Conflict in Afghanistan I
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Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar
Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar M AY 2014 Above: Behsud Bridge, Nangarhar Province (Photo by TLO) A TLO M A P P I N G R EPORT Justice and Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar May 2014 In Cooperation with: © 2014, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] ii Acknowledgements This report was commissioned from The Liaison Office (TLO) by Cordaid’s Security and Justice Business Unit. Research was conducted via cooperation between the Afghan Women’s Resource Centre (AWRC) and TLO, under the supervision and lead of the latter. Cordaid was involved in the development of the research tools and also conducted capacity building by providing trainings to the researchers on the research methodology. While TLO makes all efforts to review and verify field data prior to publication, some factual inaccuracies may still remain. TLO and AWRC are solely responsible for possible inaccuracies in the information presented. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Cordaid. The Liaison Office (TL0) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organization established in 2003 seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. -
Qutb Minar: Religion and Power in 13Th-Century India Professor Munis Faruqui (Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, UC Berkeley)
The Making of a Modern Myth Qutb Minar: Religion and Power in 13th-Century India Professor Munis Faruqui (Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, UC Berkeley) I. Introduction India is the world’s largest democracy, and has the world’s second largest population of Muslims. Over the last few decades, deep religious divisions have appeared between the Hindu majority and the Muslim minority, who comprise 12–15 percent of the population. Extremists in either community have stoked violent religious conflict in ways that will be discussed shortly. Most of the violence in recent history has occurred in the form of pogroms. Most of the victims are Muslims. There are at least two critical threads that link contemporary anti-Muslim violence: first, a rising tide of Hindu nationalism. Second, much of the violence has been continuously stoked by rhetoricians’ use of an exaggerated and distorted history of endless conflict between these two groups—especially during the period when Muslim political authorities dominated northern India (c. 1200–1750). According to Hindu nationalists, the experience under the Muslims was oppressive, the Muslim rulers tyrannical, Hindu temples were destroyed, and so on. So the current anti- Muslim pogroms are payback, as the more extreme elements among the Hindu nationalists openly assert: attacking Muslims today is thus justified for what happened 500, 600, or 700 years ago. Like many groups elsewhere in the world, Hindu nationalists invoke history. Irish Republicanism invokes battles that happened in 1690 and so on. Groups in the Balkans are another example: Serbs, Croats, and Bosniacs have their own histories, and the 1389 battle of Kosovo becomes a central rallying cry for Serbian nationalism. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Selected Works of Chokan Valikhanov Selected Works of Chokan Valikhanov
SELECTED WORKS OF CHOKAN VALIKHANOV CHOKAN OF WORKS SELECTED SELECTED WORKS OF CHOKAN VALIKHANOV Pioneering Ethnographer and Historian of the Great Steppe When Chokan Valikhanov died of tuberculosis in 1865, aged only 29, the Russian academician Nikolai Veselovsky described his short life as ‘a meteor flashing across the field of oriental studies’. Set against his remarkable output of official reports, articles and research into the history, culture and ethnology of Central Asia, and more important, his Kazakh people, it remains an entirely appropriate accolade. Born in 1835 into a wealthy and powerful Kazakh clan, he was one of the first ‘people of the steppe’ to receive a Russian education and military training. Soon after graduating from Siberian Cadet Corps at Omsk, he was taking part in reconnaissance missions deep into regions of Central Asia that had seldom been visited by outsiders. His famous mission to Kashgar in Chinese Turkestan, which began in June 1858 and lasted for more than a year, saw him in disguise as a Tashkent mer- chant, risking his life to gather vital information not just on current events, but also on the ethnic make-up, geography, flora and fauna of this unknown region. Journeys to Kuldzha, to Issyk-Kol and to other remote and unmapped places quickly established his reputation, even though he al- ways remained inorodets – an outsider to the Russian establishment. Nonetheless, he was elected to membership of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society and spent time in St Petersburg, where he was given a private audience by the Tsar. Wherever he went he made his mark, striking up strong and lasting friendships with the likes of the great Russian explorer and geographer Pyotr Petrovich Semyonov-Tian-Shansky and the writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky. -
