Select Gender-Based Violence Literature Reviews Gender-Based Violence in the Mena Among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings

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SELECT GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE LITERATURE REVIEWS GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE MENA AMONG RELIGIOUS AND OTHER MINORITIES IN CONFLICT SETTINGS

Contract No. GS-10F-0033M / Order No. 7200AA18M00016, Tasking N008

This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by NORC at the University of Chicago. Author views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government

DRG LEARNING, EVALUATION, AND RESEARCH ACTIVITY II

SELECT GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE LITERATURE REVIEWS GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA AMONG RELIGIOUS AND OTHER MINORITIES IN CONFLICT SETTINGS

(MAY 2020)

Prepared under Contract No. GS-10F-0033M Order No. 7200AA18M00016, Tasking N008

Submitted to: Brandy Witthoft, COR

Submitted by: Assata Zerai, Senior Evaluation Expert

Contractor: NORC at the University of Chicago Attention: Renee Hendley, Project Manager Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: 301-634-9489: Email: [email protected]

DISCLAIMER The authors’ views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government.

CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS I EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 KEY FINDINGS 1 RECOMMENDATIONS 2 INTRODUCTION 4 DEFINITIONS 4 GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE 4 FOCUS COUNTRIES 4 INTERSECTIONALITY AND RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES 4 CONFLICT SETTINGS 5 THE MENA CONTEXT, GBV AND DATA LIMITATIONS 5 GBV WITHIN FRAGILE AND CONFLICT SETTINGS IN THE MENA 8 GBV AGAINST RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES WITHIN CONFLICT SETTINGS 8 IRAQ 8 LIBYA 9 SYRIA 10 YEMEN 11 GBV AGAINST MINORITY GROUPS WITHIN OTHER FRAGILE SETTINGS IN THE MENA 11 EGYPT 11 JORDAN 12 LEBANON 12 MOROCCO 13 TUNISIA 13 STATE AND NON-STATE POLICIES AND RESPONSES AND EVALUATION OF INTERVENTIONS 14 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 15 ANNEX A. GBV IN MENA AGAINST RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES BY COUNTRY 18 ANNEX B. TREATIES 29 ANNEX C. POLICIES 32 ANNEX D. RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX E. SOURCES OF INFORMATION 36

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1. GBV in MENA Against Religious and Ethnic Minorities in Fragile and Conflict Settings, by Country (Zerai 2020) 19 Table 2. Ratification of Treaties Relevant to SGBV 30

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Percentage of Girls Aged 15 to 19 Years Who Ever Experienced Forced Sex 7 Figure 2. State and non-state policies and responses to sgbv in the MENA: established rubrics for analyzing laws, policies and programs 33 Figure 3. Recommendations relevant to SGBV against minority groups from Mariana Mora (2013) 35

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ACRONYMS GBV Gender-Based Violence ICMPD International Center for Migration Policy Development IDP Internally Displaced Persons IOM International Organization for Migration ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and Syria IRC International Rescue Committee MENA Middle East and North Africa OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights SBF Security Belt Forces SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence ROYG Republic of Yemen Government UAE United Arab Emirates UNAMI United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime UNSML United Nations Support Mission in Libya UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency USAID United States Agency for International Development

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-supported literature review explores gender-based violence (GBV) and sexual gender-based violence (SGBV) against ethnic and religious minorities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The review is an activity under the USAID Gender-Based Violence Learning Agenda, which seeks to promote deeper understanding of the dynamics of GBV globally with the aim of informing USAID programming. The review, therefore, addresses the following question(s):

How does gender-based violence (GBV, to include sexual violence) targeting members of religious minorities differ from other kinds of GBV in conflict settings? Are there differences in GBV targeting minority women in conflict vs. non-conflict settings? What, if any, governmental and unofficial policies are in place to respond to GBV targeted against religious minorities? What do we learn from descriptive statistics, policy analysis, and case studies from the MENA region, and from rigorous evaluation of interventions to reduce GBV in the MENA?

While a fair amount has been written on GBV in conflict settings, the current paper looks specifically at GBV against members of religious and other minorities, focusing mainly on the MENA, but also drawing comparisons with other parts of the world. As GBV against minorities occurs frequently in unstable environments, the paper provides an overview of gender-based violence, including sexual violence in conflict settings. We also discuss the relationship between conflict and GBV among minorities, with an emphasis on countries in the MENA where USAID has presence; how GBV targeting members of religious minorities is different from other kinds of GBV in conflict settings; and whether there are differences in GBV targeting minority women in conflict vs. non-conflict settings. We then consider the strengths and shortcomings of well-established rubrics to analyze relevant state and non-state policies and responses to GBV, assess interventions to reduce GBV in the MENA, and conclude with recommendations.

KEY FINDINGS The literature has little information on, and few assessments of, GBV/SGBV targeted against religious and ethnic minorities (REM) in the MENA, and even fewer case studies of interventions.

The literature suggests that a multifaceted strategy is most effective at reducing GBV in general, however. Addressing cultural norms and legal frameworks, raising awareness, and documenting and monitoring violence and interventions that focus on perspectives of survivors and perpetrators are all essential.

Given the lack of information on GBV in the MENA, there are very few policies concerning GBV among REM. And while the guidelines for analyzing laws, policies, and programs relevant to GBV are helpful, they do not address intersectionality, especially the different impacts upon religious and ethnic minorities. Moreover, such guidelines focus on GBV generally rather than conflict-related GBV specifically.

Examining GBV against religious and ethnic minorities in specific MENA countries during conflict, in Iraq we find that increases in violence against women and girls are a byproduct of the 2003 U.S. invasion. Poor women are especially at risk, regardless of ethnicity or religious conviction. In conflict-affected Iraq, women and girls are particularly vulnerable to sexual and gender-based

USAID.GOV Select GBV Literature Reviews: GBV and MENA among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings | 1 CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008 violence, including trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation. The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has engaged in widely reported trafficking and enslavement of Yazidi women and children.

Yazidis in war-torn Syria face similar circumstances: women and girls are forced into sexual slavery, and are tortured and separated from their families.

Perpetrators of conflict-related GBV in Libya have also targeted minority groups since the 2011 revolution. Victims include indigenous women and girls, as well as displaced and migrant communities in Libya.

In Yemen, where civil war rages on, migrants and displaced persons are subject to GBV and various forms of SGBV. According to USG reporting, Government of Yemen Security Belt Forces (SBF) are involved in a range of crimes, including abduction and rape of women and girls, and financial extortion of families and communities.

In addition to GBV in these conflict settings, migrants and refugees, largely REM populations in their host countries, face GBV across the region.

RECOMMENDATIONS Experts’ recommendations include:

• Multisectoral interventions are most effective. Preventing GBV against women and girls requires “systematic, sustained programming across the social ecology (i.e., the delicate equilibrium of interacting social, institutional, cultural, and political contexts of people’s lives) to transform gender-power inequalities” (Michau et al. 2015, 1672).

• Feminist, socio-ecological, and intersectional approaches highlight the structural antecedents of GBV. Interventions that adopt socio-ecological approaches have been effective in multiple settings. But regardless of the structural perspective, the critically important goal remains women’s equality (Human Rights Watch 2017).

• Physical prevention, case management, and emergency health and mental-health services are urgently needed for survivors and the vulnerable.

• Legal and policy reform, documenting and monitoring violence, and awareness- raising: Legal and policy reforms are needed to address GBV in conflict, and must address the differential impacts upon religious and ethnic minorities. Advocacy, access to justice, and culturally appropriate interventions are all enhanced by a greater ability to document and monitor violence.

• Access to justice, advocacy, and interventions that focus on perspectives of survivors and respect cultural norms: REM voices must be heard in order to design effective programming and to establish efficient policy. Successful programs provide avenues for survivors to engage in advocacy. Program designers can develop survivor-centered interventions and ensure access to justice by learning from successful practices:

• Use truth commissions. Institutional processes of this type are mandated to clarify the events of armed conflicts. Efforts to address GBV among minorities should include the development of investigative techniques and methods that enable women to speak about their experiences using truth-commission platforms and reconciliation processes where possible.

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• Understand that conflict affects different populations in different ways. Recognizing that armed conflict differentially impacts specific sectors of society will help unearth those crimes that are most difficult to identify and document.

• Encourage survivor participation. Survivor involvement is key to identifying the scope and impact of crimes of sexual violence, and also plays a key role in designing population- specific reparations.

• Center projects and legislation on addressing conflict-related violence. Programs and policies that focus on violence during armed conflicts can highlight the causes of violence against women regardless of armed conflicts. Such recognition can motivate communities to move beyond a return to prior sociocultural conditions, and to transform those conditions in order to address the structural roots of violence.

• Focus on survivors, but engage bystanders as well. Several experts (Skalli 2014; Grove 2015; Abdelmonem 2019) recommend this strategy, and have further observed that engaging entire communities is key to preventing future GBV (Lilleston et al. 2018; Kabonesa and Namuggala 2019).

• Interventions to promote coping with and recovering from GBV in MENA must be survivor-centered. Analysts suggest the following to aid coping and recovery among women and girls who have survived GBV in conflict and other fragile settings in MENA:

• Strengthen women’s/girls’ social networks

• Reduce survivors’ feelings of idleness and isolation

• Increase women’s/girls’ knowledge

• Increase women’s/girls’ self-confidence

• Address stigma among individuals and families

• Gain family confidence by including community members in educational efforts to prevent GBV and providing cash transfers (e.g., for school necessities) to allow women and girls to participate in programming.

A two-page summary for this Literature Review can be found at: https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00XM4P.pdf

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INTRODUCTION Experts have written a fair amount on gender-based violence (GBV) in conflict settings (USAID 2013). Our paper, however, looks specifically at GBV against members of religious and ethnic minorities (REM), focusing mainly on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), but also drawing comparisons with other parts of the world. As GBV against minorities occurs frequently in unstable environments, this paper provides an overview of GBV, including sexual violence in conflict and fragile settings. We also discuss the relationship between conflict and GBV among minorities, with an emphasis on MENA countries where USAID has a presence; how GBV targeting members of religious minorities is different from other kinds of GBV in conflict settings; and whether there are differences in GBV targeting minority women in conflict vs. non-conflict settings. We then consider the strengths and shortcomings of well-established rubrics to analyze relevant state and non-state policies and responses to GBV, assess interventions to reduce GBV in the MENA, and conclude with recommendations.

DEFINITIONS

GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE According to the USAID, GBV is described as “violence that is directed at an individual based on his or her biological sex, gender identity, or perceived adherence to socially defined norms of masculinity and femininity. It includes physical, sexual, and psychological abuse; threats; coercion; arbitrary deprivation of liberty; and economic deprivation, whether occurring in public or private life. GBV can include female infanticide; child sexual abuse; sex trafficking and forced labor; sexual coercion and abuse; neglect; domestic violence; elder abuse; and harmful traditional practices such as early and forced marriage; ‘honor’ killings; and female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C)” Women and girls are most at risk and most affected by GBV (USAID 2013). Consequently, the terms “violence against women” and “gender-based violence” are often used interchangeably. However, boys and men can also experience GBV, as can sexual and gender minorities. Regardless of the target, GBV is rooted in structural inequalities between men and women and is characterized by the use and abuse of physical, emotional, or financial power and control.

