Political Stability in Afghanistan
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Afghanistan 2005 Parliamentary Elections.Pdf
THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE ADVANCING DEMOCRACY WORLDWIDE AFGHANISTAN PARLIAMENTARY AND PROVINCIAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS SEPTEMBER 18, 2005 ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Afghanistan Parliamentary and Provincial Council Elections September 18, 2005 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary…….…..…………………………………….. 2 I. Introduction…………………………………………… 5 II. Pre-Election Period…………………………………… 8 A. Electoral System B. Election Administration C. Voter Registration D. Candidate Nomination E. Campaign Finance F. Election Campaign G. Media Access III. Election Day………………………………………….. 10 IV. Counting Process…………………………………….. 11 V. Post-Election Analysis………………………………… 12 VI. Findings and Recommendations…………………….. 14 VII. IRI in Afghanistan……………………………………. 16 IV. Appendix………………………………………………. A. Appendix I: Election Observation Delegation Members and IRI Staff B. Appendix II: IRI’s Preliminary Statement on Afghanistan’s Parliamentary Elections, September 19, 2005 C. Appendix III: Summary of the Afghan Electoral Law 1 Executive Summary The International Republican Institute (IRI) received funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to conduct an election observation mission for Afghanistan’s September 18, 2005 parliamentary and provincial council elections. IRI’s 19- member delegation was led by former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Constance B. Newman and IRI President Lorne W. Craner. IRI observers were accredited through the United Nations and Afghan Joint Electoral Management Body (JEMB) and, in partnership with indigenous observer groups, deployed to 22 of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces. This was the second election observation mission for IRI in Afghanistan. In 2004, IRI was one of a small number of international nongovernmental organizations (NGO) to monitor the presidential election. -
The Kingdom of Afghanistan: a Historical Sketch George Passman Tate
University of Nebraska Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Books in English Digitized Books 1-1-1911 The kingdom of Afghanistan: a historical sketch George Passman Tate Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/afghanuno Part of the History Commons, and the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Tate, George Passman The kingdom of Afghanistan: a historical sketch, with an introductory note by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand. Bombay: "Times of India" Offices, 1911. 224 p., maps This Monograph is brought to you for free and open access by the Digitized Books at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Books in English by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tate, G,P. The kfn&ean sf Af&mistan, DATE DUE I Mil 7 (7'8 DEDICATED, BY PERMISSION, HIS EXCELLENCY BARON HARDINGE OF PENSHURST. VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA, .a- . (/. BY m HIS OBEDIENT, SERVANT THE AUTHOR. il.IEmtev 01 the Asiniic Society, Be?zg-nl, S?~rueyof I~din. dafhor of 'I Seisinqz : A Menzoir on the FJisio~y,Topo~rcrphj~, A7zliquiiies, (112d Peo$Ie of the Cozi?zt~y''; The F/.o?zlic7,.~ of Baluchisia'nn : Travels on ihe Border.? of Pe~szk n?zd Akhnnistnn " ; " ICalnf : A lMe??zoir on t7ze Cozl7~try and Fnrrzily of the Ahntadsai Khn7zs of Iinlnt" ; 4 ec. \ViTkI AN INrPR<dl>kJCTOl2Y NO'FE PRINTED BY BENNETT COLEMAN & Co., Xc. PUBLISHED AT THE " TIMES OF INDIA" OFFTCES, BOMBAY & C.1LCUTT-4, LONDON AGENCY : gg, SI-IOE LANE, E.C. -
AFGHANISTAN COVID-19 Multi-Sectoral Country Plan - District Coverage Overview (April, May, and June 2020) Number of Prioritized Clusters/Working Group