National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad Ehsaas Undergraduate Scholarship Project (List of Recommended & Waiting Applicants)
National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad Ehsaas Undergraduate Scholarship Project (List of Recommended & Waiting Applicants) Semester CUURENT_EDUC S.NO. Name of the candidate Father Name Class/Program Decision (Fall 2019) ATION_CAMPUS 1 Saddam Hussain Ghulam Rasool BS English 2nd Recommended Main Campus 2 Zeeshan Zarin Usman Zarin BS Economics 2nd Recommended Main Campus 3 Sana Iftikhar Iftikhar Ahmed BS MASS COM 5th Recommended Main Campus 4 Mudasir Iqbal Nigah Wali BS Pak Study 2nd Recommended Main Campus 5 Amina Andaleeb Muhammad Ibrahim BS T & I 2nd Recommended Main Campus 6 Aqsa Tariq Tariq Hussain Nazar BS Psychology 4th Recommended Main Campus 7 Rabia Mukhtar Mukhtar Ahmad BS English 1st Recommended Multan Campus 8 Muhammad Nasir Aziz Abdul Wadood Aziz BSSE 3rd Recommended Main Campus 9 Mohammad Ahmad Bashir Ahmad BS PAG 1st Recommended Main Campus 10 Mohammad Asghar Muhammad Mithal BS English 4th Recommended Main Campus 11 Fida Ahmed Khair Muhammad BS IR 4th Recommended Main Campus 12 Sarwar Ghulam Ghulam Muhammad BS GPP 2nd Recommended Main Campus 13 Kainat Sheikh Sheikh Muhammad Ijaz BS English 3rd Recommended Lahore Campus 14 Ijaz Ahmad Nazar Khan BS English 2nd Recommended Peshawar Campus 15 Rooh Ullah Shah Mardan BS IR 3rd Recommended Main Campus 16 Shiza Waheed Abdul Waheed BS English 3rd Recommended Main Campus 17 Kiran . Didar Ali BS English 1st Recommended Main Campus 18 Sonia Abbas Ghulam Abbass BS Psychology 1st Recommended Main Campus 19 Sakhawat Ali Ibrahim BS PAG 3rd Recommended Main Campus 20 Naveed Ali -
Afghanistan Research Newsletter
Afghanistan Research Newsletter Number 22, July / August 2009 3 Documenting the 2009 Election 4 List of New Laws Published in the Official Gazette 5 Research News 7 New Publications from AREU 9 New Publications and Resources 9 National Agriculture Development Framework (NADF) 10 The New US Administration’s Policy Toward Afghanistan 12 European Nations Reassess Policy in Afghanistan and Pakistan 12 Cross-cutting and General 13 Agriculture 13 Children 13 Climate Change 14 Development 17 Health 17 History 17 Justice, Rule of Law, Laws 19 Maps 19 Migration 19 National Solidarity Programme 19 Opium 20 Politics and Government 21 Public Opinion 21 Security 25 Women 25 Pashtun Cultural Magazine AFGHANISTAN RESEARCH AND EVALUATION UNIT Afghanistan Research Newsletter Key Dates in the 2009 Afghanistan Presidential and Provincial Council Elections Date Activity 21 April Publication of election calendar 18 to 24 April Launch of candidate registration process 25 April to 8 May Nomination of candidates 9 to 15 May Scrutiny of applications 16 May Notification to candidates of any deficiencies in nomination applications 17 to 22 May Remedy of deficiencies in nomination applications 21 May Launch of Voter Education/Public Information campaign 23 to 25 May Preparation of preliminary list of candidates 26 May to 1 June Display of preliminary list of candidates plus challenges, corrections, and appeals 26 May to 8 June ECC hearings and decisions 9 June ECC informs IEC of decisions on nominations 9 to 12 June IEC prepares final list of candidate 12 June Publication -
Appraisal of Extended Rule of Law Project in Faryab, Afghanistan
Norad Report 19/2010 Discussion Appraisal of Extended Rule of Law Project in Faryab, Afghanistan Foto: Ken Opprann Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation P.O. Box 8034 Dep, NO-0030 OSLO Ruseløkkveien 26, Oslo, Norway Phone: +47 22 24 20 30 Fax: +47 22 24 20 31 ISBN 978-82-7548-521-0 ISSN 1502-2528 Responsibility for the contents and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the study team. The views and opinions expressed in the report do not necessarily correspond with those of Norad. APPRAISAL OF EXTENDED RULE OF LAW PROJECT IN FARYAB, AFGHANISTAN Conducted by Senior Advisor Petter Bauck Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad) in cooperation with Researcher Torunn Wimpelmann Chaudhary Researcher Orzala Ashraf Nemat Senior Researcher Arne Strand Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) October 2010 1 ”My sons and successors should not try to introduce reforms of any kind in such a hurry as to set the people against their ruler, and they must bear in mind that in establishing a Constitutional Government, introducing more lenient laws, and modelling education upon the system of Western universities, they must adopt all these gradually as the people become accustomed to the idea of modern innovations, so that they will not abuse the privileges and reforms given to them.” 1 1 Quoted in KHAN, M. M. S. M. (Ed.) (1980) The Life of Abdur Rahman, Amir of Afghanistan Volume 2, Karachi Oxford University Press. P. 9 2 CONTENT CONTENT ............................................................................................................................................. -
Which Law Applies to the Afghan Conflict?
