Nationalism and the Colonial Legacy in the Middle East and Central Asia: Introduction
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Containing the Taliban: Path to Peace in Afghanistan
CONTAINING THE TALIBAN: PATH TO PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN ISHTIAQ AHMAD Dr Ishtiaq Ahmad is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University, Gazima¤usa, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He reported on the rise of Taliban for the Pakistani newspaper the Nation. Taliban, the Islamic warriors of Afghanistan, live up to their words. "Taliban victory will set a model for other Muslim nations to follow," Maulvi Wakil Ahmad Mutawakil, the Taliban Foreign Minister, told me in an interview in Kandahar in February 1995. The Taliban had by then captured only one- third of Afghanistan and their victory in the rest of the country was far from certain. But what was increasingly visible was the expansionist ambitions of the Islamic student militia: "We will go and fight for our Muslim brethren elsewhere in the world, in Bosnia and Chechnya," said Maulvi Amir Khan Muttaqi, the former Information Minister, recently appointed as the Taliban Emissary for Peace.1 Now, six years later, the Taliban control around 90 percent of Afghanistan, and their rival United Front, led by the Afghan-Tajik commander, Ahmad Shah Masood, is struggling to survive in the north-eastern regions of the country. The extent of the Taliban success in exporting Islamic extremism into regions bordering Afghanistan and beyond - from Chechnya in Russia to Kashmir in India to Xinjiang in China - can be gauged from the fact that it has forced the emergence of an alliance of world powers and regional states to contain the regional and international spill over of Islamic extremism and terrorism from Afghanistan. -
La Force Noire: Race in the French Colonial Army During the Great War
Luc Renaux History Seminar 5/31/18 Research Term Paper La Force Noire: Race in the French Colonial Army during the Great War Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………. 2 Review of Previous Literature……………………………………………………………… 3 Fighting for the French Empire before 1910……………………………………………….. 15 La Force Noire; Mangin’s Manifesto………………………………………………………. 16 Assembling an Army……………………………………………………………………….. 18 Black Soldiers and White Officers…………………………………………………………. 19 Circulaire Linard; Differences in Understanding of Race between America and France….. 21 Remembrance after the War………………………………………………………………... 22 Conclusion and Avenues for Further Study………………………………………………… 24 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………........... 26 1 19-24 août 1914, Givet, Ardennes, France. Gare de chemins de fer à la frontière Belge « Passage de troupes, de blesses des lignes de Charleroi (Belgique) ...un grand diable de tirailleur blesse aux jambes a son pantalon rouge de sang de la hanche au genou. a notre question, il nous répond ’Pas sang à moi, ça Boche, zigouille ‘ les autres tirailleurs que j'ai vu se trouvaient dans les mêmes conditions… » English Translation of Excerpt August 19-24, 1914 Givet, Ardennes, France Railroad station at the Belgian border Trains arriving carrying wounded from the Charleroi (Belgium) front line …A tirailleur (Senegalese) as big as a devil with a leg wound, and his trousers covered with blood from the hip to the knee. Answering our question [How were you wounded?], he responded “Not my blood, but the Boche’s [German], zigouille [I got him]” The other tirailleurs I saw were in similar conditions… - Charles Desire Brasseur Introduction The First World War was likely the most important conflict in defining European history and cultural identity. To this day its profound cultural impacts can be seen. -
Revolution and World Order the Rhetoric of Growth in Armenia
Issue 02 | Fall 2008 Reflections on the Social and Political Revolution and World Order Kareem Kamel on the Taliban and the International System The Rhetoric of Growth in Armenia Angela Harutyunyan on the myth of post-Soviet transition Silence for Sale Joshua Middleman on the Israel lobby and the US Congress Islamic Banking Ryan Castle on the politics of banking in the MENA Imprint © 2008 – Issue 02 The American University in Cairo The views expressed are neither those of the American University of Cairo, nor the Khamasin Journal. Authors retain sole copyright. Publication of The Political Science Department of the American University in Cairo P.O. Box 2511 Cairo 11511 Egypt http://www.aucegypt.edu/publications/khamasin Editorial Team Editor: Dr. Eric Goodfield Associate Editor: James Petretta (MA, Pols.) Assistant Editor: Sunny Daly (MA, GWS and Pols.) Editorial Board Dr. Ibrahim El Nur, Dr. Eric Goodfield, Dr. Ivan Ivekovic, James Petretta, Dr. Gamal Soltan, Dr. Kareem Kamel, Dr. Dan Tschirgi Original Julia Kaestle, www.mfgimweb.de Layout & Design Table of Contents 4 Conceptualizing Revolutionary Outcomes: The Taliban Movement and the International System Dr. Kareem Kamel 24 The Rhetoric of Growth and the Myth of Transition in Post Soviet Armenia Angela Harutyunyan 33 Silence for Sale: The Israel Lobby, Campaign Finance, and Control of the US Congress Joshua Middleman 55 The Rise of Modern Islamic Banking and Its Political Implications in the Middle East and North Africa Ryan Castle Participate For further information on submissions, please consult the guidelines at http://www.aucegypt.edu/publications/khamasin Kareem Kamel Kareem Mahmoud Kamel, PhD, is an assistant professor at the American University in Cairo (AUC). -
