be considered the heart of queer social life in Los Angeles, as it is the primary physical space to meet other LGBTQ folks, whether or not the

intention is to find a romantic or a sexual connection. However, as Holt and Griffin

(2003) explain, the main purpose of gay bars is to escape the pressures and expectations of the heteronormative world.

The ability to bond with and meet other people within the LGBTQ community at a gay bar is particularly important to foster and affirm identity and to feel included, which is desperately needed for LGBTQ youth. There are not many resources available that provide the communal aspect that gay bars do, which can be challenging for LGBTQ folks who are under the drinking age. However, the gay bar scene is a rite of passage for many young LGBTQ folks. When people have to suppress their sexual and/or gender identity due to expectations imposed by a heterosexual society, the gay bar acts as the setting where many LGBTQ individuals get the opportunity to navigate their identity for the first time in a public space. Thus, the gay bar not only serves as the hub for nightlife, but also a resource for accessing, fostering, and affirming one’s identity. This supports existing research that notes how the gay bar setting acts as a space that allows for individuals to try a variety of identities (Davis 2013). Matejskova’s (2007) research provides further context to this aspect of gay bar culture, as she refers to semi-public spaces that provide privacy for the performance of identities. There is value in homogeneous, identity-based spaces that allows for individual exploration (Brown-

Saracino 2011). The space becomes defined by what identities are the majority in the bar, providing a sense of belonging to those who identify in similar ways. However, the extent to how LGBTQ gay bar patrons feel included changes over time with age. While younger folks tend to feel comfortable within WeHo, older LGBTQ gay bar patrons generally feel

that the gayborhood operates on exclusion, pushing them to Silver Lake, the SFV, and/or

DTLA.

While LGBTQ gay bar patrons attach the meaning of having a place to bond and meet in a safe space to gay bars, feelings of isolation and judgment are frequently attached to these spaces, as well. Similar to the findings of Valentine and Skelton (2003), individuals who are marginalized or oppressed also marginalize and oppress those within their community. However, my findings take this a step further, exploring how the heart of queer social life acts as a space for those with the most status, as defined by the geographic location of the bar, to judge and alienate those who have less status; this typically is directed towards women and trans folks by gay men. Johnson and Samdahl

(2005) discuss the gender inequities that come from heteronormative discourses, which seep into the gay bar culture. Gay men feel that gay bars are exclusively their spaces.

Since they are oppressed in mainstream society, they feel that they have the authority to alienate more vulnerable identities in gay bars. The existing literature does not consider how some LGBTQ folks feel obligated to go to gay bars to access some degree of empowerment. These spaces are primarily designed to provide empowerment experience to gay men. This is concerning for those who identify as queer, lesbian, bisexual, and/or trans.

Straight Intentions

Answering the question of how the presence of straight folks in gay bars impacts experiences in gay bar culture is complex, as my findings reflect that there are mixed feelings associated with this phenomenon. Intention is the most predominant factor to determining how straight folks impact the lived experiences of LGBTQ gay bar patrons.

Brown-Saracino’s (2011) findings display how the mixing of straight and queer culture can be positive when there is an immersion between the cultures, although the perceived cost is a sense of community for LGBTQ folks. My findings agree that the mixing of straight and queer culture can be perceived as positive for the reasons of pursuing legal rights and rallying support from straight allies, who are there to prop up their LGBTQ- identified friends or family. However, gay bar culture becoming a heterosexual playground to use LGBTQ people and their spaces as vehicles for meeting one another is a negative intention that is not welcomed by the LGBTQ community. Gay men tend to be used as a status indicator by straight men and women as a means to meet one another.

This becomes even more concerning when there is no LGBTQ-identified person in the group, and straight folks decide to embark into gay bar culture as a group without a member of the LGBTQ community. This attempt at integration establishes the questionably queer space addressed in the existing literature. Hartless (2018) presents the conflicting concepts that come with supposed post-gay societal ideals, although my findings indicate that geography and gender have an impact in how straight people in gay bars impact the experience of gay bar culture. LGBTQ gay bar patrons who are more likely to attend spaces in WeHo than gay bars in other neighborhoods are less bothered by a straight presence, while the LGBTQ gay bar patrons who frequent a variety of different areas have more mixed feelings, describing their presence as a “takeover” or an

“invasion.” Gay men tend to draw more of an issue with straight women, and do not notice the presence of straight men as frequently. However, lesbian and bisexual women are more perceptive of the impact of straight men, but are generally less bothered by straight people in gay bars in general. Folks identifying as trans or queer are most likely

to interrogate the reasons for why any straight person is in a gay bar to begin with.

Regardless, the phenomenon becomes especially problematic when the intention to attend a gay bar becomes spectacle for straight customers to indulge in.

Bachelorette parties are the worst offender of transforming culture into spectacle.