FOCUS COUNTRIES This review focuses on MENA countries where USAID implements programming: Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. These countries reflect broad ethno- religious diversity, as they are, combined, home to numerous ethnic groups and religious minorities. (See Table 1 in Annex A for a full list of minority groups by country.)

INTERSECTIONALITY AND RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES While this review addresses the status of religious and ethnic minorities, a robust analysis must consider other dimensions of vulnerability and how these factors combine: intersectionality. For example, the stigmatization of female-headed households may render minority women more vulnerable to GBV in conflict settings than women of the majority religious or ethnic group (Fitriyah 2016). Minority women in the MENA often face marginalization and thus grave challenges in securing resources, gaining access to land, obtaining gainful employment, and achieving financial independence. GBV against religious and ethnic minority women in conflict settings exacerbates their stigmatization due to resulting unmarried status, single parenthood, and pregnancy, especially among those who

USAID.GOV Select GBV Literature Reviews: GBV and MENA among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings | 4 CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008 give birth to a child after a rape has occurred and whose children are born of mixed ethnicity (Bailliet 2007). Women from religious and ethnic minority groups are more likely to experience multiple vulnerabilities, with exponential negative effects on their lives. Such amplified harms from GBV against minority groups require multisectoral assistance for survivors of GBV in conflict, as noted by the UN Security Council (2019, 31):

“The delivery of multi-sectoral assistance for all survivors of sexual violence, including the clinical management of rape, medical, psychosocial and legal services, including comprehensive sexual and reproductive care such as access to emergency contraception and safe termination of pregnancy and HIV prevention, awareness and treatment, as well as reintegration support for survivors, including shelters, where appropriate, and economic livelihood programmes – particular attention should be paid to the diverse range of victims: ethnic or religious minorities; women and girls in rural or remote areas; those living with disabilities; female heads of households; widows; male survivors; women and children associated with armed groups; women and children released from situations of abduction, forced marriage, sexual slavery and trafficking by armed groups; children born of wartime rape; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, who may require specialized responses.”

CONFLICT SETTINGS Conflict settings are fragile contexts that may encompass specific areas within a state, or cross state borders. Such settings are characterized by two key elements: fragility and conflict. Fragility refers to conditions where social cohesion is low as groups contest state power and how that power should be distributed and applied. Government capacities are weak and severely eroded. Institutions thus often lack widespread legitimacy and are vulnerable to the interference of external political and economic forces. Non-state actors operate parallel to the state further undermining state institutions’ authority and capacity, all of which contribute to instability and insecurity for populations in these settings. Conflict, meanwhile, is ever-present in varying degrees and form. Social divisions are deep and states do not have a monopoly over the use of violence due to the presence of armed actors (Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy 2020). People have limited access to critical health, housing, education, and other services, and infrastructure is poor. Conflict often results in population displacement (i.e., internal displacement and refugee flow), making the whole population and/or specific segments, such as REM and women, vulnerable. Several countries in this review—Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen—are in the midst of conflict.

THE MENA CONTEXT, GBV AND DATA LIMITATIONS International sources establish that “seven out of 10 women in conflict settings and in refugee populations are exposed to gender-based and sexual violence” (UN Women 2019). Adolescent girls are prime targets of GBV, which includes incest, sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, early and forced marriage, marital rape, female genital mutilation, sexual exploitation, and trafficking (UNAIDS 2019a). Note that children under 18 years of age constituted about half of the refugee population in 2017, up from 41 percent in 2009 but similar to more recent years (UNHCR 2018a, 3).

Table 1 (Annex A) offers comprehensive information on GBV issues for the MENA countries receiving assistance from USAID, namely:

• Categories that designate minority status (e.g., language, race/ethnicity, religion, region of residence, refugee status);

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• Recent conflicts and/or sources of instability in each country;

• Evidence of GBV, including against religious and other minorities;

• State/non-state policies and responses;

• How GBV differs in conflict versus non-conflict settings;

• Case studies; and

• Evaluations of interventions, by country.

Child marriage is prevalent in the MENA region. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), technical experts, and multiple members of the international donor community consistently maintain that child marriage itself is a form of GBV. According to UNICEF’s A Profile of Child Marriage in Middle East and North Africa, marriage rates for girls under 18 in the region vary from a high of one in three in Sudan and Yemen, to almost one-in-four (24 percent) in Iraq, to a low of one-in-50 in Tunisia (2018, 4). While a number of MENA countries have made strides in reducing child marriage rates, double-digit child marriage rates are largely located in conflict settings, as noted above (UNICEF 2018); in fact, economic stress and living in fragile and conflict settings appear to drive child marriage. According to UNICEF (2018), in all MENA countries, with the exception of Algeria, Syria, and Yemen, women from the poorest households are at least twice as likely to have married in childhood as are women from the richest households (see Figure 1 from UNICEF). Women and adolescent girls belonging to marginalized groups face more elevated risks of violence, discrimination and stigma (UNAIDS 2019a). “At least 17 million women report have experienced forced sex in childhood,” and “nine million girls aged 15–19 years experienced forced sex this year” (2019a, 17).

MENA countries have little comparable data on experiences of sexual violence in childhood as reported by women aged 18 to 29, nor do countries have comparable data on experiences of non- partner sexual violence in the past 12 months among girls aged 15 to 19 (UNICEF 2017, 17). Data on GBV among girls from racial and ethnic minority groups is even sparser. However, overall percentages by country provide a sense of the context for all girls, and relative frequency of GBV in conflict and fragile settings. The percentages of girls experiencing forced sex from ages 15-19 in the MENA and other countries for which there are comparable data from 2005-2016 are shown in Figure 1 below. Jordan, reporting 13 percent of adolescents that have had forced sex, has one of the highest percentages on that measure in the world, available data shows. Approximately six percent of girls aged 15 to 19 have experienced forced sex in Egypt.

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Figure 1. Percentage of Girls Aged 15 to 19 Years Who Ever Experienced Forced Sex

(Source: UNICEF 2017, 80)

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As noted by Stark and Ager (2011), current methods of estimating the incidence of GBV in complex emergencies and conflict settings tend to rely on nonprobability samples. Researchers conduct population-based monitoring infrequently. In their systematic review of published literature, Stark and Ager attempted to quantify the magnitude of GBV in emergency settings. They found that intimate partner violence, physical violence, and rape were the three categories of violence most frequently measured. Further, rates of intimate partner violence tended to be quite high across all of the studies—much higher than most of the rates of wartime rape and sexual violence perpetrated by individuals outside of the home. The authors indicated that “direct comparisons of rates of violence were hindered by different case definitions, varying recall periods, and other methodological features” (Stark and Ager 2011, 134).

GBV WITHIN FRAGILE AND CONFLICT SETTINGS IN THE MENA As previously noted, within the MENA, this review focuses on countries where USAID operates: Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. While most of these countries are challenged by stability—which over the past decade has stemmed from various local, regional, and global crises—Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen remain conflict settings. Each of these countries is listed (in alphabetical order) in Table 1 (Annex A), along with details of GBV against minority groups, how it differs from GBV perpetrated against other groups, as well as governmental and unofficial policies in place to respond to GBV targeted against religious minorities. In the section below, we examine GBV and SGBV among ethnic and religious minorities in each of the countries.

GBV AGAINST RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES WITHIN CONFLICT SETTINGS

IRAQ Iraq is comprised of an Arab majority (75 percent), and multiple minority ethnicities including Kurds (20 percent), Turks (3 percent), Afro-Iraqis (1percent), Chaldo-Assyrians (2–5 percent), Yazidis (1.4 percent), and Shabaks (.7 percent). Iraq is largely Muslim (95-98 percent), within which can be found Shia Muslims (64–69 percent of total population) and Sunnis (29–34 percent). There is a very small population of Christians (1 percent) and other minority religions (1-4 percent) (CIA 2015).

In Iraq, sources indicate that the status of women was improving before the 2003 U.S. invasion, but the disruptions from the war impacted women negatively and continue to do so. One of the byproducts of the conflict is an increase in violence against women (Al-Ali 2018). Banwell (2015, 711) observes, “Since April 2003, at least 400 women and girls, some as young as eight years old, have been raped during or after the war. … [Moreover,] increases in sexual violence against women account for the dramatic rise in [honor] killings since the invasion. ... The Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) Ministry for Human Rights reported 166 [honor] killings during 2007 and 163 in 2008.”

Interpersonal and structural GBV in Iraq includes domestic violence, abduction, honor killings, rape, trafficking and forced prostitution (Banwell 2015). It appears that poor women are especially at risk, regardless of ethnicity or religious conviction. In conflict settings, women and girls are particularly vulnerable to sexual and GBV, including trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation. According to reports, women and girls are kidnapped and forced to marry or serve as sexual slaves in many conflict-affected countries around the world. One widely reported example of this practice in Iraq is the trafficking in persons and enslavement of women and children of the Yazidi ethno-religious group by Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The UNHCR reported in October 2015 that ISIS was holding

USAID.GOV Select GBV Literature Reviews: GBV and MENA among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings | 8 CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008 approximately 3,500 civilians, mostly Yazidi women and children (UNODC 2015). According to Nadia Murad, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, over 350,000 of Yazidis, comprising 80 percent of the population, remain displaced and reside in camps (UN 2019).

The government of Iraq has faced criticism in efforts to address the plight of Yazidis. In the view of an Iraqi delegate to the UN, the state appears to have turned the page on a somber part of history since recovering all its territory from the grasp of ISIS, which is accused of committing numerous human rights violations. But the government appears increasingly more receptive to assisting Yazidis in recent years. For example, the government is considering practical measures to return all displaced persons to their homes and provide them with redress for their suffering. A new bill for Yazidi survivors—aimed at providing compensation, rehabilitation, and reintegration into society— was presented for debate before the Iraq government in 2019. In addition, a list of persons accused of human trafficking was also submitted to the Iraq national prosecutor’s office for investigation, and evidence of crimes committed by ISIS is being collected for evaluation and prosecution. Iraq also developed a National Strategy to Combat Violence against Women, as part of its commitment to UN Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security (UN 2019).

LIBYA In Libya, Arab and Berber ethnicities comprise the country’s majority (97 percent), while Greeks, Maltese, Italians, Egyptians, Pakistanis, Turks, Indians, and Tunisians represent 3 percent of the population. The religious majority is Muslim, of which most are Sunni (97 percent); minority religious groups are largely Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, and Jewish. Conflict in Libya has caused the internal displacement of over 200,000 people, and disrupted the local economy and public services. Additionally, migrants and asylum seekers in detention in Libya “faced beatings, extortion, sexual violence, and forced labor in unofficial and quasi state-run detention centers, at the hands of guards, militias, and smugglers” (Human Rights Watch 2018).

