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Home , Alta California, Apalachee Province, Guale, Military of New Spain, New Spain, Peninsulares

2010 THE SETTING 13

CHAPTER 1 THE SETTING

Spanish (figs. 1.1 and 1.2) was a region 17th century. Native and immigrant Floridians not where, beginning in the , exchanges only participated in the emerging global economic of ideas among Native and immigrants market, but also experienced climate change, from , , and produced new disease, warfare, shortages, and cultural changes economic, political, and social institutions in the that accompanied their participation in the larger earliest sustained European colonial enterprise 17th-century economic and political arena. north of (Deagan, 1990). This dynamic Roman Catholic missions were among the cultural exchange is particularly clear in the first institutions introduced to archaeological correlates of colonial foodways, during what is now called the First Spanish period not only in Spanish Florida but elsewhere in (a.d. 1565–1763). Missions were established the Spanish (Cumbaa, 1975; Deagan, along the Atlantic coastline from the capital in 2008; deFrance, 2003; deFrance and Hanson, St. Augustine to as far north as Parris Island, 2008; Emery, 1999; Gifford-Gonzalez and , as well as westward across the Sunseri, 2007; Pavao-Zuckerman and LaMotta, Florida peninsula to the (fig. 2007; Reitz, 1985, 1991, 1992b, 1993a, 1994b; 1.1). The first were Jesuits, but they Reitz and Cumbaa, 1983; Reitz and Honerkamp, abandoned their efforts in 1570 and were replaced 1983; Reitz and Scarry, 1985; Ruhl, 1990, 1993, by in 1573 (Gannon, 1965: 36; Hann, 2003; Scarry, 1993; Scarry and Reitz, 1990; Voss, 1990: 443; Jones, 1978; TePaske, 1964: 6). 2005; Wing, 1961, 1989). The intent of this monograph is to (1) interpret Long-term archaeological studies of the towns, vertebrate remains in terms of diet, exploitation forts, and Roman Catholic missions of natives strategies, and the economic contributions made and immigrants indicate that colonists modified by Native Americans to the Spanish colonial their traditional economic activities to suit their enterprise; and (2) assess the role of environmental new conditions in Spanish Florida. The strategies change in shaping these interactions. Most of this developed by colonists in each community reflect study focuses on Mission Santa Catalina de , the influence of nontraditional foodways, including a Franciscan mission located approximately 200 subsistence technologies and exchange networks; km north of St. Augustine on St. Catherines political and social institutions, especially those Island, (fig. 1.1). Mission Santa Catalina related to social status and ethnicity; and the lack de Guale (9Li13) and the associated of familiarity with local natural resources. Native Santa Catalina de Guale (9Li8) were founded in communities also modified their subsistence the to serve the Guale people living in the strategies to incorporate new resources, but the tidewater mainland and islands of the Atlantic colonists’ strategies clearly changed more than did coast between the Savannah and Altamaha rivers those of Native Americans. At the same time, people (fig. 1.2; Worth, 2004). In 1680, St. Catherines in Spanish Florida were participants, willingly or Island was abandoned by and the mission unwillingly, in the broader power struggles of the moved further south. 14 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91

Fig. 1.1. Map of Spanish Florida showing major and some historic settlements. Rivers are designated by circled numbers.

Zooarchaeological data from Santa Catalina is the oldest European town north of Mexico, de Guale are placed into a historical and regional and Mission Nombre de Dios, one of the oldest context by reviewing evidence of coastal missions north of Mexico, which was established subsistence strategies prior to the 17th century as at what is now called of Youth well as Native American and Spanish strategies Park (fig. 1.3; Deagan, 2009; Waters, 2009). St. at other First Spanish period locations. Most Augustine was the capital of Spanish Florida of the latter data are from St. Augustine, which for much of the First Spanish period and it was 2010 THE SETTING 15