While none of the existing literature addresses this particular situation, the negative impact that bachelorette parties have on LGBTQ gay bar patrons’ experiences is particularly important. The concept of a bachelorette party is to draw attention to the bride-to-be, which is counter-intuitive to the identity fostering empowerment that the

LGBTQ community derives from gay bar culture. It is common for a group of straight women in a bachelorette party to attend a gay bar in large numbers, taking over the physical sense of space, and thus changing the intention of what the space is being designated for in favor of their own purposes. Straight people making gay bar culture an event is problematic in how it changes the vibe of the bar, and creates a sense of unease for LGBTQ gay bar patrons to be able to fully express themselves and feel empowered by being in an environment surrounded by other folks who share this aspect of identity.

Matejskova (2007) describes how straight people stereotype LGBTQ folks, which translates to how they interact with them in gay bars. Most LGBTQ gay bar patrons in this study expressed frustration with how straight people expect them to fit into the stereotype, which removes the empowerment that the LGBTQ community derives from queer spaces. While LGBTQ gay bar patrons want to embrace straight allies, it is important that they are simultaneously able to maintain their safe space that has historical significance.

Self-Reflection

The final research question asks how LGBTQ gay bar patrons navigate changes that have occurred in gay bar culture over time. This is primarily accomplished through self-reflection, which leads to having knowledge and confidence in oneself. The existing research explains some challenges that LGBTQ gay bar patrons face in gay bars, although they do not place emphasis on the exploration of how the LGBTQ community navigates these struggles in a modern context.

The act of self-reflection requires the unpacking of what gay bars mean to them, what their purposes are for going, and establishing their own identity to feel more secure and comfortable in the space. By having this sense of security, LGBTQ gay bar patrons are able to navigate through changes in the culture, while holding onto the essence of their identity. The increase in gentrification and commercialization has led to more crowds and more straight people, although LGBTQ gay bar patrons are able to establish and maintain their own sense of space through identity.

LGBTQ gay bar patrons are also able to better negotiate the advancement of technology via gay hookup apps through self-reflection. These apps have harmed social graces within gay bar culture, although LGBTQ gay bar patrons try to engage in social interaction with other folks in the physical space, rather than allowing themselves to be defined by a profile text and a picture. Younger LGBTQ gay bar patrons are more accepting of including the apps in how they interact with others in these spaces, although gay bar veterans present more of a resistance by choosing to focus on being present in the physical space, rather than paying attention to their phone screens. While the creation of these apps initially interrupted the gay bar scene, technology has not been the death of

gay bar culture. Rather, it has transformed the experience of gay nightlife. Similar to

Ghaziani (2014), my findings indicate that gay hookup apps serve the purpose of immediate satisfaction. They are not a direct substitute to the experience of being involved in the LGBTQ community by attending gay bars.

One of the more surprising findings is the result of self-reflection by those who identify as lesbian, bisexual, trans, and/or queer. Lesbian bars and Lesbian Nights have largely disappeared throughout the Los Angeles area, but rather than trying to open more exclusive, stationary spaces, they have reconciled with the lack of inclusion in gay bars by creating events that are less about a specific venue, and more about the event and what it means for the community. These events are more queer-inclusive than the typical night at a gay bar, as there is more opportunity for dialogue to take place, which is more inclusive to folks who identify as lesbian, bisexual, trans, and/or queer. While the literature does not address these events, queer theory emphasizes their importance.

Butler’s (1990) exploration of the fluidity of identities that do not fit within the heteronormative matrix is particularly useful in describing why queer events have become popular for more vulnerable populations in the LGBTQ community. By seeking out queer events, LGBTQ gay bar patrons engaged in self-reflection to determine their place in mainstream gay bar culture, and opted to attend gay bars on nights that have more progressive views regarding non-binary identities. The evolutions that have taken place in the Los Angeles gay bar culture requires LGBTQ gay bar patrons to construct their own identity through an evaluative process that allows them to utilize gay bars as a space to bond with and meet other LGBTQ folks, relax, and even contribute to the gay bar culture through engaging with modern queer politics through the event scene. Placing

value on the event scene is not only more inclusive, but it also serves to resist the commercialization and gentrification of gay bars that can be geared toward profit rather than community.

Ethical Issues

When entering this research, the primary ethical consideration included possible minor discomfort for the participants in the form of potential embarrassment of sharing experiences in gay bars, some of which could have taken place while they were under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol. However, participants appeared to be fairly comfortable discussing their experiences in gay bars, even when the narratives included them being inebriated.

Before each interview took place, participants were asked to select a pseudonym by which they would like to be referred to as in the study, although I also respected participants who wanted to be referred to by their real name. While some of the participants mentioned the real names of friends and romantic partners in the interviews, the names were replaced with pseudonyms to protect their identity.