Conflict-related GBV in Libya also targets minority groups. The principal linguistic-based minorities are the Tuareg (Berber/Amazigh), and Tebu (UK Home Office 2019). Inas Miloud, Chairperson of the Tamazight Women’s Movement, said that her Amazigh people are the indigenous inhabitants of Libya. Since the 2011 revolution, she has been working with indigenous women and girls affected by sexual and GBV, as well as displaced and migrant communities in that country. Miloud recalls:

In 2018, hundreds of stories were collected from Libyans relating experiences of sexual and gender-based violence, which primarily affects women and girls, she continued. Their testimonies outline a common pattern of physical violence, rape, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, abduction and domestic violence, she emphasized, noting that patriarchal norms, amplified by the presence of armed groups and the widespread availability of weapons, are the central cause of gender-based violence and the lack of security for women. Patriarchal notions of family [honor], coupled with fear of retaliation, ensure that domestic violence as well as sexual and gender-based violence are rarely reported, she continued, underlining that indigenous women are even further marginalized due to entrenched decades-old discrimination against minority communities. Critically, the peace process led by the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) largely excludes Libyan women and indigenous groups, she pointed out. As a result, the Libyan Political Agreement does not reflect many crucial issues, such as gender equality, sexual and gender-based violence and fear of reprisals for activism on women’s rights (UN 2019).

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SYRIA In Syria, half of the population is Arab, but the Alawites (15 percent), Kurds (10 percent), and “Levantine” people (10 percent) are significant minorities. Druze, Ismaili, Imami, Nusai, Assyrians, Turkomen, and Armenians combined comprise about 15 percent in total. Syria is also religiously diverse. Though the majority is Muslim (87 percent) and predominantly Sunni (74 percent), 13 percent are Alawi, Ismaili, and Shia; 10 percent are Christian, 3 percent Druze, and a few practice Judaism. However, the Christian population may be considerably smaller as a result of Christians fleeing the country during the ongoing civil war (CIA 2020). In Syria, 12.6 million people were forcibly displaced as of the end of 2017 (UNHCR 2018a, 6), and 6.6 million as of the end of 2018 (UNHCR 2019).

A report on the effects of the conflict on trafficking in persons in Syria and neighboring countries published in 2015 by the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) highlighted the increasing numbers of Syrian victims of trafficking in the region over the last few years. According to the study, trafficking increased substantially since the beginning of the crisis in 2011, although cases often remain unreported.

The same study points out that for Syrian victims, trafficking often starts in the country of asylum where they moved for protection from the conflict zone. Traffickers take advantage of the vulnerabilities that stem from displacement. Even if victims have international protection, they are still trafficked within the host country or to other countries in the MENA region. In Syria, the perpetrators of trafficking are not criminal networks, but rather family members, acquaintances and neighbors.

Trafficking in persons also occurs along the route to a safer place. A survey conducted between December 2015 and March 2016 by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) on the recent mixed migration flows, captures the severity of this phenomenon. More than seven percent of the 2,385 people surveyed by IOM reported at least one trafficking or other exploitative experience during their journey. The rate recorded among Syrian nationals was about nine percent (UNODC 2016, 61-63).

ISIS is also accused of genocide as well as other war crimes against the Yazidis enslaved in Syria. According to the UN Human Rights Council:

ISIS has sought to destroy the Yazidis through killings, sexual slavery; enslavement; torture; and inhuman and degrading treatment and forcible transfer causing serious bodily and mental harm; the imposition of measures to prevent Yazidi children from being born, including forced conversion of adults, the separation of Yazidi men and women, and mental trauma; and the transfer of Yazidi children from their own families and placing them with ISIS fighters, thereby cutting them off from beliefs and practices of their own religious community, and erasing their identity as Yazidis. The public statements and conduct of ISIS and its fighters clearly demonstrate that ISIS intended to destroy the Yazidis of Sinjar, composing the majority of the world’s Yazidi population, in whole or in part (UN Human Rights Council 2016, 1).

Although men, women, and children of both sexes suffer under such conditions, the literature found no data on the numbers of Yazidi women and girls subjected to GBV in Syria.

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YEMEN Yemen’s population is predominantly Arab, but also includes Afro-Arabs, South Asians, and Europeans (CIA 2020). Muslim groups there include the Shafii (55 percent, in the South and Southeast of Yemen) and the Zaydi (45 percent, in the North and Northwest). According to the CIA World Factbook 2010 estimates, Muslims are 99.1 percent of the population in Yemen. The other .9 percent includes members of the Jewish, Baha’i, Hindu, and Christian religions, many of whom are refugees and foreigners.

In Yemen, the Shia insurgency (2004-14), Yemeni crisis (2011–present), and Yemeni civil war (2015 to the present) all likely contribute to patterns of GBV in the country. U.S. Department of State indicates that Government of Yemen Security Belt Forces (SBF) that are funded and directed by the UAE, committed rape and other forms of serious sexual violence targeting foreign migrants, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and other vulnerable groups. Since 2017, the SBF has controlled the Al Basateen area of the Dar Saad district of Aden, which hosts a population of at least 40,000 refugees and IDPs. Residents reported that SBF regularly abducted and raped, or threatened to rape, women to extort money from their families and communities. The authorities did not conduct investigations or make arrests in relation to these violations, which were still being reported in May [2018] (U.S. Department of State, Report on Yemen 2019b, 4).

GBV AGAINST MINORITY GROUPS WITHIN OTHER FRAGILE SETTINGS IN THE MENA

EGYPT Egypt’s ethnicities include over a dozen ethnic groups. For example, there are Turks, Greeks, Abazas, and Bedouin Arab tribes in the Sinai Peninsula and in the deserts to the east, as well as the Siwis in the Siwa Oasis and Nubians along the Nile. Others include Copts, Beja, Greeks, Sa'idi, Bishari, Syro-Lebanese, Ababda, El homaydat, Huteimi, and Magyarab peoples, Malays, Arabs, and Egyptian Americans. The religious affiliation is largely Sunni Muslim (90 percent), and a number of Christian sects comprise the minority. Though a majority of Christians are Coptic Orthodox, other Christians include members of the Armenian Apostolic, Catholic, Maronite, Orthodox, and Anglican faiths. Minorities also include Shi’a Muslims and Bahá’i as well as several smaller groups including Ahmadis, Quranists and Jehovah’s Witnesses (Minority Rights Group International: Egypt n.d.).

However, SGBV in Egypt does not appear focused on minorities. There are no data or articles that provide evidence that GBV against religious or other minority groups differs from GBV against majority groups in Egypt. Most GBV is perpetrated by family members or by a spouse/ex-spouse. The literature does point to the use of the state apparatus to either directly pacify social and political protest, or to withdraw protective services in public spaces, thereby indirectly resulting in sexual assault of women by security personnel/military/police or sexual assault perpetrated by rioters with impunity (Skalli 2014; Grove 2015). Most currently, Syrian and Sudanese refugees may be minorities who are vulnerable to SGBV in Egypt.

While insurgency in Egypt likely exacerbates SGBV, neither data nor articles found provide evidence of GBV against religious and ethnic minorities, except for among the country’s refugee population. As such, it is highly likely that hosts of refugees may sexually exploit vulnerable refugees. For example, reports find that refugees in Egypt tend to face domestic violence, sexual harassment in public spaces, exploitation and harmful traditional practices. Through direct interaction with both refugees and medical partners, humanitarian organizations found that female genital mutilation is

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JORDAN In Jordan, the official majority as of 2015 is Jordanian in origin (69.3 percent). Smaller percentages are Syrian (13.3 percent), Palestinian (6.7 percent),1 Egyptian (6.7 percent), and Iraqi (1.4 percent), while others represent smaller ethnic groups (2.6 percent are Armenian or Circassian) (CIA 2020) According to 2010 estimates, 97.2 percent of Jordanians are Sunni Muslim. Only a handful are Christian (2 percent), most of whom are Greek Orthodox, but some are Greek and Roman Catholics, Syrian Orthodox, Coptic Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, and Protestant. One percent or less in Jordan are Buddhist (0.4 percent), Hindu (0.1 percent), Jewish (less than 0.1 percent), or belong to folk religions, other faiths, or are unaffiliated (less than 0.1 in each category) (CIA 2020).

In 2017 and 2018, one in 14 people in Jordan was a refugee under the responsibility of UNHCR. When Palestinian refugees under UNRWA’s mandate are included, the figures rise to one in three. There are 755,050 refugees in Jordan representing 57 refugee nationalities (UNHCR 2018a; 2018b, 2, 23). In 2018, Jordan hosted 2,242,600 Palestine refugees under the mandate of UNRWA (UNHCR 2019, 2). Jordan has the second largest number of refugees relative to its national population; it is highly likely that hosts or refugees may sexually exploit other more vulnerable refugees. We did not find literature concerning minority-directed GBV, although such violence may be directed at vulnerable widows of fallen Jordanian soldiers or the refugee populations. All of the literature found on widowhood in Jordan focuses on refugees who are widows. Literature concerning interventions among religious and ethnic minorities was not found.

LEBANON In Lebanon, ethnicities are Arab (95 percent) and Armenian (4 percent). According to 2017 figures, religious groups include mostly Muslims (57.7 percent), including Sunni (28.7 percent) or Shia (28.4 percent); a small percentage is Alawite or Ismaili. Christians comprise over a third of the population (36.2 percent), with Maronite Catholics the largest Christian group. Fewer than 10 percent are Druze (5.2 percent), and there are only small percentages of Jews, Baha'is, Buddhists, and Hindus (CIA 2020).

As the figures above show, Lebanon is a country of many religions with no single dominant group. Demographics are controversial, and there has been no population census since 1932. Some minority groups are defined primarily by religion and others by ethnicity, although most communities in Lebanon and throughout the region do not necessarily like to be described as minorities Minority Rights Group International 2020). The above figures (with the exception of the Palestinians, who are regarded as transitory and denied Lebanese citizenship) refer to Lebanon’s official population of approximately 4.5 million. However, up to 1.5 million Syrian refugees are also now residing in the country. Though the large majority of the Syrian refugee community in Lebanon is Sunni Muslim, the population is not homogeneous and includes Syrian Alawites, Christians, Shi’a, Druze, Isma’ili and Yazidis, all of whom have sought refuge in Lebanon. Sources do not cite use of GBV against refugees targeted due to their ethnic or religious minority status in Lebanon, and do not provide evidence of GBV against other minorities such as Maronites, Sunnis, or Druze.

1Although census figures estimate a small percentage of Palestinians, some, however, estimate the Palestinian population represents at least 50 percent of the population in Jordan (HRW 2010).