Ethiopian and Eritrean Askaris in Libya (1911- 1932) Dechasa Abebe1
Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities (EJOSSAH) ISSN (online): 2520-582X ISSN (print): 1810-4487 Ethiopian and Eritrean Askaris in Libya (1911- 1932) Dechasa Abebe1 Abstract A number of books and articles were published on the three consecutive Italian wars in Libya and its resistances during the first three decades of the twentieth century. However, the role and experiences of the Ethiopian and Eritrean askaris were rarely studied. Thus, this article is an attempt to disclose their role in the wars, why they were interested in being employed by the Italians and why Italy relied heavily on them instead of the Italian soldiers and the Libyan askaris. Historical sources, like the memoires of Italian military commanders and the askaris, travellers’ accounts mainly that of journalists, correspondence documents, and popular songs particularly that of Tigrigna were consulted to write this article. Moreover, publications produced by military historians on the Italian wars in Libya were also referred. While starvation and famines, poverty, unemployment and maladministration were the driving force from Eritrea and Ethiopia; salary, military uniform, guns and bullets, rations, protections and relative freedom were some of the attractions from the Italian side for the Ethiopians and Eritreans to be employed as askaris. In relation to these, political expediency or loss aversion, cost, fighting skill and courage, adaptability to Libyan topography and loyalty were some of the qualities of Ethiopians and Eritrean askaris that initiated the Italians to rely on. As a result, about 68 battalions fought in the wars. In the process, the askaris were identified by their Italian commanders as “warlike race” and best soldiers in contrast to the Italian soldiers and Libyan collaborators. -
Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe What determines whether a specific country embarks on the road to democracy, if it completes that voyage successfully, and finally consolidates democratic values, practices, and institutions? Analysts have debated these issues for decades and have identified a number of historical, structural, and cultural variables that help account for the establishment of successful democracies in some countries and its absence in others. Frequently cited prerequisites for democracy include social and economic modernization; a large and vibrant middle class; and cultural norms and values relating to politics. Yet whatever its determinants, operational democracies normally include contested elections, a free press, and the separation of powers. Although these characteristics have been identified as vital features of a democracy, emerging democracies also need to address serious social and economic injustices that threaten democratic consolidation. Afghanistan is a case in point in this regard. As a burgeoning democracy directly influenced by U.S.-led nation-building efforts, Afghanistan presents a unique and challenging case for democratization. Afghanistan has been ruled by warlords since the era of Taliban rule, and to an extent still is. Informal rule combined with the heroin trade and severe gender inequalities have created a frail foundation on which to promote democratic reforms. Although international human rights, judicial and national assembly commissions have presented significant mandates for change, all have met with problematic results. In order for democracy to take hold in Afghanistan, the fruits of warlord economy–opium production, smuggling, and illicit taxation of trade–must be wrested away from regional power brokers and replaced with socially stable economic incentives. -
The Causes and Consequences of Recurrent
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIVING WITH VIOLENCE: THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RECURRENT BUDDHIST-MUSLIM VIOLENCE IN MYANMAR A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY BY NATHANIEL JAMES GONZALEZ CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Nathaniel James Gonzalez All Rights Reserved TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. viii RECURRENT COMMUNAL VIOLENCE ................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Studying Recurrent Communal Violence ....................................................................... 4 1.3 Defining Communal Conflict and Communal Violence ................................................ 7 1.4 The Causes of Communal Violence ............................................................................. 16 1.5 -