AFGHANISTAN COVID-19 Multi-Sectoral Country Plan - District Coverage Overview (April, May, and June 2020) Number of prioritized clusters/working group Badakhshan Badakhshan Jawzjan Kunduz Jawzjan Kunduz Balkh Balkh N by district Takhar Takhar Faryab Faryab Samangan Samangan Sar-e-Pul Baghlan Sar-e-Pul Baghlan Panjsher Nuristan Panjsher Nuristan Badghis Parwan Badghis Parwan Bamyan Kapisa Kunar Bamyan Kapisa Kunar Laghman Laghman Kabul Kabul Maidan Wardak Maidan Wardak Ghor Nangarhar Ghor Nangarhar 1 4-5 province boundary Logar Logar Hirat Daykundi Hirat Daykundi Paktya Paktya Ghazni Khost Ghazni Khost Uruzgan Uruzgan Farah Farah Paktika Paktika 2 7 district boundary Zabul Zabul DTM Prioritized: WASH: Hilmand Hilmand Kandahar Kandahar Nimroz Nimroz 25 districts in 41 districts in 3 10 provinces 13 provinces Badakhshan Badakhshan Jawzjan Kunduz Jawzjan Kunduz Balkh Balkh Takhar Takhar Faryab Faryab Samangan Samangan Sar-e-Pul Baghlan Sar-e-Pul Baghlan Panjsher Nuristan Panjsher Nuristan Badghis Parwan Badghis Parwan Bamyan Kapisa Kunar Bamyan Kapisa Kunar Laghman Laghman Kabul Kabul Maidan Wardak Maidan Wardak Badakhshan Ghor Nangarhar Ghor Nangarhar Jawzjan Logar Logar Kunduz Hirat Daykundi Hirat Daykundi Balkh Paktya Paktya Takhar Ghazni Khost Ghazni Khost Uruzgan Uruzgan Farah Farah Paktika Paktika Faryab Zabul Zabul Samangan Baghlan Hilmand EiEWG: Hilmand ESNFI: Sar-e-Pul Kandahar Kandahar Nimroz Nimroz Panjsher Nuristan 25 districts in 27 districts in Badghis Parwan Bamyan Kapisa Kunar 10 provinces 12 provinces Laghman Kabul Maidan -
Afghanistan Ghazni Province Land Cover
W # AFGHANISTAN E C Sar-e K har Dew#lak A N # GHAZNI PROVINCE Qarah Qowl( 1) I Qarkh Kamarak # # # # # Regak # # Gowshak # # # Qarah Qowl( 2) R V Qada # # # # # # Bandsang # # Dopushta Panqash # # # # # # # Qashkoh Kholaqol # LAND COVER MAP # Faqir an O # Sang Qowl Rahim Dad # # Diktur (1) # Owr Mordah Dahane Barikak D # Barigah # # # Sare Jiska # Baday # # Kheyr Khaneh # Uchak # R # Jandad # # # # # # # # # # Shakhalkhar Zardargin Bumak # # Takhuni # # # # # # # Karez Nazar # Ambolagh # # # # # # Barikak # # Hesar # # # # # Yarum # # # A P # # # # # # Kataqal'a Kormurda # # # # Qeshlaqha Riga Jusha Tar Bulagh # # # # # # ## # # # # # # # # # # # Ahangari # # Kuz Foladay # Minqol # # # Syahreg (2) # # # Maqa # Sanginak # # Baghalak # # # # # # # # # Sangband # Orka B aba # Godowl # Nayak # # # Gadagak # # # # Kota Khwab Altan # # Bahram # # # Katar # # # Barik # Qafak # Qargatak # # # # # # Garmak (3) # # # # # # # # # # Ternawa # # # Kadul # # # # Ghwach # K # # Ata # # # Dandab # # # # # Qole Khugan Sewak (2) Sorkh Dival # # # # # # # # Qabzar (2) # # Bandali # Ajar # Shebar # Hajegak # Sawzsang Podina N ## # # Churka # Nala # # # # # # # Qabzar-1 Turgha # Tughni # Warzang Sultani # # # # # # # # # # # # # Ramzi Qureh Now Juy Negah # # # # # # # # Shew Qowl # Syahsangak A # # # # # # # O # Diktur (2) # Kajak # # Mar Bolagh R V # Ajeda # Gola Karizak # # # Navor Sham # # Dahane Yakhshi Kolukh P # # # # AIMS Y Tanakhak Qal'a-i Dasht I Qole Aymad # Kotal Olsenak Mianah Bed # # # # N Tarbolagh Mar qolak Minqolak Sare Bed Sare Kor ya Ta`ina -
Afghanistan: Opportunity in Crisis Series No
Briefing Noah Coburn Asia Programme | March 2015 | Afghanistan: Opportunity in Crisis Series No. 8 Afghanistan: The 2014 Vote and the Troubled Future of Elections Summary • The September 2014 power-sharing agreement for the management of future votes, including between Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah upcoming parliamentary elections. only partially resolved the political crisis that • The 2014 crisis has created opportunities for followed Afghanistan’s disputed presidential reform, in part by disrupting a political system elections. The compromise of Ghani’s reliant on patronage. Popular dissatisfaction inauguration as president and Abdullah’s with the status quo could create space for appointment to the new role of chief executive devolution of some powers to local levels. officer ended a stand-off that had threatened a The crisis has also potentially provided the political collapse, but in-fighting has continued to United Nations with a more central role in impede the day-to-day functions of government. supporting democratization. • The post-election crisis, and the extra- • Obstacles to reform include the timing of constitutional negotiations it generated, parliamentary polls in 2015 and the weakness highlighted the weakness of the legal of the electoral agencies that oversaw the framework, which was unable to provide an 2014 transition. effective, transparent transfer of power. • A commitment to transparent elections by the • A timely assessment of the flawed 2014 Afghan government, the ruling elite and the transition is needed if stakeholders are to international community is imperative. Failure address the concerns arising from it and to undertake reform will undermine the notion prevent further damage to democratic of democratic elections for the Afghan public. -