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Lebanon hosted the largest numbers of refugees relative to their national populations in 2017 and 2018: approximately one in four people is a refugee (UNHCR 2018b, UNHCR 2019, 3). UNHCR addresses GBV in the refugee populations in host countries. In Lebanon, during 2016 to 2018, the GBV response, mitigation, and prevention strategy reached target numbers for a range of services in safe places, including GBV awareness-raising sessions, emotional support groups, life-skills training, legal support, psycho-social support, and individual case management (UNHCR 2019b). Lilleston et al. (2018) evaluated the International Rescue Committee’s (IRC) approach to service delivery and found the strategy successfully provided needed services and support among GBV survivors.

MOROCCO Morocco is largely Arab-Berber (99 percent); other ethnicities comprise about 1 percent of the population. The population is 99 percent Sunni Muslim, though a very few are Shia (less than 0.1 percent). About 1 percent is Christian, Baha’i, or Jewish. Minorities and indigenous people in Morocco include the Berber and Saharawis (CIA 2010; Minority Rights Group International: Morocco n.d.).

However, we did not find literature that discussed GBV against the country’s minority groups. As to refugees, Morocco has been cited for forcible expulsions of migrants and refugees from sub-Saharan Africa (Amnesty International 2018). Although inhospitable conditions for migrants and refugees in Morocco are ripe for GBV against minorities, sources do not provide data or examples.

TUNISIA In Tunisia, most people are Arab (98 percent); a small minority is non-Jewish European (1 percent), Jewish, or of another ethnicity (1 percent). Though the vast majority is Sunni Muslim (99 percent), some identify as Christian, Jewish, Shia Muslim, and Baha’i (1 percent total).

Tunisia has absorbed approximately 1,853 refugees from Syria, Eritrea, and elsewhere, yet information on GBV against minority groups is limited. Approximately 20 percent of Tunisian women are subjected to gender violence in their lifetime, but minority groups are not singled out (WEF 2018). Although Tunisia has undergone considerable disruption since the Arab Spring of 2011, including ongoing ISIS insurgency from 2015 to the present, we found no reports of GBV resulting from ISIS-supported insurgency.

It is possible that violence against Tunisian women is underreported to international organizations and in the literature. In an interview with the author, a graduate student from Tunisia noted that the Arab Spring did coincide with increased sexual violence and GBV against women there. She said that HarassMap* has been used in Tunisia as a tool for outing GBV perpetrators (Zerai interview 2019). However, GBV does not appear to be targeted toward religious or ethnic minority groups.

* After Spring 2011, unprecedented levels of “violent sexual harassment against women, protestors, activists, and those who simply use the streets” (Skalli 2014: 244) occurred in North Africa, according to Loubna Hanna Skalli (2014). Women in Egypt and Morocco engaged in cyber activism (and direct physical confrontations of perpetrators) by developing the HarassMap software application, which provided the capability to collect geocoded information on timing and location of SGBV episodes (Skalli 2014). HarassMap was also utilized by activists from Tunisia (Tunisia Live 2012).

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STATE AND NON-STATE POLICIES AND RESPONSES AND EVALUATION OF INTERVENTIONS The literature shows that a multifaceted strategy is most effective at reducing GBV in general (Michau et al. 2015). Addressing cultural norms (Mora 2013), legal frameworks (Al-Ali 2018; Mora 2013, Bayan Global 2016; UN Women 2017), awareness-raising (Grove 2015; Michau et al 2015), documenting and monitoring violence (Michau et al. 2015) and interventions that focus on the perspectives of survivors (Fitriyah 2016; Lilleston, et al. 2018; Mulumba and Namuggala 2014) and perpetrators (Kabonesa and Namuggala 2019) are key to reducing GBV. However, there are very few studies concerning GBV among religious and ethnic minorities.

With an eye on the ratification of relevant treaties (see Table 2, Annex B), Bayan Global’s (2016) analysis of national strategies for prevention of GBV and UN Women’s 2017 examination of policies to end violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean (see Figure 2, Annex C) offer rubrics for analyzing laws, policies, and programs pertaining to GBV. But these analyses do not address intersectionality, however, or GBV’s different impacts on religious and ethnic minorities. Nor do they focus on conflict-related GBV.

Before creating an appropriate and effective response to conflict-related GBV among religious and other minorities, humanitarian groups must first create awareness of the problem. As discussed above, no MENA country has data on non-partner sexual violence or conflict-related GBV in various minority groups.

Amidst the dearth of information on GBV targeted at religious or other minorities, even fewer case studies of interventions exist. The most relevant examples would be work with refugees. For example, as noted above, Lilleston and colleagues (2018) assess a highly effective intervention in Lebanon, where a combination of psychosocial support activities, risk mitigation activities, and individual case management facilitated coping with and recovering from GBV. However, the focus of the intervention by the International Rescue Committee in Lebanon did not necessarily target REM. However, two case studies from the MENA are worth noting:

Egypt: Prevention and Response to Sexual and Gender-Based Violence. In partnership with UNHCR Egypt, CARE International in Egypt initiated its Prevention and Response to Sexual and Gender-Based Violence program to tackle sensitive topics and delve into the root causes of issues often considered taboo. CARE adopteds rights-based, survivor-centered, and community- development approaches, employing innovative methods for GBV survivors (UNHCR 2017).

CARE conducted awareness-raising activities to highlight the different types of SGBV and their harmful consequences. It also implemented a case-management system to assist SGBV survivors and facilitate their recovery. Case management was provided to all asylum-seeker and refugee SGBV survivors, whether women, men, girls, or boys. Case managers provided the survivors with emotional support while focusing on four pillars of response: health care; safety, including safe housing; psychosocial support; and legal assistance.

The UNHCR/CARE program turned to art therapy to help survivors to come to terms with having endured violence, change their perspectives on SGBV, and improve their self-esteem. CARE began using art therapy as a tool to help prevent and respond to SGBV among African, Iraqi, and Syrian asylum-seekers and refugees; most were Syrians.

Iraq, Kurdistan Region: Free Yezidi Foundation’s Mental Health Intervention. This project screened 200 Yazidi women at the beginning and end of a six-month mental-health

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The WHO-5 answers showed a 74 percent increase in self-reported well-being among service users who completed the program. According to the HTQ results, an 81.25 percent baseline rate of posttraumatic stress disorder decreased to 45 percent upon completion of the program.

Analysis of interviews and focus-group discussions highlighted the impact of collective, multiple losses and family separations; the fact that not all Yezidi held in captivity have returned; fear of ongoing attacks; and daily stressors related to poor living conditions.

The results highlight how the political, legal, and sociocultural environment affects both the prevalence of trauma and psychosocial rehabilitation. The findings further show the usefulness of socio-ecological frameworks for research and practice, engaging in advocacy, and establishing agendas for mental health and psycho-social support for individual and collective self-determination (Womersley and Arikut-Treece 2019).

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS After drawing from the literature concerning GBV in fragile settings broadly and lessons learned from GBV in MENA, we have delineated recommendations outlined below:

Multisectoral interventions are most effective. According to Michau and colleagues, preventing GBV against women and girls requires “systematic, sustained programming across the social ecology (i.e., the delicate equilibrium of interacting social, institutional, cultural, and political contexts of people’s lives) to transform gender-power inequalities” (2015, 1672). Human Rights Watch further posits a five-point plan to curtail sexual violence in Somalia that could be highly relevant in MENA countries in conflict. The five intervention points include physical prevention, emergency health services, access to justice, legal policy reform, and promotion of women’s equality (2014).

Feminist, socio-ecological and intersectional approaches highlight the structural antecedents of GBV. Michau et al. also recommend intervention designs based on an “intersectional gender-power analysis”; “to be born a girl in a patriarchal society is a fundamental risk factor for various types of gender-based violence. This gender-based risk is often compounded by other forms of discrimination and inequality based on, for example, race, class, ethnicity, caste, religion, disability, HIV status, migration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity, which affect both exposure to violence and experiences of response” (2015, 1674). While the structural perspective is necessary, the critically important goal is women’s equality (Human Rights Watch 2017). Building from these frameworks, interventions that take socio-ecological approaches into account are shown to be effective in multiple settings, including among Yezidi survivors in Kurdistan, as noted above (Womersley and Arikut-Treece, 2019).

Physical prevention, case management, and emergency health and mental-health services are necessary. Human Rights Watch notes the urgency of physical prevention and emergency health services to those assaulted. UNHCR’s work among Syrian refugees in Egypt highlights the need for case management and emotional support (2017). The Free Yezidi Foundation

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Legal frameworks, policy reform, documenting and monitoring violence, and raising awareness are also critical. Legal framework and policy reforms are needed to address GBV in conflict (Al-Ali 2018; Mora 2013; Bayan Global 2016; UN Women 2017). While the guidelines shown in Figure 2 (Annex B) for analyzing laws, policies, and programs relevant to GBV are helpful, they do not address intersectionality, especially the different impacts upon religious and ethnic minorities. And their focus is general, not conflict-related, GBV. An appropriate and effective response to conflict-related GBV among religious and ethnic minorities first requires creating awareness of the problem (UNHCR 2017; Grove 2015; Michau, et al. 2015; Skalli 2014). The MENA region largely lacks comparable data on experiences of non-partner sexual violence, not to mention data on conflict-related GBV in various minority groups. Advocacy, access to justice, and culturally appropriate interventions intersect with greater ability to document and monitor violence as elaborated below.

Access to justice, advocacy, and interventions that focus on perspectives of survivors and appreciate cultural norms are additional components of effective programming. Consistent with recommendations offered in regards to conflict-related GBV generally (e.g., Figure 3, Annex D), religious and ethnic minority groups’ voices must be heard in order to design effective programming and to establish efficient policy (Fitriyah 2016; Lilleston, et al. 2018; Mulumba and Namuggala 2014). Avenues for survivors to engage in advocacy are central to success, according to the Free Yezidi Foundation (Womersley and Arikut-Treece, 2019). Mariana Mora (2013) suggests relevant ways to ensure access to justice for survivors, which include:

Using truth commissions. These and other institutional processes are mandated to clarify the events occurring during armed conflicts. Efforts to address GBV among minorities should include the development of techniques and methods that enable women to speak about their experiences using truth-commission platforms and reconciliation processes where possible.

Understanding that conflict affects different populations in different ways. Recognizing that armed conflict differentially impacts specific sectors of society permits the unearthing of those crimes that are most difficult to identify and document.

Encouraging survivor participation. Survivor involvement is key to identifying the scope and impact of crimes of sexual violence, and also plays a key role in designing population- specific reparations.

Centering projects and legislation on addressing conflict-related violence. Programs and policies that focus on violence during armed conflicts can highlight the ways that violence against women exists even without armed conflicts. Such recognition can motivate communities to move beyond a return to prior sociocultural conditions, and to transform those conditions in order to address the structural roots of violence.

Figure 3, Annex D, provides greater detail on these recommendations.