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KM Fig. 1.2. Map of the Georgia Bight showing major physiographic features. Squares indicate modern . 16 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 also the location of the Franciscan administrative along the peninsular mission chain (Reitz, 1985, center for the mission chain, which included 1991, 1992b, 1993a; Reitz and Cumbaa, 1983; Santa Catalina de Guale. Evidence for the Reitz and Scarry, 1985; Ruhl, 1990, 1993, 2003; diversity of colonist and native responses to the Scarry, 1993; Scarry and Reitz, 1990). multiethnic environment of the First Spanish The formation and development of a complex, period has largely been developed through multiethnic community in which indigenous and studies of plant and animal remains excavated Spanish traditions merged is evident in much of the from archaeological sites in St. Augustine and archaeological evidence for Spanish institutions

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Fig. 1.3. Map of St. Augustine area. 2010 THE SETTING 17 and material culture (Deagan, 1990). It is clear the menu items will be routinely eaten and even that immigrants to Spanish Florida modified fewer will be preferred. their traditional economic activities in the capital Many different choices are made as foods are of the itself as well as at missions such selected from the menu to become part of the diet. as Santa Catalina de Guale. Kathleen Deagan Different cultures classify the items on the menu (1990) suggests that the persistence of Native in various ways. Some menu items might be American traditions reflects disinterest on the classified as inedible, some might be considered part of native peoples in altering their traditional famine foods to be eaten only under extreme practices, as well as resistance against European conditions, others might be tolerated as edible attempts to introduce changes. Deagan concludes but not preferred, and some might be symbols that the continuity of native traditions in the face of special occasions. Dietary items must then of the biological, economic, political, and social be procured, distributed, prepared, served, and consequences of reflects remarkable consumed. The results of these choices constitute cultural resilience. This resilience is clearly culturally-distinctive . Cuisines define evident when the pre- zooarchaeological the types of foods eaten together, the used, record is compared to the record from Santa the manner of preparation, the style of cooking, Catalina de Guale. the types of vessels used for preparation and In this chapter, research themes that guide consumption, the social rules governing when, zooarchaeological studies of foodways at Santa how, and by whom they are prepared and eaten, Catalina de Guale are presented, as is information the circumstances under which they are eaten, about Spanish Florida, the First Spanish period, and many other aspects of food consumption and the Guale people. Details about the methods (Dietler and Hayden, 2001; Douglas, 1975; Farb used to develop these themes and the natural and Armelagos, 1980: 190; McCormick, 2002; history of the Georgia Bight are reviewed in Miracle, 2002; Pluskowski, 2007; Seetah, 2007; appendices A and B. Twiss, 2007). Cuisines are difficult to define archaeologically RESEARCH THEMES because much of what characterizes them is ephemeral and culturally specific. How would we The themes guiding zooarchaeological know from a species list that the primary objective research at Santa Catalina de Guale and providing of a meal was to achieve a balance between color the framework for this study are: diet, exploitation and texture, sweet and sour, solid and liquid, or strategies, and the support provided by the Guale hot and cold foods (whether defined in terms of people to the Spanish colonial enterprise. To this temperature or symbol), or which social identity list we add environmental change. It is likely that was being communicated by these choices and to Spanish Florida was colonized during a period of whom? Even in combination with such aspects climatic change that had a profound impact on of material culture as vessel forms, the traditional the resource base and that might have influenced values, beliefs, customs, and meanings that human behavior in the region (e.g., Blanton and define cuisines are not readily observed in animal Thomas, 2008; Hales and Reitz, 1992; Purdue remains (e.g., Crabtree, 1990; Gifford-Gonzalez and Reitz, 1993; Reitz, 2004). and Sunseri, 2007; McEwan, 1992; Rodríguez- Diet can refer to nutrition, menus, and Alegría, 2005; Scott, 2007). cuisines. Diet includes the food and drink Much of what defines culturally significant that are consumed from among the resources animal use lies in the realm of . It is the available. The composition and quantity of a social identity and other meanings symbolized diet varies seasonally as well as with the age, by cuisine, and the procurement, preservation, sex, ethnicity, and status of the consumer (e.g., preparation, distribution, and consumption Dennell, 1979). Nutrition is a measure of the of the elements of a cuisine that most clearly physiological adequacy of diet. Although all distinguish social groups (e.g., Anderson, 1971; people share basic nutritional needs, these can be Mintz, 1985). As anthropologists, it is cuisine met