Badal a Culture of Revenge the Impact of Collateral Damage on Taliban Insurgency
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis and Dissertation Collection 2008-03 Badal a culture of revenge the impact of collateral damage on Taliban insurgency Hussain, Raja G. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4222 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS BADAL: A CULTURE OF REVENGE THE IMPACT OF COLLATERAL DAMAGE ON TALIBAN INSURGENCY by Raja G. Hussain March 2008 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Thesis Co Advisor: Feroz H. Khan Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED March 2008 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE BADAL: A Culture of Revenge 5. FUNDING NUMBERS The Impact of Collateral Damage on Taliban Insurgency 6. AUTHOR(S) Raja G. Hussain 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. -
In Yohanan Friedmann (Ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), P
Notes INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN’S ISLAM 1. Cited in C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Coming of Islam to Afghanistan,” in Yohanan Friedmann (ed.), Islam in Asia, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. Erica C. D. Hunter, “The Church of the East in Central Asia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 129–42. On Herat, see pp. 131–34. 3. On Afghanistan’s Jews, see the discussion and sources later in this chapter and notes 163 to 169. 4. Bosworth (1984; above, note 1), pp. 1–22; idem, “The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan,” in Étienne de la Vaissière (ed.), Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale: Processus locaux d’acculturation du VIIe au XIe siècle, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39 (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008); and Gianroberto Scarcia, “Sull’ultima ‘islamizzazione’ di Bāmiyān,” Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, new series, 16 (1966), pp. 279–81. On the early Arabic sources on Balkh, see Paul Schwarz, “Bemerkungen zu den arabischen Nachrichten über Balkh,” in Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry (ed.), Oriental Studies in Honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1933). 5. Hugh Kennedy and Arezou Azad, “The Coming of Islam to Balkh,” in Marie Legen- dre, Alain Delattre, and Petra Sijpesteijn (eds.), Authority and Control in the Countryside: Late Antiquity and Early Islam (London: Darwin Press, forthcoming). 6. For example, Geoffrey Khan (ed.), Arabic Documents from Early Islamic Khurasan (London: Nour Foundation/Azimuth Editions, 2007). 7. Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quan- titative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); Derryl Maclean, Re- ligion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: Brill, 1989); idem, “Ismailism, Conversion, and Syncretism in Arab Sind,” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 11 (1992), pp. -
Irregular Auxiliaries After 1945
Irregular auxiliaries after 1945 Sibylle Scheipers Author contact details: Dr Sibylle Scheipers Senior Lecturer in International Relations University of St Andrews Arts Building The Scores St Andrews KY16 9AX United Kingdom [email protected] Abstract: Collaboration with native auxiliaries in wars in the peripheries of the international system is an age-old practice, the relevance of which is likely to increase in the twenty-first century. Yet, the parameters of such collaboration are understudied. This article aims to contribute to the nascent yet fragmentary scholarship on the use of native auxiliaries. It identifies three intellectual templates of the collaboration between western regular forces and native auxiliaries: the eighteenth century model of auxiliary ‘partisans’ as tactical complements to regular armed forces; the nineteenth century transformation of the ‘partisan’ into the irregular guerrilla fighter and the concomitant rise of the ‘martial races’ discourse; and, finally, the post-1945 model of the loyalist auxiliary as a symbol of the political legitimacy of the counter-insurgent side in wars of decolonization and post-colonial insurgencies. The article focuses on the rise of loyalism after 1945 in particular, a phenomenon that it seeks to understand within the broader context of irregular warfare and the moral reappraisal of irregular fighters after the Second World War. Keywords: colonial war, wars of decolonization, auxiliaries, Malaya, Kenya, Vietnam, Algeria Native auxiliaries in counter-insurgency campaigns and -
The Italian Áscaris. from Agordat to Adowa (Askaris Italianos