Relevant ways to ensure access to justice and survivor-centered interventions include:

Focusing on survivors, but engaging bystanders. The high usage of HarassMap across several MENA countries, including Egypt (Skalli 2014; Grove 2015; Abdelmonem 2019),

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Morocco (Skalli 2014), and Tunisia (Tunisia Live 2012; Zerai 2019a) shows that this tactic can work. HarassMap of course is more available to middle class and wealthy women, given poor women’s limited access to smartphones (Zerai 2019b). Finally, engaging entire communities is key to preventing future GBV (Lilleston et al. 2018; Kabonesa and Namuggala 2019). Truth commissions, as well as this type of prevention, are more relevant post- conflict.

Interventions to promote coping with and recovering from GBV in MENA must be survivor-centered. In terms of coping with and recovering from GBV in conflict and other fragile settings in MENA, several recommendations can be drawn from a review of the International Rescue Committee (IRC) program for Syrian Refugees in Lebanon (Lilleston et al. 2018) and studies addressing GBV in other parts of the world (Yount et al. 2017; and Mora 2013):

• Strengthen women’s/girls’ social networks

• Reduce survivors’ feelings of idleness and isolation

• Increase women’s/girls’ knowledge

• Increase women’s/girls’ self-confidence

• Address stigma among individuals and families

Again, as is the case with prevention and truth commissions, such efforts to cope and recover from GBV endured in conflict will be more effective post-conflict.

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ANNEX A. GBV IN MENA AGAINST RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES BY COUNTRY

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Table 1. GBV in MENA Against Religious and Ethnic Minorities in Fragile and Conflict Settings, by Country (Zerai 2020)

Egypt Turks, Greeks, Abazas, Muslim (predominantly 200k received 22k sending Egyptian crisis (2011–14); Global Gender Gap Report 2018 34% Global Gender Gap Report 2018 34% and Bedouin Arab tribes Sunni) 90%, Christian January 25, 2011 – prevalence of gender violence in lifetime; prevalence of gender violence in in the Sinai Peninsula and (majority Coptic ongoing 2011 Egyptian Yes; but not conflict oriented. According lifetime; See infographic from the deserts to the east, as Orthodox, other Revolution and Aftermath; to Egypt DHS, 4% of ever-married UNICEF concerning child brides, 17% well as the Siwis in the Christians include Egyptian crisis (2011–14); women report that they have under 18 and 2% under 15 (2018:4). Siwa Oasis and the Nubian Armenian Apostolic, February 23, 2011 – experienced sexual violence by their Elghossain et al 2019, in 2005 DHS people along the Nile. Catholic, Maronite, ongoing Sinai insurgency; current or most recent husband (2014). 16% of adolescents (married, ages 15- Others include Nubians, Orthodox, and Anglican) November 22, 2012 – July Almost one quarter of women are 19) had ever experienced physical Copts, Beja, Greeks, Sa'idi, 10% (2015 est.) (CIA 3, 2013 Egyptian protests; married by age 18; and more than 10% of IPV (DHS data) and in 2009 19% Bishari, Syro-Lebanese, World Factbook) June 28, 2013 – July 3, young women age 15-19 have begun (married, ages 16-20) had ever Ababda, El homaydat, 2013 June 2013 Egyptian childbearing: 7% have had a child and 4% experienced sexual IPV. Elghossain et Huteimi, and Magyarab protests; July 3, 2013 – were pregnant at the time of the survey. al 2019, in 2014 DHS 6% of peoples, Malays, Arabs, ongoing Political violence Teenage childbearing is more common in adolescents (ever married, ages 15- and Egyptian Americans in Egypt; 2013 – ongoing rural areas (14%) than urban areas (5%) 19) had ever experienced sexual IPV Insurgency in Egypt (Egypt DHS, 2014). (DHS data). Note that all adolescents (2013–present) in DHS sample are child brides (n=240) and are thus experiencing SGBV. In a 1998 school-based simple random sample study of adolescents ages 12-18, (cited by Elghossain et al 2019), 7% of girls report sexual abuse; and in a 2011-12 school-based study,41.3% of girls report sexual abuse (mean age of sample, 16.1).

Iraq Of total pop, ethnic Muslim (official) 95-98% None noted by UNHCR 3.3M displaced; 361k Iraq War (2003– 2011); Yes, post conflict SGBV, Banwell 2015; See infographic from UNICEF groups include: (Shia 64-69%, Sunni 29- refugees; some to Jordan Iraqi Civil War (2014– "since April 2003, at least 400 women concerning child brides, 24% under Arab (75%), followed 34%), Christian 1% (UNHCR 2017, p71) 2017); Iraqi– Kurdish and girls, some as young as eight years 18 & 5% under 15 (2018:4). In a 2011 by Kurds (20%), Turkmen (includes Catholic, conflict (2017); Iraqi old, have been raped during or after the college-based study focused on of 3% (3 million), Afro- Orthodox, Protestant, insurgency (2017–present) war. … Increases in sexual violence adolescent experiences before age Iraqis (1 million), Chaldo- Assyrian Church of the against women account for the dramatic 17, (cited by Elghossain et al 2019), Assyrians 2–5% (500,000- East), other 1-4% (2015 increase in honour killings since the 3% of girls and boys (not 1.5 Million), Yazidi 1.4% est.) (CIA World invasion....The Kurdistan Regional disaggregated) report sexual abuse. (500,000) Factbook) Government’s (KRG) Ministry for Human See Table Y. for details. and Shabaks0.7% Rights reported 166 honour killings (250,000). And according during 2007 and 163 in 2008." p 711; to CIA World factbook (1987 data): Arab 75-80%, Kurdish 15-20%, other 5% (includes Turkmen, Yezidi, Shabak, Kaka'i, Bedouin, Romani, Assyrian, Circassian, Sabaean- Mandaean, Persian)

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Jordan Jordanian 69.3%, Syrian Muslim 97.2% (official; Jordan continued to host the None noted by UNHCR War of Attrition (1967– Global Gender Gap Report 2018 23% Global Gender Gap Report 2018 23% 13.3%, Palestinian 6.7%, predominantly Sunni), second largest number of 1970); Black September prevalence of gender violence in lifetime. prevalence of gender violence in Egyptian 6.7%, Iraqi 1.4%, Christian 2.2% (majority refugees relative to its national (1970–1971); October According to Jordan DHS (2017-18), 15% lifetime; See infographic from other 2.6% (includes Greek Orthodox, but population, where 1 in 14 War (1973); Sa'dah War of women age 25-49 were married by age UNICEF concerning child brides: 8% Armenian, some Greek and Roman people was a refugee under the (2009–2010); Libyan Civil 18. There is some variation by in age at under 18 and 0 under 15 (2018:4). Circassian) (2015 est.) Catholics, Syrian responsibility of UNHCR; War first marriage by nationality: Jordanian According to Amaireh, in a Syrian (CIA World Factbook) Orthodox, Coptic When Palestine refugees under (2011); Intervention women marry at a median age of 22.9, refugee camp in Jordan, 51.3% of Orthodox, Armenian UNRWA’s mandate are against ISIS (2014–); while the median age of first marriage females and 13% of males were Orthodox, and Protestant included, the figures rise to 1 in Intervention in Yemen among Syrians is 3 years earlier, at 19.6. victimized through early or forced denominations), Buddhist 3 for Jordan. There are 755,050 (2015+) Five percent of ever-married adolescent marriage (as cited in McAlpine 2016). 0.4%, Hindu 0.1%, Jewish refugees in Jordan representing women age 15-19 have begun Elghossain et al 2019, in 2015 (facility- <0.1, folk <0.1, unaffiliated 57 refugee nationalities. See pp childbearing; that is, they are already based convenience sample) 4% (n= <0.1, other <0.1 (2010 2, and 23 mothers or are pregnant with their first 1/26 interviewed) of engaged/married est.) (CIA World https://www.unhcr.org/globaltre child. Teenage childbearing is most Palestinian refugee adolescents had Factbook) nds2017/ and common in Mafraq (13%) and least ever experienced physical IPV. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefw common in Tafiela and Karak (2%). In Elghossain et al 2019, in 2012 DHS eb.int/files/resources/69826.pdf regards to other SGBV, 5% of currently 13% of adolescents (ever married, married women and 14% of ages 15-19) had ever experienced divorced/separated/widowed women sexual IPV (DHS data). Note that all have experienced sexual violence from a adolescents in DHS sample are child spouse. brides (n=166) and are thus experiencing SGBV. See Table Y. for details.

Lebanon Arab 95%, Armenian 4%, Muslim 57.7% (28.7% Lebanon continued to host the None noted by UNHCR Nahr al-Bared fighting Global Gender Gap Report 2018 35% Global Gender Gap Report 2018 35% other 1% Sunni, 28.4% Shia, smaller largest number of refugees (2007); Lebanon conflict prevalence of gender violence in lifetime; prevalence of gender violence in percentages of Alawites relative to its national (2008; 2011-17) yes, mostly refugees lifetime; yes, mostly refugees; See and Ismailis), Christian population, where 1 in 6 people infographic from UNICEF concerning 36.2% (Maronite Catholics was a refugee under the child brides: 6% under 18 and 1% are the largest Christian responsibility of UNHCR; rec'd under 15 (2018:4). In a 2005-6 (data group), Druze 5.2%, very approximately 1m refugees; collection year) school-based study of small numbers of Jews, sent 5k; When Palestine adolescents ages 11-16, (cited by Baha'is, Buddhists, and refugees under UNRWA’s Elghossain et al 2019), 17.3% of girls Hindus (2017 est.) mandate are included, the and boys (not disaggregated) report figures rise to 1 in 4 for sexual abuse. Lebanon. See pp 2, 3, and 23 https://www.unhcr.org/globaltre nds2017/

Libya Berber and Arab 97%, Muslim (official; virtually received 9k (UNHCR 2017, p sending 11k; UNHCR 2011 Libyan Civil War; yes, not conflict but human trafficking Information is not available other 3% (includes all Sunni) 96.6%, Christian 65) 2017, pp 23 and 72 2011 – ongoing Post-civil Greeks, Maltese, Italians, 2.7%, Buddhist 0.3%, https://www.unhcr.org/globaltre https://www.unhcr.org/glo war violence in Libya; Egyptians, Pakistanis, Hindu <0.1, Jewish <0.1, nds2017/ baltrends2017/ 2014 – ongoing Second Turks, Indians, and folk religion <0.1, Libyan Civil War Tunisians) unaffiliated 0.2%, other <0.1 (2010 est.)