VOTING TOGETHER Why Afghanistan’S 2009 Elections Were (And Were Not) a Disaster
AFGHANISTAN RESEARCH AND EVALUATION UNIT Briefing Paper Series Noah Coburn and Anna Larson November 2009 VOTING TOGETHER Why Afghanistan’s 2009 Elections were (and were not) a Disaster Overview Contents The Afghan elections in 1. Contextual 2009 have become infamous Background and for low turnout, fraud and Political Landscapes ...2 insecurity. Delay in announcing 2. Voting Blocs. ..........7 the results and rumours of private negotiations have 3. Why Blocs Persist increased existing scepticism and Continue to of the electoral process among Shape Elections .... 10 national and international 4. Conclusions and commentators. What has been Ways Forward ...... 17 overlooked, however, is the way in which—at least at the local level—these elections About the Authors have been used to change the Noah Coburn is a sociocultural balance of power in a relatively anthropologist in Kabul with peaceful manner. In many the United States Institute of areas of Afghanistan, the polls Voters queuing in Qarabagh Peace. He is also a Presidential emphasised local divisions and Fellow at Boston University, groupings, and highlighted the importance of political and voting where he is completing a blocs (which can include ethnic groups, qawms,1 or even family doctoral dissertation on units) in determining political outcomes. Also, while perhaps not local political structures, “legitimate” by international standards, these elections reflected the conflict and democratisation highly localised cultural and social context in which they took place: in Afghanistan. He has a MA a context that is often patronage-based and in which power is gained from Columbia University. through constant struggle and dialogue between political groups and Anna Larson is a Researcher leaders. -
Local Perspectives on Peace and Elections Ghazni Province, South-Eastern Afghanistan
Local perspectives on peace and elections Ghazni Province, south-eastern Afghanistan Interviews conducted by Abdul Hadi Sadat, a researcher with Unit (AREU), the Center for Policy and Human Development over 15 years of experience in qualitative social research with (CPHD) and Creative Associates International. He has a degree organisations including the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation injournalism from Kabul University. ABSTRACT The following statements are taken from longer their views on elections, peace and reconciliation. interviews with community members across two Respondents’ ages and ethnic groups vary, as do their different rural districts in Ghazni Province in south- levels of literacy. Data were collected by Abdul Hadi eastern Afghanistan between November 2017 and Sadat as part of a larger research project funded by the March 2018. Interviewees were asked questions about UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Female NGO employee I think the international organisations’ involvement is very Government officials and the IEC [Independent Election vital and they have an important role in elections, but I Commission] are not capable of talking with the Taliban don’t think they will have an important role in reconciliation regarding the election, but community representatives can with the Taliban because they themselves do not want convince them not to do anything to disrupt the election and Afghanistan to be in peace. If they wanted this we would even encourage them to participate in the election process. have better life. They have the power to force the Taliban to reconcile with Afghanistan government. Female youth, unemployed I don’t know for sure whether the Taliban will allow elections Male village elder to take place here or not, but in those villages where the For decades we have been experiencing war so all people security is low the Taliban will not let the people go to the are very tired with fighting, killing and bombing. -
Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Urban Studies Senior Seminar Papers Urban Studies Program 11-2009 Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan Benjamin Dubow University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar Dubow, Benjamin, "Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan" (2009). Urban Studies Senior Seminar Papers. 13. https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar/13 Suggested Citation: Benjamin Dubow. "Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan." University of Pennsylvania, Urban Studies Program. 2009. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar/13 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan Abstract The 2004 election was a disaster. For all the unity that could have come from 2001, the election results shattered any hope that the country had overcome its fractures. The winner needed to find a way to unite a country that could not be more divided. In Afghanistan’s Panjshir Province, runner-up Yunis Qanooni received 95.0% of the vote. In Paktia Province, incumbent Hamid Karzai received 95.9%. Those were only two of the seven provinces where more than 90% or more of the vote went to a single candidate. Two minor candidates who received less than a tenth of the total won 83% and 78% of the vote in their home provinces. For comparison, the most lopsided state in the 2004 United States was Wyoming, with 69% of the vote going to Bush. This means Wyoming voters were 1.8 times as likely to vote for Bush as were Massachusetts voters. Paktia voters were 120 times as likely to vote for Karzai as were Panjshir voters. -
Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe What determines whether a specific country embarks on the road to democracy, if it completes that voyage successfully, and finally consolidates democratic values, practices, and institutions? Analysts have debated these issues for decades and have identified a number of historical, structural, and cultural variables that help account for the establishment of successful democracies in some countries and its absence in others. Frequently cited prerequisites for democracy include social and economic modernization; a large and vibrant middle class; and cultural norms and values relating to politics. Yet whatever its determinants, operational democracies normally include contested elections, a free press, and the separation of powers. Although these characteristics have been identified as vital features of a democracy, emerging democracies also need to address serious social and economic injustices that threaten democratic consolidation. Afghanistan is a case in point in this regard. As a burgeoning democracy directly influenced by U.S.-led nation-building efforts, Afghanistan presents a unique and challenging case for democratization. Afghanistan has been ruled by warlords since the era of Taliban rule, and to an extent still is. Informal rule combined with the heroin trade and severe gender inequalities have created a frail foundation on which to promote democratic reforms. Although international human rights, judicial and national assembly commissions have presented significant mandates for change, all have met with problematic results. In order for democracy to take hold in Afghanistan, the fruits of warlord economy–opium production, smuggling, and illicit taxation of trade–must be wrested away from regional power brokers and replaced with socially stable economic incentives. -
Jalalabad & Eastern Afghanistan
© Lonely Planet Publications 181 EASTERN AFGHANISTAN Jalalabad & JALALABAD & Eastern Afghanistan ﺟﻼل ﺑﺎد و ﺷﺮق اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن Think of the great clichés of the Afghan character and you’ll be transported to Afghani- stan’s rugged east. Tales of honour, hospitality and revenge abound here, as hardy fighters defend the lonely mountain passes that lead to the Indian subcontinent. For Afghan, read Pashtun: the dominant ethnic group in the east whose tribal links spill across the border deep into Pakistan. Jalalabad is the region’s most important city. Founded by the Mughals as a winter retreat, it sits in an area with links back to when Afghanistan was a Buddhist country and a place of monasteries, pilgrims and prayer wheels. Sweltering in summer, you can quench your thirst with a mango juice before heading for the cooler climes of the Kabul Plateau, via the jaw-dropping Tangi Gharu Gorge. A stone’s throw from Jalalabad is the Khyber Pass, the age-old gateway to the Indian