Deterrence and Proportionality in Israeli Military Doctrine: the Second Lebanon War

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Deterrence and Proportionality in Israeli Military Doctrine: the Second Lebanon War Deterrence and Proportionality in Israeli Military Doctrine: The Second Lebanon War Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Kanan Makiya, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Master’s Degree by Miriam Ganem-Rosen February 2011 Copyright by Miriam Ganem‐Rosen © 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to express her deep gratitude to Samy Cohen at the CERI in Paris, who gave her the opportunity to research such a fascinating topic and planting the seeds for this thesis over two years ago. She would also like to thank Professor Kanan Makiya, who gave his time and advice in the preparation of this thesis. Finally, she would like to thank her family and friends for their unwavering support in her academic pursuits. iii ABSTRACT Deterrence and Proportionality in Israeli Military Doctrine: The Second Lebanon War A thesis presented to the Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Miriam Ga nem‐Rosen This paper asks whether Israel’s strategy of deterrence through disproportionate retaliation is effective in its asymmetrical conflicts against non‐state actors. It begins with an analysis of the Israeli strategy of deterrence and retaliation methods against non‐state actors, surveying the application of deterrence and retaliation strategies from 1948 through the 1982 Lebanon War. It culminates in an analysis of Israeli involvement in Lebanon, the rise of Hezbollah, and the Second Lebanon War of 2006. The paper finds that Israel has developed an overreliance on military force, which leads it to use it excessively in situations where it is ineffective, such as in asymmetrical conflict. It concludes that not only does the use of excessive force in asymmetrical conflict fail to affect the motivation or capabilities of the non‐state adversary which would enforce Israeli deterrence, but it also creates humanitarian catastrophes, which in turn bring about diplomatic isolation and the delegitimization of Israel’s struggle against terrorism. iv “Waging war when they must, warriors are suspected by the many to have an interest in war as an end in itself. Nothing could be further from the truth. No one doubts the utility of war more than the professional warrior, no one shuns it more actively. ‘Violence rarely settles anything’ are the most memorable words I have ever heard, because they were spoken to me by a former Chief of Defence Staff, our country’s most senior serviceman. Equally, both he and I know that there are some things that, when the threat of violence has failed, can be settled by violence alone. Violence is the most terrible instrument that the rule of law can take into its use. If we hope to see war driven towards its end, we must not shrink from seeing its causes addressed. Equally, we must not shrink from seeing violence used‐ nor from according honour to those honourable warriors who administer force in the cause of peace.” ‐ John Keegan, War and Our World “He will win who knows when to fight and when not to fight. He will win who k nows how to handle both superior and inferior forces.” ‐ Sun Tzu, The Art of War v TABLE OF CONTENTS MAPS vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE: THE ORIGINS OF DETERRENCE 10 ISRAEL’S NATIONAL GOALS 10 NATIONAL SECURITY ASSUMPTIONS 11 THE THEORY OF DETERRENCE AND DISPROPORTIONALITY 18 CHAPTER TWO: EARLY USES OF DETERRENCE DISPROPORTIONALITY 23 THE BEGINNING OF LOW‐INTENSITY WARFARE 24 ANTI‐ISRAEL GUERRILLA ORGANIZATIONS 29 FROM ONE BORDER TO ANOTHER 32 CHAPTER THREE: DETERRENCE AND RETALIATION IN LEBANON 36 THE RISE OF THE SHIAH IN LEBANON 36 ISRAELI INVOLVEMENT IN LEBANON AND THE 1982 LEBANON WAR 51 THE RISE OF HEZBOLLAH 44 ISRAELI REACTIONS TO HEZBOLLAH, 2000‐2006 64 OVERVIEW OF THE SECOND LEBANON WAR 67 THE DISPROPORTIONATE USE OF FORCE IN THE 2006 WAR 72 CHAPTER FOUR: CONSEQUENCES OF DISPROPORTIONATE RETALIATION 79 RESULTS OF THE 2006 WAR AND THE FAILURE OF DETERRENCE 79 THE DIPLOMATIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE EXCESSIVE USE OF FORCE 89 RETALIATION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW 92 MORALITY IN WARFARE 97 CONCLUSION 104 BIBLIOGRAPHY 110 vi MAPS Map 1: Lebanon, Beirut, and the Israeli­Lebanese Border Source: “Middle East crisis: Key maps.” BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/629/629/5177932.stm vii Map 2: Southern Lebanon and the Israeli­Lebanese Border Source: Wikipedia. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/10/BlueLine.jpg. Made by Thomas Blomberg, using the UNIFIL map, “Deployment as of July 2006” as reference. viii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`!W+0B%+<,!a+46300+&-!@LL9Q-!@:! @!O$%!3&)$%6+(3$&!+5$'(!(1,!Z,&,<+!E$&<,&(3$&/-!/,,!.&(,%&+(3$&+0!E$663((,,!$)!(1,!b,2!E%$//-![I1,! Z,&,<+!E$&<,&(3$&/!$)!"787-\!1((=`cc***:34%4:$%Bc*,5c,&Bc/3(,,&BL:&/)c1(60c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d!>,(! 3%%,B'0+%!4$65+(+&(/-!/'41!+/!(,%%$%3/(!$%B+&3Y+(3$&/!$%!6303(3+/-!&,3(1,%!%,4$B&3Y,! &$%!53&2!(1,6/,0<,/!($!/'41!0,B+0!6303(+%>!4$&<,&(3$&/:M!I1,%,)$%,-!3%%,B'0+%!)$%4,/! 3&!+/>66,(%34!4$&)034(/!/,,H!($!43%4'6<,&(!(1,!,&,6>;/!4$&<,&(3$&+0!6303(+%>!=$*,%! +&2!(1,3%!$*&!0+4H!$)!40+//34!=$*,%!3&!23)),%,&(!*+>/:!X&,!*+>!(1,>!+%,!+50,!($!2$! (13/!3/!5>!<3$0+(3&B!(1,!0+*/!$)!*+%!5>!50,&23&B!3&!*3(1!(1,!0$4+0!=$='0+(3$&!$%! (+%B,(3&B!(1,!/(+(,;/!43<303+&!=$='0+(3$&:!U$%H/!/'41!+/!a341+,0!.B&+(3,));/!()*+9*''*-+ :;!3-!S+6>!E$1,&;/!5*6.7-%7!*'+%#+/%-+,8%!"'#+(*--.-!'64+I1$6+/!a$4H+3(3/;/!()*+ <).*"!=+.$+>.1"#*-!"'1-8*"7?4++&2!Z30!a,%$6;/[email protected]+5*6.7-%7!*'+9.'*+B6%33+/%-'+ +%,!+00!)$'&2+(3$&+0!*$%H/!$&!+/>66,(%34+0!4$&)034(:!I1,>!'/,!+/!,A+6=0,/!(1,!*+%/! $)!2,4$0$&3Y+(3$&-!/'41!+/!(1,!O%,&41DC0B,%3+&!*+%-!(1,!#%3(3/1!*+%!+B+3&/(!(1,!.%3/1! b,='5034+&!C%6>-!(1,![*+%!+B+3&/(!(,%%$%\!3&!C)B1+&3/(+&-!+&2!(1,!e3,(&+6!U+%-!+/! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Recommended publications
  • The Hezbollah-Israeli
    The Hizbullah-Israeli War: an American Perspective Aaron David Miller It was unusual for an Israeli Prime Minster to break open a bottle of champagne in front of American negotiators at a formal meeting. But that’s exactly what Shimon Peres did. It was late April 1996, and Peres was marking the end of a bloody three week border confrontation with Hizbullah diffused only by an intense ten day shuttle orchestrated by Secretary of State Warren Christopher. Those understandings negotiated between the governments of Israel and Syria (the latter standing in for Hizbullah) would create an Israeli-Lebanese monitoring group, co-chaired by the United States and France. These arrangements were far from perfect, but contributed, along with on-again-off-again Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to an extended period of relative calm along the Israeli- Lebanese border. The April understandings would last until Israel’s withdrawal. The recent summer war between Hizbullah and Israel, triggered by the Shia militia’s attack on an Israeli patrol on July 12, masked a number of other factors which would set the stage for the confrontation as well as the Bush administration’s response. Six years of relative quiet had witnessed Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in June of 2000, a steady supply of Katushya rockets—both short and long range—from Iran to Hizbullah, the collapse of Israel’s negotiations with Syria and the Palestinians, and the onset of the worst Israeli-Palestinian war in half a century. A perfect storm was brewing, spawned by the empowerment of both Hizbullah and Hamas, Iranian reach into the Arab-Israeli zone, Syria’s forced withdrawal from Lebanon, a determination by Israel to restore its strategic deterrence in the wake of unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon and Gaza, and an inexperienced Israeli prime minister and defense minister uncertain of how that should be done.