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Morocco Arab-Berber 99%, other Muslim 99% (official; rec'd 4715 (UNHCR 2017: 66); 3000 sent (UNHCR 2017: 1911–1912 Second A significant portion of girls under 18 and See infographic from UNICEF 1% virtually all Sunni, <0.1% "In the mid-1990s, Morocco 72) Franco-Moroccan War; under 15 are married, according to concerning child brides: 16% under Shia), other 1% (includes developed into a transit country 1920–1926 Rif War; UNICEF (2017). And women report 18 and 3% under 15 (2018:4). In a Christian, Jewish, and for asylum seekers from sub- 1914–1921 Zaian War; sexual abuse in childhood. See next cell 2004 household systematic sampling Baha'i); note - Jewish Saharan Africa and illegal labor 1942 North African for details. study of adult women, (cited by about 6,000 (2010 est.) migrants from sub-Saharan Campaign; 1957–1958 Ifni Elghossain et al 2019), 9.2% report Africa and South Asia trying to War; 1963 Sand War; sexual abuse in childhood, including reach Europe via southern 1970–ongoing Western physical abuse and pornographic Spain, Spain’s Canary Islands, or Sahara conflict; 1975– conversations or phone calls. Spain’s North African enclaves, 1991 Western Sahara Ceuta and Melilla. Forcible War; April 11, 2002 expulsions by Moroccan and – ongoing Insurgency in Spanish security forces have not the Maghreb deterred these illegal migrants or calmed Europe’s security concerns. Rabat remains unlikely to adopt an EU agreement to take back third- country nationals who have entered the EU illegally via Morocco. Thousands of other illegal migrants have chosen to stay in Morocco until they earn enough money for further travel or permanently as a "second-best" option. The launching of a regularization program in 2014 legalized the status of some migrants and granted them equal access to education, health care, and work, but xenophobia and racism remain obstacles." (CIA World Factbook)

Syrian Arab ~50%, Alawite ~15%, "Muslim 87% (official; None noted by UNHCR 12.6M forcibly displaced as Qamishli massacre (2004); Global Gender Gap Report 2018 25% Global Gender Gap Report 2018 25% Arab Kurd ~10%, Levantine includes Sunni 74% and of end of 2017 (UNHCR, Syrian Civil War (2011+) prevalence of gender violence in lifetime; prevalence of gender violence in Rep ~10%, other ~15% Alawi, Ismaili, and Shia p 6); 6.3 M Total refugees "A report on the effects of the conflict on lifetime; See infographic from (includes Druze, Ismaili, 13%), Christian 10% from Syria; 5.3M refugees trafficking in persons in the Syrian Arab UNICEF concerning child brides: 13% Imami, Nusairi, Assyrian, (includes Orthodox, to Turkey, Lebanon, Republic and neighbouring countries under 18 and 3% under 15 (2018:4). Turkoman, Armenian) Uniate, and Nestorian), Jordan; See pp 3 and 23 published by the International Centre for According to Amaireh, in a Syrian Druze 3%, Jewish (few https://www.unhcr.org/glo Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) refugee camp in Jordan, 51.3% of remaining in Damascus baltrends2017/ in 2015 highlighted the increasing females and 13% of males were and Aleppo). Note: the numbers of Syrian victims of trafficking in victimized through early or forced Christian population may the Middle East over the last few years, in marriage (as cited in McAlpine 2016). be considerably smaller as line with UNODC’s data. According to a result of Christians the study, the incidence of trafficking has fleeing the country during substantially increased since the beginning of the crisis in 2011, although trafficking USAID.GOV Select GBV Literature Reviews: GBV and MENA among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings | 21 CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008

Synthesize descriptive statistics (GBV, SGBV--all women/girls; ethnic/religious minority groups; Refugee populations, Refugee populations, Evidence of sexual and refugees/displaced; conflict Country Race/ Ethnicity data: Religion data: receiving: sending: Conflict(s) GBV/SGBV/CRSV here? zones; and change overtime) the ongoing civil war." cases often remain unreported. The same (CIA World Factbook) study points out that for Syrian victims, the trafficking process often starts in the country of asylum where they moved for protection from the conflict zone. Traffickers take advantage of the vulnerabilities that stem from displacement. These victims, even when granted international protection, are trafficked within the host country or to other countries in the region. Most of the time, the trafficking is not committed by highly organized criminal networks, but rather by family members, acquaintances and neighbours." p 61 Trafficking in persons also occurs along the route to a safer place. A survey conducted between December 2015 and March 2016 by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) on the recent mixed migration flows…captures the severity of this phenomenon. More than 7 per cent of the 2,385 people surveyed by IOM reported at least one trafficking or other exploitative experience during their journey. The rate recorded among Syrian nationals was about 9 per cent" (pp 61- 63).(Global report on trafficking in persons 2016) http://www.unodc.org/documents/data- and- analysis/glotip/2016_Global_Report_on_ Trafficking_in_Persons.pdf

Tunisia Carthaginian, Islam, Sufi, Roman rec'd 722 refugees (UNHCR sent 1,843 refugees 17 November 1942 – 13 Global Gender Gap Report 2018 20% Global Gender Gap Report 2018 20% Roman (Roman Africans), Catholic, Jewish, Greek 2017: 67) (UNHCR 2019), including May 1943 Tunisia prevalence of gender violence in lifetime; prevalence of gender violence in Vandal, Jewish, Christian; Orthodox; According to Sudan: 69; Somalia: 76; Campaign (World War II); yes-but not conflict oriented. According lifetime; See infographic from According to CIA World CIA World Factbook, Ivory Coast: 125; Eritrea: July 1961 Bizerte crisis’; to the Demographic and Health Survey of UNICEF concerning child brides Factbook, "Arab 98%, "Muslim (official; Sunni) 216; Other: 313; Syria: April 11, 2002 1988 in Tunisia (DHS), of the women (2018:4). In a 1998-9 (data collection European 1%, Jewish and 99.1%, other (includes 1044 – ongoing Insurgency in surveyed, one in six married before the year) school-based study of other 1%". Christian, Jewish, Shia the Maghreb; December age of 18. secondary school students, (cited by Muslim, and Baha'i) 1%" 18, 2010 – January 14, Elghossain et al 2019), 1% of girls and 2011 Tunisian revolution; 4.4% of boys report sexual abuse. June 26, 2015 – ongoing ISIL insurgency in Tunisia

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Yemen predominantly Arab; but Muslim: Shafii rec'd 271k from: Iraq, Somalia, 2.1M displaced (UNHCR Shia insurgency in Yemen yes. Two-thirds of Yemeni women have See infographic from UNICEF also Afro-Arab, South 55% (S/SE); Ethiopia, & Syria 2017, p 6) & 25k refugees (2004-14); Yemeni Crisis heard of female circumcision and 19% of concerning child brides: 32% under Asians, European (CIA Zaydi 45% fleeing from Yemen (2011–present); Yemeni women report that they are circumcised, 18 and 9% under 15 (2018:4) World Factbook) (N/NW); Civil War (2015+) according to Yemen DHS (2013). The According to median age at first marriage is 18.2 for CIA World women ages 25-49. A significant Factbook: proportion of women marry very early: "Muslim 99.1% 18% of women were married by age 15. (official; Eleven percent of adolescent women age virtually all 15-19 are already mothers or pregnant are citizens, an with their first child. Teenage pregnancy estimated 65% is much higher among girls with no are Sunni and education than among those with higher 35% are Shia), education (18% compared to 2%). other 0.9% Teenage pregnancy varies by governorate (includes from a low of 7% of women age 15-19 in Jewish, Baha'i, Hajjah and Shabwah to a high of 15% in Hindu, and Ibb, Al-Baidha, and Sadah. Christian; many are refugees or temporary foreign residents) (2010 est.)"

USAID.GOV Select GBV Literature Reviews: GBV and MENA among Religious and Other Minorities in Conflict Settings | 23 CONTRACT NO. GS-10F-0033M / ORDER NO. 7200AA18M00016 / DRG-LER II TASKING N008 Table 1. GBV in MENA Against Religious and Ethnic Minorities in Fragile and Conflict Settings, by Country (Zerai 2020) (Continued)

Egypt Minorities comprised of: Coptic Christians, No data or articles found to provide evidence Legislation on domestic violence: no, While insurgency in Egypt likely CARE’s experience with projects Shi’a Muslims, Bahá’is and several smaller that SGBV against religious or other minority according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 exacerbates SGBV, neither data nor targeting Egyptians has indicated minorities including Ahmadis, Quranists groups differs from SGBV against majority http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR articles found provide evidence of that art therapy is highly effective and Jehovah’s Witnesses groups. Most SGBV is perpetrated by family _2018.pdf political conflict-related SGBV, except for not only in raising awareness of (https://minorityrights.org/programmes- members or spouse/ex-spouse. The literature among the refugee population. As such, it violence against women but also in evaluations/egypt-challenging- points to the use of the state apparatus to either is highly likely that hosts or refugees may changing project participants’ discrimination-religious-minorities/). directly pacify social and political protest, or to sexually exploit vulnerable refugees. For attitudes towards that violence. However SGBV in Egypt does not seem to withdraw protective services in public spaces, example, "according to various reports, CARE began using art therapy as a be focused on minorities. resulting in sexual assault of women by security the types of SGBV faced by refugees in tool to help prevent and respond to personnel/military/police or sexual assault Egypt include domestic violence, sexual SGBV among African, Iraqi and perpetrated by rioters with impunity (Skalli harassment in public spaces, exploitation Syrian asylum-seekers and refugees, 2014; Grove 2015). Most currently, Syrian and and harmful traditional practices. Through the majority of them Syrians, in the Sudanese refugees may be minorities who are direct interaction with both refugees and cities of 6th of October and Obour vulnerable to SGBV in Egypt. medical partners, it was found that female in the greater Cairo area." genital mutilation is prevalent in African (https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/5a3 refugee communities and child marriage is 8dd264.pdf). especially widespread among Syrians" (https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/5a38dd2 64.pdf).

