Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
People's Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga in Pakhtun Socıety
J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci. , 8(1)180-183, 2018 ISSN: 2090-4274 Journal of Applied Environmental © 2018, TextRoad Publication and Biological Sciences www.textroad.com People’s Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga ın Pakhtun Socıety Muhammad Nisar* 1, Anas Baryal 1, Dilkash Sapna 1, Zia Ur Rahman 2 Department of Sociology and Gender Studies, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 1 Department of Computer Science, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 2 Received: September 21, 2017 Accepted: December 11, 2017 ABSTRACT “This paper examines the institution of Jirga, and to assess the perceptions of the people regarding Jirga in District Malakand Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. A sample of 12 respondents was taken through convenience sampling method. In-depth interview was used as a tool for the collection of data from the respondents. The results show that Jirga is deep rooted in Pashtun society. People cannot go to courts for the solution of every problem and put their issues before Jirga. Jirga in these days is not a free institution and cannot enjoy its power as it used to be in the past. The majorities of Jirgaees (Jirga members) are illiterate, cannot probe the cases well, cannot enjoy their free status as well as take bribes and give their decisions in favour of wealthy or influential party. The decisions of Jirgas are not fully based on justice, as in many cases it violates the human rights. Most disadvantageous people like women and minorities are not given representation in Jirga. The modern days legal justice system or courts are exerting pressure on Jirga and declare it as illegal. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Conflict in Afghanistan I
Conflict in Afghanistan I 92 Number 880 December 2010 Volume Volume 92 Number 880 December 2010 Volume 92 Number 880 December 2010 Part 1: Socio-political and humanitarian environment Interview with Dr Sima Samar Chairperson of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission Afghanistan: an historical and geographical appraisal William Maley Dynamic interplay between religion and armed conflict in Afghanistan Ken Guest Transnational Islamic networks Imtiaz Gul Impunity and insurgency: a deadly combination in Afghanistan Norah Niland The right to counsel as a safeguard of justice in Afghanistan: the contribution of the International Legal Foundation Jennifer Smith, Natalie Rea, and Shabir Ahmad Kamawal State-building in Afghanistan: a case showing the limits? Lucy Morgan Edwards The future of Afghanistan: an Afghan responsibility Conflict I in Afghanistan Taiba Rahim Humanitarian debate: Law, policy, action www.icrc.org/eng/review Conflict in Cambridge Journals Online For further information about this journal please go to the journal web site at: ISSN 1816-3831 http://www.journals.cambridge.org/irc Afghanistan I Editorial Team Editor-in-Chief: Vincent Bernard The Review is printed in English and is Editorial assistant: Michael Siegrist published four times a year, in March, Publication assistant: June, September and December. Claire Franc Abbas Annual selections of articles are also International Review of the Red Cross published on a regional level in Arabic, Aim and scope 19, Avenue de la Paix Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish. The International Review of the Red Cross is a periodical CH - 1202 Geneva, Switzerland published by the ICRC. Its aim is to promote reflection on t +41 22 734 60 01 Published in association with humanitarian law, policy and action in armed conflict and f +41 22 733 20 57 Cambridge University Press. -
Afghan Internationalism and the Question of Afghanistan's Political Legitimacy
This is a repository copy of Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/126847/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Leake, E orcid.org/0000-0003-1277-580X (2018) Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. Afghanistan, 1 (1). pp. 68-94. ISSN 2399-357X https://doi.org/10.3366/afg.2018.0006 This article is protected by copyright. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Edinburgh University Press on behalf of the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies in "Afghanistan". Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan’s political legitimacy1 Abstract This article uses Afghan engagement with twentieth-century international politics to reflect on the fluctuating nature of Afghan statehood and citizenship, with a particular focus on Afghanistan’s political ‘revolutions’ in 1973 and 1978. -
Afghanistan 2005 Parliamentary Elections.Pdf
THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE ADVANCING DEMOCRACY WORLDWIDE AFGHANISTAN PARLIAMENTARY AND PROVINCIAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS SEPTEMBER 18, 2005 ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Afghanistan Parliamentary and Provincial Council Elections September 18, 2005 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary…….…..…………………………………….. 2 I. Introduction…………………………………………… 5 II. Pre-Election Period…………………………………… 8 A. Electoral System B. Election Administration C. Voter Registration D. Candidate Nomination E. Campaign Finance F. Election Campaign G. Media Access III. Election Day………………………………………….. 10 IV. Counting Process…………………………………….. 11 V. Post-Election Analysis………………………………… 12 VI. Findings and Recommendations…………………….. 14 VII. IRI in Afghanistan……………………………………. 16 IV. Appendix………………………………………………. A. Appendix I: Election Observation Delegation Members and IRI Staff B. Appendix II: IRI’s Preliminary Statement on Afghanistan’s Parliamentary Elections, September 19, 2005 C. Appendix III: Summary of the Afghan Electoral Law 1 Executive Summary The International Republican Institute (IRI) received funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to conduct an election observation mission for Afghanistan’s September 18, 2005 parliamentary and provincial council elections. IRI’s 19- member delegation was led by former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Constance B. Newman and IRI President Lorne W. Craner. IRI observers were accredited through the United Nations and Afghan Joint Electoral Management Body (JEMB) and, in partnership with indigenous observer groups, deployed to 22 of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces. This was the second election observation mission for IRI in Afghanistan. In 2004, IRI was one of a small number of international nongovernmental organizations (NGO) to monitor the presidential election. -
Disarmament, Demobilisation, Reintegration in Afghanistan
DIIS REPORT 2006:7 FROM SOLDIER TO CIVILIAN: DISARMAMENT DEMOBILISATION REINTEGRATION IN AFGHANISTAN Peter Dahl Thruelsen DIIS REPORT 2006:7 DIIS REPORT DIIS DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2006:7 © Copenhagen 2006 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 87-7605-146-3 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This report is a result of the ongoing research cooperation between The Royal Danish Defence College and the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS). The report is published as part of Defence and Security Studies Research Programme at DIIS, which is funded by the Danish Ministry of Defence. Peter Dahl Thruelsen is Research Fellow at the Institute for Strategy at the Royal Danish Defence College. Tel +45 3915 1211, e-mail: [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2006:7 Summary This report sets out to explore the processes of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) within the context of post-conflict peace-building. I have tried to investigate the transformation of soldiers to civilians in the aftermath of war. The purpose of the research is to facilitate practical recommendations of DDR to be used in future cases of post-conflict peace-building. The empirical focus of this study is the post-conflict DDR programme in Af- ghanistan. -
Containing the Taliban: Path to Peace in Afghanistan
CONTAINING THE TALIBAN: PATH TO PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN ISHTIAQ AHMAD Dr Ishtiaq Ahmad is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University, Gazima¤usa, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He reported on the rise of Taliban for the Pakistani newspaper the Nation. Taliban, the Islamic warriors of Afghanistan, live up to their words. "Taliban victory will set a model for other Muslim nations to follow," Maulvi Wakil Ahmad Mutawakil, the Taliban Foreign Minister, told me in an interview in Kandahar in February 1995. The Taliban had by then captured only one- third of Afghanistan and their victory in the rest of the country was far from certain. But what was increasingly visible was the expansionist ambitions of the Islamic student militia: "We will go and fight for our Muslim brethren elsewhere in the world, in Bosnia and Chechnya," said Maulvi Amir Khan Muttaqi, the former Information Minister, recently appointed as the Taliban Emissary for Peace.1 Now, six years later, the Taliban control around 90 percent of Afghanistan, and their rival United Front, led by the Afghan-Tajik commander, Ahmad Shah Masood, is struggling to survive in the north-eastern regions of the country. The extent of the Taliban success in exporting Islamic extremism into regions bordering Afghanistan and beyond - from Chechnya in Russia to Kashmir in India to Xinjiang in China - can be gauged from the fact that it has forced the emergence of an alliance of world powers and regional states to contain the regional and international spill over of Islamic extremism and terrorism from Afghanistan. -
Afghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State