    [Show full text]
  • Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
    Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
    Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD
    BACK TO BASICS A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD Lieutenant Colonel Scott C. Farquhar General Editor Combat Studies Institute Press US Army Combined Arms Center Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Form Approved Report Documentation Page OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 2. REPORT TYPE 2009 00-00-2009 to 00-00-2009 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Back to Basics. A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation 5b. GRANT NUMBER CAST LEAD 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION US Army Combined Arms Center,Combat Studies Institute,Fort REPORT NUMBER Leavenworth,KS,66027 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects
    The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects Testimony by David Makovsky Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process The Washington Institute for Near East Policy February 5, 2013 Hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Deutch, and distinguished members of the subcommittee for this wonderful opportunity to testify at your very first session of the new Congress. The issue of unity between Fatah and Hamas is something that the two parties have discussed at different levels since 2007 -- and certainly since the two groups announced an agreement in principle in May 2011. Indeed, a meeting between the groups is scheduled in Cairo in the coming days. One should not rule out that such unity will occur; but the past failures of the groups to unite begs various questions and suggests why unity may not occur in the future. While the idea of unity is popular among divided publics everywhere, there have been genuine obstacles to implementing any unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. First, it seems that neither Fatah -- the mainstream party of the Palestinian Authority (PA) -- nor Hamas wants to risk what it already possesses, namely Hamas's control of Gaza and the PA's control of its part of the West Bank. Each has its own zone and wants to maintain corresponding control. Second, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has not been willing to commit to a Hamas demand for the end of PA security cooperation with Israel in the West Bank, which has resulted in the arrests of Hamas operatives by the PA.
    [Show full text]
  • FILMS on Palestine-Israel By
    PALESTINE-ISRAEL FILMS ON THE HISTORY of the PALESTINE-ISRAEL CONFLICT compiled with brief introduction and commentary by Rosalyn Baxandall A publication of the Palestine-Israel Working Group of Historians Against the War (HAW) December 2014 www.historiansagainstwar.org Licensed under Creative Commons Attribution – NonCommercial – ShareAlike 1 Introduction This compilation of films that relate to the Palestinian-Israeli struggle was made in July 2014. The films are many and the project is ongoing. Why film? Film is often an extraordinarily effective tool. I found that many students in my classes seemed more visually literate than print literate. Whenever I showed a film, they would remember the minute details, characters names and sub-plots. Films were accessible and immediate. Almost the whole class would participate and debates about the film’s meaning were lively. Film showings also improved attendance at teach-ins. At the Truro, Massachusetts, Library in July 2014, the film Voices Across the Divide was shown to the biggest audiences the library has ever had, even though the Wellfleet Library and several churches had refused to allow the film to be shown. Organizing is also important. When a film is controversial, as many in this pamphlet are, a thorough organizing effort including media coverage will augment the turnout for the film. Many Jewish and Palestinian groups list films in their resources. This pamphlet lists them alphabetically, and then by number under themes and categories; the main listings include summaries, to make the films more accessible and easier to use by activist and academic groups. 2 1. 5 Broken Cameras, 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • The Israeli Experience in Lebanon, 1982-1985
    THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982-1985 Major George C. Solley Marine Corps Command and Staff College Marine Corps Development and Education Command Quantico, Virginia 10 May 1987 ABSTRACT Author: Solley, George C., Major, USMC Title: Israel's Lebanon War, 1982-1985 Date: 16 February 1987 On 6 June 1982, the armed forces of Israel invaded Lebanon in a campaign which, although initially perceived as limited in purpose, scope, and duration, would become the longest and most controversial military action in Israel's history. Operation Peace for Galilee was launched to meet five national strategy goals: (1) eliminate the PLO threat to Israel's northern border; (2) destroy the PLO infrastructure in Lebanon; (3) remove Syrian military presence in the Bekaa Valley and reduce its influence in Lebanon; (4) create a stable Lebanese government; and (5) therefore strengthen Israel's position in the West Bank. This study examines Israel's experience in Lebanon from the growth of a significant PLO threat during the 1970's to the present, concentrating on the events from the initial Israeli invasion in June 1982 to the completion of the withdrawal in June 1985. In doing so, the study pays particular attention to three aspects of the war: military operations, strategic goals, and overall results. The examination of the Lebanon War lends itself to division into three parts. Part One recounts the background necessary for an understanding of the war's context -- the growth of PLO power in Lebanon, the internal power struggle in Lebanon during the long and continuing civil war, and Israeli involvement in Lebanon prior to 1982.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Rise of the Lebanese Hezbollah
    A report on recent developments in the Middle East and the Muslim world nderstanding the Rise of the Lebanese UHezbollah The 1985–2000 South Lebanon Security Zone Conflict Introduction The fruit of foreign interference in Lebanon: Hezbollah emerges The “Party of God” navigates troubled domestic waters Hezbollah’s military performance in south Lebanon: Resilience and hybrid warfare Conclusion Jumada I - II, 1437 23 February - March, 2016 © KFCRIS, 2016 This edition of Masarat is the latest publication of the King Faisal Research Center's new initiative: The Middle East Strategy Project. The aim of this project is to conduct in-depth research and analysis that falls within the scope of regional grand strategy of security and defense. In light of the recent ISSN: 1658-6972 events in the Syrian Arab Republic, the study will focus on Issue No. 23 - 07/04/2016 examining the ongoing turmoil, study the resulting regional L.D. No: 1437/2868 repercussions unfolding across the Levant, and analyze the policy objectives of the local, sub-state, and international actors. February - March, 2016 - Jumada I - II, 1437 3 hile pundits attribute the Damascene Wregime’s resilience in the ongoing Syrian conflict largely to the Russian intervention since September 2015, the sudden emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah on Syrian turf since 2013 has arguably proven to be no less valuable for Bashar al-Assad’s continuous grip on power. This report showcases, by virtue of a case study, a detailed account of Hezbollah’s internal adaptability in transforming from a loose Khomeinist guerilla movement in its early stages into a “state within a state” in Lebanon.