Iraq "Interpersonal and structural GBV in Iraq "Interpersonal and structural GBV in Iraq Legislation on domestic violence: no, Iraq is a post-conflict setting. These issues While Iraq has been accused or includes: domestic violence, abduction, includes: domestic violence, abduction, honour according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 are very relevant in currently, as noted in turning a blind eye to the honour killings, rape, trafficking and forced killings, rape, trafficking and forced prostitution"; http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR Banwell 2015. According to NADIA victimization of "enslaved thousands prostitution"; Banwell 2015. It appears that Banwell 2015. It appears that all poor women _2018.pdf; "The KRG passed the Family MURAD, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, of Yazidi girls and women", "noting all poor women are in jeopardy, regardless are in jeopardy, regardless of ethnicity or Violence Law in 2011, with the aim of "More than 350,000 of them — 80 per that genocide against Yazidis of ethnicity or religious conviction. "In religious conviction. criminalising domestic violence and honour cent of Iraq’s Yazidi population — are still continues today" (NADIA MURAD, conflict situations, women and girls are killings. However, officials have not enforced displaced in camps" Nobel Peace Prize Laureate), particularly vulnerable to sexual and this law. Human Rights Watch (HRW) (https://www.un.org/press/en/2019/sc137 "MOHAMMED HUSSEIN BAHR gender-based violence, including trafficking reports that numbers of male family members 90.doc.htm) ALULOOM (Iraq) said his country in persons for sexual exploitation. Women have continued to attack and kill female has turned the page on a sombre and girls are reportedly kidnapped and relatives since the introduction of the law." part of history since recovering all forced to marry or serve as sexual slaves Banwell 2015:711 "Arranged and forced its territory from the grasp of in many conflict-affected countries around marriages are also used as a means for Da’esh, which carried out atrocious the world. One widely reported example traffickers to transport women internally and crimes unprecedented in the history of this practice is the trafficking in persons internationally. In some cases the family are of humanity. Outlining practical and enslavement of women and children of responsible for forcing the girl into marriage measures to return all displaced the Yazidi ethno-religious group by ISIL in in order to alleviate dire economic persons to their homes and provide Iraq and the Syrian Arab Republic. The circumstances…. These are sophisticated and them with redress for their United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq complex criminal networks. Younger girls, suffering, he said a new draft bill for (UNAMI) and the United Nations Office of especially under the age of 16, are the most Yazidi survivors — aimed at the High Commissioner for Human Rights lucrative. Girls as young as 11 and 12 can be providing compensation, (OHCHR). sold for as much as $30,000, while older rehabilitation and reintegration into http://www.unodc.org/documents/data- women are sold for as little as $2000. society — was brought up for and- …HRW accuses the Iraq government of debate in the Government this analysis/glotip/2016_Global_Report_on_Tr doing little to tackle trafficking in girls and month. Also noting that a list of afficking_in_Persons.pdf p 65 reported in women. They state that there have been no persons accused of human October 2015 that Islamic State was criminal prosecutions of those engaged in trafficking has been submitted to holding approximately 3,500 civilians, human trafficking and negligible support for Iraq’s national prosecutor’s office, victims. Furthermore, despite the he said evidence of crimes

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SGBV/GBV/CRSV against religious & Differences in SGBV in conflict Evaluation of interventions to Country other minorities Differences from SGBV against majority? State policies & responses versus non-conflict settings? reduce SGBV/CRSV mostly women and children, primarily implementation of counter-trafficking laws in committed by Da’esh is being Yazidi." 2012, enforcing this law has not been a collected for proper evaluation and priority for authorities (Banwell 2015: 713- prosecution. In addition, he also 14). outlined the country’s National Strategy to Combat Violence against Women and its second action plan for the implementation of resolution 1325 (2000)." https://www.un.org/press/en/2019/s c13790.doc.htm

Jordan Jordanian society ethnic minorities, include No data or articles found to provide evidence Legislation on domestic violence: yes, It appears most conflict in which Jordan is Info on interventions among Circassians, Kurds, Turkomans, Chechens, that SGBV against religious or other minority according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 involved is taking place off their soil. So it religious/other minorities was not and Armenians. Research from the last groups differs from SGBV against majority http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR is unlikely that conflict-related SGBV is found. decade notes intrafamily femicide as an groups. Most SGBV is perpetrated by family _2018.pdf taking place, unless it is happening with issue in Jordan (Fadia Faqir 2010). Human members or spouse/ex-spouse. vulnerable widows of fallen Jordanian Rights Watch notes a rise in this practice soldiers or among the refugee until 2016 populations. All of the literature found on (https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/04/03/ho widowhood in Jordan focuses on refugees w-end-honor-killings-Jordan#). However who are widows. these are carried out by family members and not necessarily directed toward religious or other minorities. As host the second largest number of refugees relative to its national population, it is highly likely that hosts or refugees may sexually exploit other more vulnerable refugees.

Lebanon Lebanon is a country of minorities with no UNHCR is addressing SGBV in the refugee Legislation on domestic violence: yes, All of the literature found on SGBV in Info on interventions among single dominant group. Demographics are population in Lebanon (2016–2018). Their SGBV according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 Lebanon focuses on refugees. religious/other minorities was not controversial, and there has been no response, mitigation, and prevention strategy is http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR found. population census since 1932. Some successful. For example, "In 2017, the SGBV _2018.pdf minority groups are defined primarily by sector achieved nearly 70% of its target for religion and others by ethnicity, although numbers for people who access a range of most communities in Lebanon and services available in safe spaces in Lebanon throughout the region do not necessarily (including awareness raising sessions, emotional like to be described as ‘minorities’. support groups, life-skills training, legal support, According to Minority Rights Group psycho-social support and individual case International, "the main minority groups [in management)." Source: Lebanon are]: Palestinians (175,000 – https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resou 450,000), Druze 5.2 per cent, Armenian 4 rces/5c23c2ad4.pdf "Some UNHCR community- per cent, Kurds (less than 1 per cent). based activities have shown promising results in Lebanon is a country of minorities with no relation to prevention but they are, so far, on a single dominant group. Demographics are relatively small scale and evidence of their controversial, and there has been no effectiveness and impact is limited. (p 41) 84% of population census since 1932. Some women and adolescent girls taking part in minority groups are defined primarily by activities report feeling a greater sense of religion and others by ethnicity, although empowerment after their participation, which is most communities in Lebanon and a step towards gender equity; but these throughout the region do not necessarily initiatives are very localised and reach a limited like to be described as ‘minorities’" number of girls. (https://minorityrights.org/country/Lebanon There are also encouraging approaches being

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SGBV/GBV/CRSV against religious & Differences in SGBV in conflict Evaluation of interventions to Country other minorities Differences from SGBV against majority? State policies & responses versus non-conflict settings? reduce SGBV/CRSV /). The above figures, with the exception of taken in the sector and by some UNHCR the Palestinians (who are regarded as partners to engage with religious and a wider transitory and denied Lebanese citizenship) range of community leaders as part of refer to Lebanon’s official population of prevention strategies – often entering these approximately 4.5 million. However, up to discussions via child protection concerns, such 1.5 million Syrian refugees are also now as child labour, before moving into more residing in the country. Though the large sensitive areas relevant to child/early marriage majority are Sunni Muslim, the Syrian and SGBV. 67 There is currently no systematic refugee population is not homogeneous data on the effectiveness of these initiatives" and includes Syrian Alawites, Christians, (UNHCR, 2018: 42). Shi’a, Druze, Isma’ilis and Yezidis, all of whom have sought refuge in Lebanon. In 2007, there was a skirmish with Palestinian refugees and many fled the country, while others were killed. However, sources do not cite use of SGBV against refugees during the conflict and they do not provide evidence of SGBV against other minorities such as Maronites, Sunnis or Druze.

Libya The principal linguistic-based minorities are "The political and security situation in Libya "Most of the countries in North Africa and In Libya, "Clashes between militias and "Inas Miloud, Chairperson of the the Amazigh, Tuareg and Tebu. These continues to be deeply divided, as three the Middle East introduced an offence forces loyal to these governments Tamazight Women’s Movement, minority groups are predominantly Sunni authorities including the Tripoli based UN- criminalizing trafficking in persons after the decimated the economy and public said her group has been working Muslim but identified with their respective backed Government of National Accord, vie for year 2009. As of August 2018, among the 17 services, including the public health with indigenous women affected by cultural and linguistic heritages rather than political legitimacy, control of territory, countries assessed, only Libya and Yemen do system, law enforcement, and the sexual and gender-based violence in with Arab traditions" (The U.S. resources and infrastructure. Armed conflict and not have legislation criminalizing trafficking in judiciary, and caused the internal Libya since that country’s 2011 Department of State Country Report on political instability have impacted the lives of persons". UNODC 2018: 88 displacement of over 200,000 people. revolution. Hundreds of Human Rights Libya 2017 as quoted in more than three million people across the Armed groups throughout the country, testimonies outline a common https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/gove country, displacing hundreds of thousands and some of them affiliated with one or the pattern of physical violence, rape, rnment/uploads/system/uploads/attachment disrupting people’s access to basic services, other of the competing governments, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, _data/file/777959/Libya_- including fuel and electrical power, as well as executed persons extrajudicially, attacked abduction and domestic violence, all _Ethnic_Groups_-_CPIN_- severely constraining life-saving protection and civilians and civilian properties, abducted underpinned by patriarchal norms, _v3.0__February_2019_.pdf). "INAS humanitarian assistance. The protection crisis in and disappeared people, and imposed she added. Citing the unchecked MILOUD, Chairperson, Tamazight Libya is characterised by violations of sieges on civilians in the eastern cities of flow of weapons into Libya and Women’s Movement, said that her international humanitarian and human rights law, Derna and Benghazi. Most of the more decades-old discrimination against Amazigh, or Berber, people are the restricted access to safety and freedom of than 200,000 migrants and asylum indigenous minorities, she said the indigenous inhabitants of Libya, adding that movement, forced displacement, severity and seekers who reached Europe by sea in 2015 Libyan Political Agreement since the 2011 revolution, she has been pervasiveness of gender-based violence. All 2017 departed in boats from Libya. fails to reflect such crucial issues as working with indigenous women and girls parties to the conflict have committed breaches Migrants and asylum seekers who ended gender equality, sexual and gender- affected by sexual and gender-based of international law including torture, unlawful up in detention in Libya faced beatings, based violence and fear of reprisals violence, as well as displaced and migrant killings, indiscriminate attacks, abductions, extortion, sexual violence, and forced for activism." communities in that country. ... She went kidnapping, disappearances and the forceful labor in unofficial and quasi state-run (https://www.un.org/press/en/2019/s on to recall that in 2018, hundreds of displacement of people. The number of people detention centers, at the hands of guards, c13790.doc.htm) stories were collected from Libyans with mental health and psychosocial problems militias, and smugglers. Coast guard relating experiences of sexual and gender- increased substantially as a result of the conflict, forces also beat migrants they based violence, which primarily affects including severe psychological distress for the intercepted at sea and forced them back women and girls, she continued. Their conflict affected population, as well as the to detention centers with inhumane testimonies outline a common pattern of contamination from explosive hazards affecting conditions. Between January and physical violence, rape, sexual harassment, human security and access." Libya Protection November, 2,772 migrants died during verbal abuse, abduction and domestic Sector Strategy 2018-2019 perilous boat journeys in the central violence, she emphasized, noting that Mediterranean Sea, most having departed patriarchal norms, amplified by the from the Libyan shore", according to

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SGBV/GBV/CRSV against religious & Differences in SGBV in conflict Evaluation of interventions to Country other minorities Differences from SGBV against majority? State policies & responses versus non-conflict settings? reduce SGBV/CRSV presence of armed groups and the Human Rights Watch widespread availability of weapons, are the https://www.hrw.org/world- central cause of gender-based violence and report/2018/country-chapters/Libya. the lack of security for women. Despite the United Nations arms embargo, weapons continue to flow into the country unchecked, she said, pointing out that violence often escalates due to their widespread availability. Patriarchal notions of family honour, coupled with fear of retaliation, ensure that domestic violence as well as sexual and gender-based violence are rarely reported, she continued, underlining that indigenous women are even further marginalized due to entrenched decades-old discrimination against minority communities. Critically, the peace process led by the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) largely excludes Libyan women and indigenous groups, she pointed out. As a result, the Libyan Political Agreement does not reflect many crucial issues, such as gender equality, sexual and gender- based violence and fear of reprisals for activism on women’s rights." https://www.un.org/press/en/2019/sc13790. doc.htm

Morocco Minorities and indigenous people in The literature points to the use of the state Legislation on domestic violence: no, SGBV is widespread in Morocco. There OMAR KADIRI (Morocco), Morocco are the Berber and Saharawis. apparatus to either directly pacify social and according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 has been a rise in SGBV post Arab Spring stressing that indignation was no https://minorityrights.org/country/morocco political protest, or to withdraw protective http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR (2011). See Skalli 2014 and Grove 2015. longer enough, called for additional / services in public spaces, resulting in sexual _2018.pdf efforts to punish perpetrators and assault of women by security support survivors in rebuilding their personnel/military/police or sexual assault lives. Drawing links between those perpetrated by rioters with impunity (c). efforts and sustainable development, Morocco is cited for forcible expulsions of he said women’s participation in migrants and refugees from sub-Saharan Africa. public life — including in the However though inhospitable conditions for elaboration of peace agreements — migrants and refugees in Morocco are ripe for is also crucial. Warning against conflict related SGBV there, sources do not attempts to link religion with sexual provide data or examples. violence, he outlined Morocco’s national efforts to combat radicalization, empower women, train preachers and Imams to bolster tolerance, and deploy female peacekeepers. In addition, his country is involved with the Mediterranean Women Mediators Network and other important regional frameworks.