There were some notable initial challenges in navigating identity in the recruiting process. Since my goal for this project was to explore the impacts of straight folks in gay bars, there was a question of how to incorporate potential trans participants identifying as heterosexual. After having a discussion with a trans-identified participant and utilizing self-reflexivity, the decision was made to allow the study to be open to voices of straight- identified trans folks, as some individuals may value their trans identity over their heterosexual identity depending on the context and circumstance, and therefore finding

solace in gay bars. While none of the trans participants in this project identified as heterosexual, this was a challenge that arose from discussing identity.

While most participants appeared to be comfortable in sharing their experiences, some of the older participants felt more apprehensive during their interviews. Da

Bar10der and Marlin seemed nervous to participate, where they were reminded that they did not need to participate, could take breaks, skip any questions that they did not feel comfortable answering, or drop from the project completely at any point. However, they still wanted to participate, and appeared to become more comfortable with the questions the farther along that they got into the interview.

Limitations

There are a few limitations associated with this project. The first limitation is that the racial diversity in my sample is rather limited, as over half of the participants identify as White. While the majority of my sample identifies as male, it is important to note that gay bar spaces in Los Angeles are largely male-dominated, so this is reflective of the gay bar culture itself. However, it would have been preferable to have more folks who identify as queer, among other intersecting identities.

Another limitation to the study is the restricted inclusion of individuals with more diverse levels of engagement with the gay bar scene in Los Angeles. While three of the participants are direct contributors to the scene (one bartender and two artists), I could have tried to include go-go dancers, bouncers, bar management, and more bartenders, if given more time to include this additional layer of both producers/contributors and gay bar patrons. Given the role that commercialization plays into the topics of gay bar culture in Los Angeles and the impact of straight people in these spaces, I cannot rule out the

possibility that I would have received responses that were more positive of a mixed clientele.

Future Research

Future studies can expand upon this project through several means. This study primarily focuses on gay bar culture and the impact of a straight presence in established gay bar regions, although there are different cultural shifts occurring within the specific bars found within these areas of Los Angeles. While there are certain meanings attached to gay bars depending upon the region where they are located, some participants will only go to specific gay bars within a given area, but not others. Participant observation and visual mapping are methods of data collection that could be particularly interesting for the researcher to analyze gay bar culture in Los Angeles by incorporating their perspective into the research.

Next, the queer event culture is another path that future researchers can pursue.

This is a space that is continuing to evolve in ways that are more queer-inclusive than the typical night at a gay bar in Los Angeles. In particular, there is a need for more bisexual and/or trans voices in research focused on safe spaces and leisure activities. Most of the studies looking at LGBTQ leisure culture exclusively analyze the perspectives of gay men and lesbian women, but neglect how bisexual and/or trans individuals navigate these spaces. This would be a particularly interesting path for research, especially to analyze how the lived experiences of transmen and transwomen differ in queer events and other

LGBTQ spaces.

Finally, an area that future researchers can explore is how gay bars are changing with the introduction of the digital age. While this project touches on how the hookup

apps have changed interaction, intention, and are continuing to evolve the gay bar scene, future research can expand on this by asking questions about meanings and feelings attached to using hookup apps and compare app users on proximity based services, such as Grindr and Scruff, compared to swipe-based apps, such as Tinder and Chappy, to examine how these different approaches to meeting people online affects gay bar culture.

CONCLUSION

This thesis fills in the gap in the existing literature by incorporating a geographic component to the analysis of gay bar culture and the straight takeover of these LGBTQ safe spaces. The purpose of this project is to highlight the lived experiences of LGBTQ gay bar patrons through exploring the nature of established gay bar regions of Los

Angeles (WeHo, Silver Lake, the SFV, and DTLA), the meanings attached to attending gay bars, the impacts of a straight presence in gay bars, and the ways that LGBTQ gay bar patrons navigate changes in this culture over time. Gay bar culture in Los Angeles can be perceived as a positive and empowering experience, although it can also be rather challenging and isolating for others. There is a hierarchy of status determined by the geographical location of a specific bar, which often determines the experience that a

LGBTQ gay bar patron may have in a given area. Utilizing a phenomenological lens,

LGBTQ gay bar patrons understand a straight presence as a takeover of culture, which threatens the intention and historical significance of the space. Gay men primarily reconcile with their challenges internally through establishing self-confidence and forming a solid sense of identity, which is becoming more essential as the gay bar scene continues to evolve in both positive and negative ways. Lesbian women and trans folks are engaging in resistance through constructing a queer event culture, providing a space that is more inclusive for lesbian women and trans folks. By placing a focus on the meaning-making and reconciliation processes of gay bar culture in Los Angeles and the straight takeover, this thesis provides insight into the LGBTQ community via gay bar spaces that has yet to be explored in current academic literature. This research project

contributes to the conversation over contemporary queer politics and the normalization of queer culture that is continuing to evolve.

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