    [Show full text]
  • Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
    Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b.
    [Show full text]
  • Anziska, Seth Revisiting the 1982 Lebanon
    Anziska, Seth Revisiting the 1982 Lebanon War: History, Memory and the Making of Akram Zaatari’s Letter to a Refusing Pilot Israelis, it is said, tend to “forget and suppress” the 1982 invasion of Lebanon.1 There is often silence or selective remembrance about Lebanon, for some it is even an “exonerated war.”2 Yet it is not forgotten in the cities of Beirut, Sidon and Tyre, or in the Palestinian refugee camps of Burj el-Barajne, Sabra and Ain al-Hilweh. Israel’s presence in Lebanon altered daily life and shaped the political dynamics of a fractured country. Beyond the history of the war itself, what happens when the Lebanese confront their memories of 1982? In revisiting this war, how might they force us to look anew at dominant narratives of the Zionist past and Israel’s fraught place in the contemporary Middle East? My presentation focuses on the recovery of one moment in the history of the 1982 War, an incident of refusal over the skies of southern Lebanon. It is pieced together from archives, interviews and memories between Jaffa and Beirut. This uncanny story has led to Akram Zaatari’s acclaimed film installation, Letter to a Refusing Pilot, at the Lebanese Pavilion of the 2013 Venice Biennale. Zaatari’s Letter is intended for the mythological pilot revealed as Hagai Tamir, but it is for all of us to read. A portrait of life on the ground, the artist returns to the target and excavates the fabric of a quotidian Lebanese reality forgotten (or never known) in Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Insights from the Second Lebanon War
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Browse Reports & Bookstore TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. All Glory Is Fleeting Insights from the Second Lebanon War Russell W. Glenn Prepared for the United States Joint Forces Command Approved for public release; distribution unlimited NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Joint Forces Command Joint Urban Operations Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Isaac and Ishmael, 1985
    This was the first High Holy Day sermon I delivered as the new young rabbi at UCSB Hillel in 1985. It was in many ways a classic “rabbinic school sermon,” full of textual analysis…and way too long. It was also a bold attempt to address the sensitive subject of the Arab-Israeli conflict; I remember seeing one of the prominent Jewish professors get up and walk out in the middle! (He has since become a dearly beloved friend). Issac and Ishmael 1985 Rosh HaShanah, UCSB Hillel This morning we read of the exile of Hagar and Ishmael, what the rabbis later called the most painful moment of Abraham’s life. The portion speaks to us directly in a way that it did not for hundreds of years, because the conflict between the children of Isaac, the Jews, and the children of Ishmael, the Arabs, has become the central fact of Jewish life in the second half of this century. The emotional strain of this conflict is par- ticularly terrible because, just as in the biblical story of Hagar and Ishmael, it is exceed- ingly difficult to sort out the rights and wrongs. In fact, it is difficult to escape the conclu- sion that--on certain levels--we, like Sarah, have morally compromised ourselves in this family conflict. The question which this text throws back at us year after year--and with particular vehemence in our generation--is: Can there be peace between Isaac and Ish- mael? Or was it necessary, is it necessary, for Abraham’s house to be broken apart? To most difficult questions, the textual tradition does not offer solution.
    [Show full text]