WHICH LAW APPLIES TO THE AFGHAN CONFLICT? By W. Michael Reisman and James Silk* Soviet armed forces have been directly engaged in combat in Afghanistan for more than 8 years.1 The level of international protest, sanctions and media coverage diminished after the initial outcry over the large-scale So- viet intervention in December 1979. With the conclusion in many diplo- matic and professional quarters that the Soviet presence in Afghanistan would be of long duration, the focus of international disapproval shifted from the question whether the Soviet presence in Afghanistan was lawful or not to whether Soviet conduct in Afghanistan was lawful or not: fromjus ad bellum to jus in bello. Access to Afghanistan has been extremely limited, but various individ- uals, commissions and credible international organizations have reported extensive abuses of human rights by Soviet forces there; most of the reports are based largely on refugee testimony.2 While the practices of the Soviet occupation and campaign have emerged with increasing clarity, the ques- tion of which law these practices are to be tested against is still controversial. * W. Michael Reisman is Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld Professor of Jurisprudence, Yale Law School. James Silk expects to receive aJ.D. from Yale University in 1989. The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments and criticism of colleagues on the Board of Editors and of several scholars in Europe. The authors are, of course, solely responsible for the contents. I By the time this article is published, it is possible that the Soviet Union will, at least, have begun to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. -
The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-Geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence
The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence John O’Loughlin, Frank D. W. Witmer, and Andrew M. Linke1 Abstract: A team of political geographers analyzes over 5,000 violent events collected from media reports for the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts during 2008 and 2009. The violent events are geocoded to precise locations and the authors employ an exploratory spatial data analysis approach to examine the recent dynamics of the wars. By mapping the violence and examining its temporal dimensions, the authors explain its diffusion from traditional foci along the border between the two countries. While violence is still overwhelmingly concentrated in the Pashtun regions in both countries, recent policy shifts by the American and Pakistani gov- ernments in the conduct of the war are reflected in a sizeable increase in overall violence and its geographic spread to key cities. The authors identify and map the clusters (hotspots) of con- flict where the violence is significantly higher than expected and examine their shifts over the two-year period. Special attention is paid to the targeting strategy of drone missile strikes and the increase in their number and geographic extent by the Obama administration. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H560, H770, O180. 15 figures, 1 table, 113 ref- erences. Key words: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Taliban, Al- Qaeda, insurgency, Islamic terrorism, U.S. military, International Security Assistance Forces, Durand Line, Tribal Areas, Northwest Frontier Province, ACLED, NATO. merica’s “longest war” is now (August 2010) nearing its ninth anniversary. It was Alaunched in October 2001 as a “war of necessity” (Barack Obama, August 17, 2009) to remove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan, and thus remove the support of this regime for Al-Qaeda, the terrorist organization that carried out the September 2001 attacks in the United States. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Disarmament, Demobilisation, Reintegration in Afghanistan
DIIS REPORT 2006:7 FROM SOLDIER TO CIVILIAN: DISARMAMENT DEMOBILISATION REINTEGRATION IN AFGHANISTAN Peter Dahl Thruelsen DIIS REPORT 2006:7 DIIS REPORT DIIS DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2006:7 © Copenhagen 2006 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 87-7605-146-3 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This report is a result of the ongoing research cooperation between The Royal Danish Defence College and the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS). The report is published as part of Defence and Security Studies Research Programme at DIIS, which is funded by the Danish Ministry of Defence. Peter Dahl Thruelsen is Research Fellow at the Institute for Strategy at the Royal Danish Defence College. Tel +45 3915 1211, e-mail: [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2006:7 Summary This report sets out to explore the processes of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) within the context of post-conflict peace-building. I have tried to investigate the transformation of soldiers to civilians in the aftermath of war. The purpose of the research is to facilitate practical recommendations of DDR to be used in future cases of post-conflict peace-building. The empirical focus of this study is the post-conflict DDR programme in Af- ghanistan. -
Ÿþm I C R O S O F T W O R
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Knowledge Repository Open Network Indo - Afghan Relations since 9/11 Dissertation Submitted to the University of Kashmir in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of Degree of Master of Philosophy (M. Phil) In Political Science By Ashfaq Maqsood Ali Under the Supervision of Dr. Tabasum Firdous (Assistant Professor (Sr.) in Political Science) Centre of Central Asian Studies University of Kashmir Srinagar J&K- 190006 2013 CENTRE OF CENTRAL ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF KASHMIR, SRINAGAR Certificate Certified that the dissertation entitled “Indo - Afghan Relations since 9/11” submitted by Ashfaq Maqsood Ali, in partial fulfillment of M. Phil Degree in the Discipline of Political Science is an original piece of research work. This work has not been submitted fully or partially so far anywhere for the award of any degree. The scholar worked under my supervision on whole-time basis for the period required under statutes and has put in the required attendance in the Centre. Dr. Tabasum Firdous Supervisor Centre of Central Asian Studies Prof. Aijaz A. Bandey University of Kashmir Director Centre of Central Asian Studies University of Kashmir Declaration I solemnly declare that the dissertation entitled “Indo-Afghan Relations since 9/11” submitted by me in the discipline of Political Science under the supervision of Dr. Tabasum Firdous embodies my own contribution. This work which does not contain any piracy has not been submitted, so far anywhere