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The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: the Case of Industry
The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner, University of Mannheim, Germany Prof. Dr. Christoph Buchheim Dr. Jonas Scherner Chair of Economic History Seminar of Economic and Social History University of Mannheim University of Mannheim L 7,3-5 L7, 3-5 D-68131 Mannheim D-68131 Mannheim Germany Germany e-Mail: [email protected] e-Mail: [email protected] The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Abstract. Private property in the industry of the Third Reich is often considered a mere formal provision without much substance. However, that is not correct, because firms, despite the rationing and licensing activities of the state, still had ample scope to devise their own production and investment patterns. Even regarding war-related projects freedom of contract was generally respected and, instead of using power, the state offered firms a bundle of contract options to choose from. There were several motives behind this attitude of the regime, among them the conviction that private property provided important incentives for increasing efficiency. I. The Nazi regime did not have any scruples to apply force and terror, if that was judged useful to attain its aims. And in economic policy it did not abstain from numerous regulations and interventions in markets, in order to further rearmament and autarky as far as possible. Thus the regime, by promulgating Schacht’s so-called “New Plan” in 1934, very much strengthened its influence on foreign exchange as well as on raw materials’ allocation, in order to enforce state priorities. -
S/2007/582 Security Council
United Nations S/2007/582 Security Council Distr.: General 28 September 2007 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) by which the Council decided to establish the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and requested the Secretary-General to report at regular intervals on the implementation of the mandate. It covers the activities of UNMIK and developments in Kosovo (Serbia), from 1 June to 31 August 2007. Kosovo future status process 2. On 1 August, I issued a statement welcoming the Contact Group’s agreement on modalities for further negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina during a new period of engagement. This effort is being led by a “Troika”, comprising representatives of the European Union, the Russian Federation and the United States of America. The United Nations has been providing support to the Troika’s mediation effort. On 30 August, the Troika held proximity talks in Vienna with delegations representing Serbia and Kosovo. Prior to those talks, the Troika held its first meeting with the Serbian Government on 10 August and with the Kosovo Unity Team on 11 and 12 August. I look forward to the Contact Group reporting to me on the results of the period of engagement by 10 December. Political situation 3. During the reporting period, the overriding political focus in Kosovo was on the deliberations on a new resolution in the Security Council. The Kosovo Albanian community and its leadership expressed disappointment when the Council failed to adopt a new resolution. -
KFOS LOCAL and INTERNATIONAL VOLUME II.Pdf
EDITED BY IOANNIS ARMAKOLAS AGON DEMJAHA LOCAL AND AROLDA ELBASANI STEPHANIE SCHWANDNER- SIEVERS INTERNATIONAL DETERMINANTS OF KOSOVO’S STATEHOOD VOLUME II LOCAL AND INTERNATIONAL DETERMINANTS OF KOSOVO’S STATEHOOD —VOLUME II EDITED BY: IOANNIS ARMAKOLAS AGON DEMJAHA AROLDA ELBASANI STEPHANIE SCHWANDNER-SIEVERS Copyright ©2021 Kosovo Foundation for Open Society. All rights reserved. PUBLISHER: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society Imzot Nikë Prelaj, Vila 13, 10000, Prishtina, Kosovo. Issued in print and electronic formats. “Local and International Determinants of Kosovo’s Statehood: Volume II” EDITORS: Ioannis Armakolas Agon Demjaha Arolda Elbasani Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers PROGRAM COORDINATOR: Lura Limani Designed by Envinion, printed by Envinion, on recycled paper in Prishtina, Kosovo. ISBN 978-9951-503-06-8 CONTENTS ABOUT THE EDITORS 7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 12 INTRODUCTION 13 CULTURE, HERITAGE AND REPRESENTATIONS 31 — Luke Bacigalupo Kosovo and Serbia’s National Museums: A New Approach to History? 33 — Donjetë Murati and Stephanie Schwandner- Sievers An Exercise in Legitimacy: Kosovo’s Participation at 1 the Venice Biennale 71 — Juan Manuel Montoro Imaginaries and Media Consumptions of Otherness in Kosovo: Memories of the Spanish Civil War, Latin American Telenovelas and Spanish Football 109 — Julianne Funk Lived Religious Perspectives from Kosovo’s Orthodox Monasteries: A Needs Approach for Inclusive Dialogue 145 LOCAL INTERPRETATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL RULES 183 — Meris Musanovic The Specialist Chambers in Kosovo: A Hybrid Court between -
The Eurovision Song Contest. Is Voting Political Or Cultural? ☆ ⁎ Victor Ginsburgh A, Abdul G