ISSN 2603-6096 The italian áscaris. From Agordat to Adowa (Askaris Italianos. Desde Agordat a Adowa) Marco Campari Independent investigator Received: 15/04/2018; Accepted: 28/04/2018; Abstract The term Ascari, which derives from a turkish word meaning soldier, has nowadays in Italy a very negative meaning: an Ascari is just a support person to a very important person, normally a politician and does all what it is ordered to do. It derives from a wrong reading of our colonial past and a certain deficence of knowledge of it; the Ascaris had a great part in building the Italian colonies, starting from the Colonia Primigenia, Eritrea. We will be able to understand the process of forming a very reliable military corps by a very young nation, with no colonial experience and less military history, through their first battles, and victories, and their first defeats in that corner of Africa which saw the Italian colonial adventure have place. keywords Ascari, Ethiopia, native, battalion, battle. Resumen El término Askari, que deriva de la palabra turca cuyo significado es simplemente soldado, tiene en la actualidad en Italia un significado muy negativo: un Askari es solo una persona de apoyo para otra más importante, normalmente un político, que cumple las órdenes sin cuestionarlas como si se tratara de un esclavo. Se deriva de una lectura errónea Marco Campari del pasado colonial italiano y un cierto desconocimiento del mismo. Los Askaris tuvieron una indiscutible protagonismo en la construcción de las colonias italianas, desde los primeros pasos en Eritrea, hasta la formación del imperio italiano en África formado por el fascismo mussoliniano. -
Anthony Hyman Memorial Lecture
The Anthony Hyman Memorial Lecture School of Oriental and African Studies University of London The lures and perils of gender activism in Afghanistan 2009 Deniz Kandiyoti I feel both honoured and gratified to be offering the 7th Anthony Hyman Memorial Lecture. This gives me the opportunity to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to Tony for his unwavering support and friendship over the years. When I met Tony in 1991 at a conference at SOAS, I was taking my first, rather tentative steps in the direction of becoming a scholar of Central Asia. In the years that followed, I benefited from his unstinting generosity and encouragement. A great deal has happened since, which I feel certain, Tony would have approved of. The Centre of Contemporary Central Asia and the Caucasus was launched in 2001. Central Asian Survey, the journal Tony gave such long and dedicated service to, is since 2006 also based at SOAS. However, what might have come as more of a surprise to Tony is my involvement in Afghanistan. I started to work on Afghanistan in 2002, at the behest of my late friend and colleague, Parvin Paidar, a courageous and vibrant Iranian feminist, who had taken on the challenging task of heading UNIFEM in Kabul. It is at a party at Parvin’s house in Tashkent, while she was still with Save the Children Fund, that a group of us met Tony at a point when we already knew this was going to be his last trip to Central Asia. We lost Parvin in 2005, aged 56. The talk you are about to hear is part of a conversation I would have liked to have had with her-and of course, with Tony. -
British Soldiers and Indian Warriors from Braddock's
"MAKE INDIANS F DUR WHITE MEN": BRITISH SOLDIERS AND INDIAN WARRIORS FROM BRADDDCK'S TO FORBES'S CAMPAIGNS, 1755-1758 David L. Preston The Citadel rnMay of 1757, fivemiles outside of Fort Loudoun in south-central Pennsylvania, a lone frontier settler was scouring the woods in search of his stray horses. Fort Loudoun was situated near a gap in the Kittatinny Mountain ridge to defend the Pennsylvania frontiers against combined French and Indian war parties from the Ohio country. Instead of horses, this frontiersman unluckily stumbled upon an Indian war party and immediately fled back to the fort and notified the Pennsylvania forces, perhaps running at a slightly faster gait than his lost horses. The fort commanders men quickly sent out a war party of their own numbering sixty who soon discovered the Indians holed up in a house at Black's Mill. The officers "thought it expedient to postpone the Attack until the Break of Day" and during the night they divided their force into three columns and stealthily surrounded the Indian encampment. Daybreak, however, brought surprise to both the near to provincials and the Indians: When the soldiers "drew . came begin their Fire someWhite Men who with the Indians PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY: A JOURNALOF MID-ATLANTIC STUDIES, VOL. 74, NO. 3, 2OO7. Copyright ? 2007 The Pennsylvania Historical Association This content downloaded from 128.118.152.206 on Mon, 2 Feb 2015 11:19:27 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BRITISH SOLDIERS AND INDIAN WARRIORS sprang out and hollow'd to our People that those were our Friends, the Cherokees, come for our Assistance." The meeting of colonial soldiers and Indians at Black's Mill was a peaceful one, though it could have easily ended in bloodshed.