subcontinent. Getting your passport stamped here as you slip between Afghanistan and Pakistan is to experience one of Asia’s most evocative border crossings. If you’ve been in Afghanistan a while, you might find the sudden Pakistani insistence on providing you with an armed guard for your onward journey a little bemusing. Sadly much of the east remains out of bounds to travellers. The failures of post- conflict reconstruction have allowed an Islamist insurgency to smoulder among the peaks and valleys that dominate this part of the country. The beautiful woods and slopes of Nuristan – long a travellers’ grail – remain as distant a goal as ever and the current climate means that carefully checking security issues remains paramount before any trip to the region. -
Knowledge on Fire: Attacks on Education in Afghanistan Risks and Measures for Successful Mitigation
Knowledge on Fire: Attacks on Education in Afghanistan Risks and Measures for Successful Mitigation September 2009 CARE International in Afghanistan and the Afghan Ministry of Education gratefully acknowledge the financial, technical, and moral support of the World Bank as the initiator and champion of this study, and in particular, Asta Olesen and Joel Reyes, two dedicated members of the Bank’s South Asia regional Team. We would further like to thank all of the respondents who gave of their time, effort, and wisdom to help us better understand the phenomenon of attacks on schools in Afghanistan and what we may be able to do to stop it. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. Author: Marit Glad Assistants: Massoud Kohistani and Abdul Samey Belal Desk research, elaboration of tools and trainings of survey team: Waleed Hakim. Data collection: Coordination of Afghan Relief/Organization for Sustainable Development and Research (CoAR/OSDR). This study was conducted by CARE on behalf of the World Bank and the Ministry of Education, with the assistance of CoAR/OSDR. Table of Contents 1 Executive Summary.................................................................................................. 1 2 Introduction............................................................................................................... 6 2.1 HISTORY..............................................................................................................................7 -
Service Delivery in Taliban Influenced Areas…
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 465 | APRIL 2020 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Service Delivery in Taliban- Influenced Areas of Afghanistan By Scott S. Smith Contents “One Land, Two Rules” ................3 Emergence and Consolidation of the Insurgency ......................... 5 Education .......................................8 Health ............................................ 11 Electricity, Media, and Telecommunications .................. 15 Other Services ............................ 17 Conclusion ................................... 18 Students take an exam outdoors because their school had suffered extensive damage in fighting between Taliban and government forces. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) Summary • As the Taliban gained and con- • A study of several diverse districts • The Taliban initially opposed gov- solidated their hold over territo- across Afghanistan reveals that the ernment schools, but they later ry, they were forced to become Taliban leadership has attempted developed policies that allowed responsible for the well-being of to establish a certain uniformity in schools to function, as well as per- local communities. its governance of territory largely mitting girls to attend school to • Even as the Taliban leadership re- or partly under its control. age twelve. mained focused on military objec- • For example, while the Taliban have • Should there be a peace process, tives, in recent years they began to always allowed health officials to the Taliban and government will develop policies to deliver educa- work in their areas, in part because need to reconcile their differenc- tion and health services in particu- they too need these services, they es on service delivery in the areas lar, in some cases reversing earlier have taken increasing ownership of falling under their control. policies that denied these services.