Author's personal copy Available online at www.sciencedirect.com European Journal of Political Economy 24 (2008) 41–52 www.elsevier.com/locate/ejpe The Eurovision Song Contest. Is voting political or cultural? ☆ ⁎ Victor Ginsburgh a, Abdul G. Noury b, a ECARES, Université Libre de Bruxelles and Center for Operations Research and Econometrics, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium b ECARES, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium Received 19 December 2005; received in revised form 18 May 2007; accepted 21 May 2007 Available online 2 June 2007 Abstract We analyze the voting behavior and ratings of judges in a popular song contest held every year in Europe since 1956. The dataset makes it possible to analyze the determinants of success, and gives a rare opportunity to run a direct test of vote trading. Though the votes cast may appear as resulting from such trading, we show that they are rather driven by quality of the participants as well as by linguistic and cultural proximities between singers and voting countries. Therefore, and contrary to what was recently suggested, there seems to be no reason to take the result of the Contest as mimicking the political conflicts (and friendships). © 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. JEL classification: D72; Z10 Keywords: Voter trading; Voting behavior; Popular music; Contests 1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to analyze the determinants of success and voting behavior of judges in one of the most popular singing contest held since 1956 in Europe, the Eurovision Song Contest. The competition is interesting since each country (player) votes for singers (or groups of singers) of all other participating countries. -
Mennonite Life
MENNONITE LIFEJUNE 1991 In this Issue The Mennonite encounter with National Socialism in the 1930s and 1940s remains a troubling event in Mennonite history, even as the memory of World War II and the Holocaust continue to sear the conscience of Western civilization. How could such evil happen? How could people of good will be so compromised? Mennonites have been a people of two kingdoms. Their loyalty to Christ’s kingdom has priority, but they also believe and confess, in the words of the Dortrecht Confession (1632) that “ God has ordained power and authority, and set them to punish the evil, and protect the good, to govern the world, and maintain countries and cities with their subjects in good order and regulation.” The sorting out of heavenly and worldly allegiances has never been simple. Rulers in all times and places, from Phillip II in the Spanish Netherlands to George Bush in the Persian Gulf region, have claimed to fulfill a divine mandate. In his time Adolf Hitler offered protection from anarchy and from communism. There should be no surprise that some Mennonites, especially recent victims of Russian Communism, found the National Socialist program attractive. In this issue three young Mennonite scholars, all of whom researched their topics in work toward master’s degrees, examine the Mennonite response to National Socialism in three countries: Paraguay, Germany, and Canada. John D. Thiesen, archivist at Mennonite Library and Archives at Bethel College, recounts the story as it unfolded in Paraguay. This article is drawn from his thesis completed at Wichita State University in 1990. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one. -
Country Assessment Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT APRIL 2001 COUNTRY BRIEF FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA Contents Paragraph I INTRODUCTION 1.1 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY 3.1 Up to end of Kosovo war IV POLITICAL SITUATION Legal Framework 4.1 Serbia 4.3 Montenegro 4.12 V ECONOMY 5.1 VI HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL Judiciary 6.1 Freedom of Political Opinion 6.7 The Media 6.15 VII HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS Race/Nationality 7.1 Hungarians and Croats in Vojvodina 7.4 Muslims in the Sandzak 7.8 Ethnic Albanians in Serbia 7.11 Roma 7.18 Mixed ethnicity 7.21 Freedom of Religion 7.26 continued Contents continued Paragraph Women 7.30 Children 7.33 Homosexuals 7.37 Military service : Amnesty etc 7.39 VIII OTHER ISSUES Health Service 8.1 Citizenship 8.4 Freedom of Movement 8.7 Repatriation 8.9 IX KOSOVO SECTION 9.1 X ANNEXES A - CHRONOLOGY B - POLITICAL PARTIES C - PROMINENT PEOPLE D - ABBREVIATIONS E - BIBLIOGRAPHY I INTRODUCTION 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most com monly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. -
Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor (Also Called the Nuremberg Laws) — September 15, 1935 5
Lesson 10: Handout 1, Document 1 Laws Passed by Hitler and the Nazis Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor (also called the Nuremberg laws) — September 15, 1935 5 Firm in the knoWledge that the puritY of German blood is the basis for the surViVal of the German people and inspired bY the unshakeable determination to safeguard the future of the German nation, the Reichstag has unanimouslY resolVed upon the folloWing laW. Section 1 Marriages between Jews and citizens of German or some related blood are forbidden. Such marriages . are invalid, even if they take place abroad in order to avoid the law. Section 2 Sexual relations outside marriage between Jews and citizens of German or related blood are forbidden. Section 3 Jews will not be permitted to employ female citizens of German or related blood who are under 45 years as housekeepers. Section 4 1. Jews are forbidden to raise the national flag or display the national colors. 2. However, they are allowed to display the Jewish colors. The exercise of this right is protected by the State. Section 5 Anyone who disregards Section 1 . Section 2 . Sections 3 or 4 will be pun - ished with imprisonment up to one year or with a fine, or with one of these penalties. Purpose: To deepen understanding of the power of conformity and discrimination in Nazi Germany and in society today. • 150 Lesson 10: Handout 1, Document 2 Laws Passed by Hitler and the Nazis The Reich Citizenship Law (also called the Nuremberg laws) — September 15, 1935 Article 1 6 Section 2 1. -