Journal of Political Science Volume 18 Number 1 Article 11 November 1990 Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State Barnett R. Rubin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Rubin, Barnett R. (1990) "Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 18 : No. 1 , Article 11. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol18/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ,t\fghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State Barnett R. Ru bin United States Institute of Peace When Afghan exiles in Pakistan convened a shura (coun cil) in Islamabad to choose an interim government on February 10. 1989. they were only the most recent of exiles who have aspired and often managed to Mrule" Afghanistan. The seven parties of the Islamic Union ofM ujahidin of Afghanistan who had convened the shura claimed that. because of their links to the mujahidin fighting inside Afghanistan. the cabinet they named was an Minterim government" rather than a Mgovernment-in exile. ~ but they soon confronted the typical problems of the latter: how to obtain foreign recognition, how to depose the sitting government they did not recognize, and how to replace the existing opposition mechanisms inside and outside the country. Exiles in Afghan History The importance of exiles in the history of Afghanistan derives largely from the difficulty of state formation in its sparsely settled and largely barren territory. -
The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. -
Strategic Insight
Strategic Insight The Loya Jirga, Ethnic Rivalries and Future Afghan Stability by Thomas H. Johnson Strategic Insights are authored monthly by analysts with the Center for Contemporary Conflict (CCC). The CCC is the research arm of the National Security Affairs Department at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Naval Postgraduate School, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. August 6, 2002 On June 24 the Afghan transitional government and administration of Hamid Karzai was installed during formal ceremonies in Kabul. Karzai had easily won the June 13 election at a national political assembly, or loya jirga. The loya jirga consisted of 1500 representatives, elected or appointed from 32 provinces, and debated the political future of Afghanistan over a seven-day period. The Karzai government is supposed to rule Afghanistan through 2003. During the ceremony, Karzai and his new cabinet took an oath in both major Afghan languages (Pashtu and Dari), vowing to "follow the basic teachings of Islam" and the laws of the land, to renounce corruption, and to "safeguard the honor and integrity of Afghanistan."[1] How successful they are in achieving these vows will be critical to the near term future of Afghanistan, its reconstruction, and possibly the stability of the entire region of Central Asia. This transitional government was the result of an Emergency Loya Jirga and part of the Bonn Agreement (of November-December 2001). While not explicitly stating so in the Bonn Agreement, Lakhdar Brahimi, the Special Representative of the U.N. -
Afghanistan: Opportunity in Crisis Series No
Briefing Noah Coburn Asia Programme | March 2015 | Afghanistan: Opportunity in Crisis Series No. 8 Afghanistan: The 2014 Vote and the Troubled Future of Elections Summary • The September 2014 power-sharing agreement for the management of future votes, including between Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah upcoming parliamentary elections. only partially resolved the political crisis that • The 2014 crisis has created opportunities for followed Afghanistan’s disputed presidential reform, in part by disrupting a political system elections. The compromise of Ghani’s reliant on patronage. Popular dissatisfaction inauguration as president and Abdullah’s with the status quo could create space for appointment to the new role of chief executive devolution of some powers to local levels. officer ended a stand-off that had threatened a The crisis has also potentially provided the political collapse, but in-fighting has continued to United Nations with a more central role in impede the day-to-day functions of government. supporting democratization. • The post-election crisis, and the extra- • Obstacles to reform include the timing of constitutional negotiations it generated, parliamentary polls in 2015 and the weakness highlighted the weakness of the legal of the electoral agencies that oversaw the framework, which was unable to provide an 2014 transition. effective, transparent transfer of power. • A commitment to transparent elections by the • A timely assessment of the flawed 2014 Afghan government, the ruling elite and the transition is needed if stakeholders are to international community is imperative. Failure address the concerns arising from it and to undertake reform will undermine the notion prevent further damage to democratic of democratic elections for the Afghan public.