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Syrian In conflict situations, women and girls are In Syria 12.6M were forcibly displaced as of end Legislation on domestic violence: no, Importantly, ISIS has committed the Info on interventions among Arab Rep particularly vulnerable to sexual and of 2017 (UNHCR, p 6; See pp 3 and 23 according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 crime of genocide as well as multiple religious/other minorities was not gender-based violence, including trafficking https://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends2017/). http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR crimes against humanity and war crimes found. in persons for sexual exploitation. Women Global Gender Gap Report 2018, "A report on _2018.pdf against the Yazidis, thousands of whom and girls are reportedly kidnapped and the effects of the conflict on trafficking in are held captive in the Syrian Arab forced to marry or serve as sexual slaves persons in the Syrian Arab Republic and Republic where they are subjected to in many conflict-affected countries around neighbouring countries published by the almost unimaginable horrors” (UN the world. One widely reported example International Centre for Migration Policy Human Rights Council, 1: 2016). “ISIS has of this practice is the trafficking in persons Development (ICMPD) in 2015 highlighted the sought to destroy the Yazidis through and enslavement of women and children of increasing numbers of Syrian victims of killings; sexual slavery, enslavement, the Yazidi ethno-religious group by ISIL in trafficking in the Middle East over the last few torture and inhuman and degrading Iraq and the Syrian Arab Republic. The years, in line with UNODC’s data. According to treatment and forcible transfer causing United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq the study, the incidence of trafficking has serious bodily and mental harm; the (UNAMI) and the United Nations Office of substantially increased since the beginning of the infliction of conditions of life that bring the High Commissioner for Human Rights crisis in 2011, although trafficking cases often about a slow death; the imposition of (OHCHR) reported in October 2015 that remain unreported. The same study points out measures to prevent Yazidi children from Islamic State was holding approximately that for Syrian victims, the trafficking process being born, including forced conversion 3,500 civilians, mostly women and children, often starts in the country of asylum where they of adults, the separation of Yazidi men primarily Yazidi. moved for protection from the conflict zone. and women, and mental trauma; and the http://www.unodc.org/documents/data- Traffickers take advantage of the vulnerabilities transfer of Yazidi children from their own and- that stem from displacement. These victims, families and placing them with ISIS analysis/glotip/2016_Global_Report_on_Tr even when granted international protection, are fighters, thereby cutting them off from afficking_in_Persons.pdf p 65 trafficked within the host country or to other beliefs and practices of their own countries in the region. Most of the time, the religious community, and erasing their trafficking is not committed by highly organized identity as Yazidis. The public statements criminal networks, but rather by family and conduct of ISIS and its fighters clearly

members, acquaintances and neighbours." p 61 demonstrate that ISIS intended to destroy the Yazidis of Sinjar, composing the majority of the world’s Yazidi population, in whole or in part” (UN Human Rights Council, 1: 2016).

Tunisia Reports of SGBV resulting from ISIL Reports of SGBV resulting from ISIL insurgency Legislation on domestic violence: no, Reports of SGBV resulting from ISIL Info on interventions among insurgency there are unavailable. there are unavailable. according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 insurgency there are unavailable. religious/other minorities was not http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR found. _2018.pdf

Yemen In Yemen the Shia insurgency in Yemen “The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Legislation on domestic violence: no, Residents reported that SBF regularly Info on interventions among (2004-14); Yemeni Crisis (2011–present); Human Rights (UNHCR) reported that Security according to Global Gender Gap Report 2018 abducted and raped, or threatened to religious/other minorities was not Yemeni Civil War (2015+) are all likely to Belt Forces (SBF), part of the ROYG yet http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR rape, women to extort money from their found. affect SGBV there. reportedly funded and directed by the UAE, _2018.pdf; "Most of the countries in North families and communities. The authorities committed rape and other forms of serious Africa and the Middle East introduced an did not conduct investigations or make sexual violence targeting foreign migrants, offence criminalizing trafficking in persons arrests in relation to these violations, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and other after the year 2009. As of August 2018, which were still being reported in May”, vulnerable groups. The SBF have since 2017 among the 17 countries assessed, only Libya according to the U.S. State Department’s controlled the Al Basateen area of the Dar Saad and Yemen do not have legislation International Human Right Report for district of Aden, which hosts a population of at criminalizing trafficking in persons." UNODC Yemen (March 2019: 4). least 40,000 refugees and IDPs. 2018: 88

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ANNEX B. TREATIES

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Table 2. Ratification of Treaties Relevant to SGBV

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Convention Discrimination on Rights of against Women CEDAW the Child (CEDAW, 1979) Reservations Optional (CRC) (1989) Reservations Optional Country Ratification to CEDAW Protocol Ratification to CRC Protocols

Acceded in Articles 2, 16, Egypt 1981 1990 2007 and 29 (2) 2002

Articles 2 (f) Acceded both Iraq 1986 (g), 9 (1) (2), 1994 Article 14 (1) in 2008 16, 20 (1)

Articles 9 (2), Acceded in Articles 14, 20, Jordan 1992 16 (1) (c) (d) 1991 2007 and 21 (g) 2006

Articles 9 (2), Acceded to Lebanon 1997 16 (1) (c) (d) (f) 1991 #2 in 2004 (g), 29 (1)

General Acceded both reservation and in 2004 Libya 1989 2004 1993 articles: 2, 16 (c) (d)

Article 29 (1) Acceded in Morocco 1993 and declaration 1993 2003 and to article 2 2001

Acceded both Articles 2, 9 General in 2003, #2 (2), 15 (4), 16 reservation and with Syria 2003 (1) (c) (d) (f) 1993 reservations to reservations (g), 16 (2), 29 articles 14, 20, to Article 3 (1) 21 (1) (a) (ii) and 3 (5)

General Acceded in declaration and 2003 and articles 9 (2), 2002 General Tunisia 1985 16 (c) (d) (f) (g) 2008 1992 declaration (h), 29 (1) Declaration to article 15 (4)

Acceded in Yemen 1984 Article 29 (1) 1991 2007 and 2004

Source: Modified from UNICEF. 2011. Regional Overview for the Middle East and North Africa. www.unicef.org/gender/files/REGIONAL-Gender-Eqaulity-Profile-2011.pdf; Note: The Convention on the

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Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women is an international treaty on women’s rights adopted by the United Nations in 1979. The main idea of CEDAW is simple: women should have equal rights with men in every aspect of their lives.

The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was adopted in by the United Nations on November 20, 1989. It was the first international treaty to guarantee children civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, including freedom from violence, abuse, hazardous employment, exploitation, abduction or sale, including freedom from violence, abuse, hazardous employment, exploitation, abduction or sale.

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ANNEX C. POLICIES

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Figure 2. State and non-state policies and responses to sgbv in the MENA: established rubrics for analyzing laws, policies and programs State Strategies and Responses (Bayan Global et al. 2016):

• Prevention of GBV: high-visibility national strategies

• Prevention of GBV: legal reforms

• Intervention to provide appropriate services to survivors

• IPV: Document and raise awareness via nationally representative household surveys

• Early/forced marriage Document and raise awareness via nationally representative household surveys:

• CEDAW signatories (and other relevant UN conventions and regional agreements)

• Commission/support quantitative and/or qualitative studies of GBV

Non-State Strategies and Responses (UNDP and UN Women 2017): (Extrapolated from work in Latin America and the Caribbean)

• Seek legislative consistency between domestic violence, intrafamily violence, and violence against women policies and/national plans.

• Examine the strength of institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women, including: dependency of efforts, which government agencies and levels of government are responsible for policies, and the existence of interagency coordination mechanisms.

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ANNEX D. RECOMMENDATIONS

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Figure 3. Recommendations relevant to SGBV against minority groups from Mariana Mora (2013) 1. Truth commissions and other institutional processes mandated to clarify the events occurring during armed conflicts require methodologies that can identify the different forms of violence perpetrated against specific population groups, including, but not limited to, women. Investigative techniques should prioritize ways to identify the factors that cause gender violence to go unreported in order to develop methods that enable women to speak about their experiences. Training both women and men to understand the importance of exposing gender dimensions of armed conflict violence, as well as integral psychosocial support services, is key.

2. Latin America provides several lessons.

a. Armed conflict differentially impacts specific sectors of society.

b. Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) as a war crime is often subsumed by other types of violence during conflict, and not recorded as a crime in itself.

c. Recognizing the impact of war on women and girls permits the unearthing of CRSV war crimes, which are often the most difficult to identify and document, and may otherwise remain invisible.

d. Survivors’ access to justice and reparation necessitates intentional focus on and documentation of CRSV.

3. Citizen participation is key, both when recognized as part of judicial reforms, as well as when survivors are supported by NGOs. Such participation permits not only identifying the scope and impact of crimes of sexual violence, but also plays a key role in designing population-specific reparations that respond to the particular ways in which women victims are impacted by armed conflicts.

4. Advances in legal reforms and truth commissions, while effective in identifying the effects of armed conflicts and follow-up work with victims, do not necessarily translate into equitable reparations and the sentencing of the perpetrators. Approaches should recognize that such challenges stem from broader flaws in national justice systems and key branches of government’s lack of political will.

5. A gender-sensitive approach to identifying the causes and consequences of violence during armed conflicts can highlight the ways that violence against women exists independent of armed conflicts. This has direct impacts in the definitions of reparations for victims of gender violence, understood not in terms of a return to prior sociocultural conditions, but rather as a necessary transformation of those conditions in order to address the structural roots of violence.

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ANNEX E. SOURCES OF INFORMATION

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