Domesticating the German East: Nazi Propaganda and Women's Roles in the “Germanization” of the Warthegau During World Wa
DOMESTICATING THE GERMAN EAST: NAZI PROPAGANDA AND WOMEN’S ROLES IN THE “GERMANIZATION” OF THE WARTHEGAU DURING WORLD WAR II Madeline James A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the History Department in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Konrad Jarausch Karen Auerbach Karen Hagemann © 2020 Madeline James ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Madeline James: Domesticating the German East: Nazi Propaganda And Women’s Roles in the “Germanization” of the Warthegau during World War II (Under the direction of Konrad Jarausch and Karen Auerbach) This thesis utilizes Nazi women’s propaganda to explore the relationship between Nazi gender and racial ideology, particularly in relation to the Nazi Germanization program in the Warthegau during World War II. At the heart of this study is an examination of a paradox inherent in Nazi gender ideology, which simultaneously limited and expanded “Aryan” German women’s roles in the greater German community. Far from being “returned to the home” by the Nazis in 1933, German women experienced an expanded sphere of influence both within and beyond the borders of the Reich due to their social and cultural roles as “mothers of the nation.” As “bearers of German culture,” German women came to occupy a significant role in Nazi plans to create a new “German homeland” in Eastern Europe. This female role of “domesticating” the East, opposite the perceived “male” tasks of occupation, expulsion, and resettlement, entailed cultivating and reinforcing Germanness in the Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) communities, molding them into “future masters of the German East.” This thesis therefore also examines the ways in which Reich German women utilized the notion of a distinctly female cultural sphere to stake a claim in the Germanizing mission. -
The Persecution of Jews in the "Greater German Reich"
Wolf Gruner, Joerg Osterloh, eds.. Das "Grossdeutsche Reich" und die Juden: Nationalsozialistische Verfolgung in den "angegliederten" Gebieten. Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts. Frankfurt/New York: Campus, 2010. 330 pp. EUR 39.90, cloth, ISBN 978-3-593-39168-7. Reviewed by Catherine Epstein Published on H-German (March, 2011) Commissioned by Benita Blessing (Oregon State University) What happened to Jews in areas annexed to The volume examines each area in the order Nazi Germany between 1935 and 1941? In what in which it was annexed. Each essay then follows ways was their persecution similar or different the same three-part outline: a discussion of the from that of Jews in the old Reich? What do we situation of Jews before annexation, of Nazi poli‐ learn about the Nazi regime more generally by ex‐ cies during the initial period of annexation, and amining anti-Jewish policies in the annexed ar‐ then of antisemitic practices during the years of eas? This elegant volume explains how the unique occupation. As the contributions illustrate, each demographic, economic, and social situation in case had a unique aspect that shaped Nazi perse‐ each area annexed to the Third Reich played out cution practices and thus the Jewish experience in in antisemitic policies. For some areas, such as the given area and beyond. The peculiar situation Memel, Eupen-Malmedy, and Alsace, it offers the of each newly annexed area also gave the Nazi au‐ first overview of the persecution of Jews in a par‐ thorities in charge of the region considerable lati‐ ticular area. -
Joaquín Roy and María Lorca-Susino Spain in the European Union
“Spain is the problem. Europe is the solution”. In this fashion Ortega y Gasset (1986-2011) Years Twenty-Five the First Union: Spain in the European once dramatized the need to “Europeanize” Spain. The results over the first twenty five years of EU membership have been truly impressive. When Spain became a member of the EC, some of the best and brightest of Spain’s govern- mental cadres and universities joined the expanded European institutions, taking on positions of responsibility. The most prominent chaired the European Court of Justice (Gil-Carlos Rodríguez Iglesias) and the Parliament (Enrique Barón, José- María Gil Robles, and Josep Borrell), holding key positions in the Commission, and filling the newly created position of High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (Javier Solana). Spain, in sum, “was not different”, contrary to what old-fashion tourist publicity for the country used to say. It was a European country like any other that was returning to its natural home after a long exile. Spain, in turn, received considerable benefits from EU membership through funds for regional investment policies, agriculture and rural develop- ment, and the modernisation of national infrastructure. From an index of 60 percent of the European average in 1986, today Spain’s income per head is in the range of 105 percent, with some regions surpassing 125 percent. From being a country that was a net receiver from the EU budget, Spain today is a net contributor. Reflecting this development, the present volume examines different di- mensions of the deepening relationship between Spain and the rest of Europe through membership of the EU (its history, and its impact on policy development on economic growth and on relations with third countries).