by a variety of foods that people can ignore that interests us most; as zooarchaeologists, we or exploit. Menus are lists of potentially edible recognize that this is difficult to capture in bones, food items available locally or through exchange teeth, and shells without a rich archaeological mechanisms (Armelagos, 1994). Only a few of and documentary context. The term foodways is 18 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 used in a broad sense, recognizing that animal of direction in the matter, animal products in the remains encompass cuisine as well as nutrition, archaeological record should reflect Guale, rather menu, and diet even when we may be speaking than Spanish, choices. could endeavor, specifically of only one of these. however, to ensure that “foreign” foods were The resources used by Native Americans served in proper Hispanic vessels even if they and Spaniards at Santa Catalina de Guale were prepared by natives using native cookware were, overall, nutritionally adequate. From the and methods (e.g., McEwan, 1992, 1995). Spanish perspective, the problem was that the Exploitation strategies are the product of dy- menu did not include many preferred, familiar namic interactions among peoples and their envi- foods, but it did include many unfamiliar ones. ronments involving diverse biological, cultural, From the Guale perspective, the new menu and ecological factors (Reitz and Wing, 2008: items urged upon them by Spaniards required 251–286). Zooarchaeologists use ecological and new technologies, new management strategies, economic models of energy management to in- and a new cuisine. In some cases, access to terpret these strategies. In establishing and fol- these new menu items was limited, the new lowing a subsistence strategy, the primary goal is menu items might have been energetically to obtain foods and raw materials to meet needs imprudent, or the Guale people did not consider and desires while keeping the costs low (Jochim, them improvements over pre-Hispanic menu 1976: 15–26). In terms of food species, it is im- choices. Status within the social structure and portant to exploit several resources, some of commitment to the former social order (or lack which are reliable and provide a moderate return thereof) were other factors that influenced Guale for little effort with minimal risk. With a depend- and Spanish decisions to adopt or reject menu able source of nutrients, energy, and raw mate- choices (for elaboration of this theme using rials, the diet can incorporate other resources zooarchaeological evidence see Crabtree, 1990; that yield a high return but are costly in terms McCormick, 1991; Pluskowski, 2007; Reitz, of effort and low in security. The more reliable 1987, 1994b, 1995; Reitz and Cumbaa, 1983; resources will be emphasized in the diet because Reitz and Scarry, 1985: 33–35, 93–95; Reitz and it is important to have a secure food base that pro- Wing, 2008: 278–285; Scott, 2008). vides high yields for minimal cost. However, the Another factor contributing to the emergence resources requiring greater effort and involving of new diets and cuisines was the role of native high risk while providing large, flavorful yields labor in food acquisition and, specifically, the role will be more prestigious. Prestige or luxury items of native women in food preparation (Deagan, are those that provide high fat and meat content 1973, 1990, 1993). Spanish men frequently but are scarce, highly mobile, or otherwise costly married Guale women (Deagan, 1983: 32). This to obtain. Procurement and processing techniques may not have been a significant factor within the such as traps, nets, weirs, and storage facilities religious community at Mission Santa Catalina increase the efficiency of capture and reduce the de Guale if women were excluded from food cost of exploitation. Species that can be captured preparation for resident friars, but it clearly was with greater efficiency are more heavily exploit- an important component shaping the secular diet ed, and less prestigious, than are species that are elsewhere in Spanish Florida (Reitz and Cumbaa, more difficult to obtain. 1983). (Secular refers to civilian, military, Much of the research into humans as predators and government individuals and institutions, focuses on the identification of specific dietary distinguishing them from members of the items, as does this monograph. Animals and religious community.) Regardless of whether their by-products, however, provide more than Guale women or men were cooking for the friars nutrients. In addition to providing raw materials at Santa Catalina de Guale, Spanish foodways and valuable commodities, some animals signify would resemble the Native American diet and status and ethnic affiliations and support the cuisine with which the cooks were familiar, in social order. keeping with Native American traditions. This Status is a person’s relative standing in a tendency was enhanced by the Spanish reliance community and is based on such attributes as upon Guale men and women for labor and skill in performing socially valued tasks, kinship in-kind , including donations of animal and other social affiliations, place and type of products. Unless Spaniards exercised a great deal residence, occupation, attire, cuisine, social roles, 2010 THE SETTING 19 conformance to expected norms, as well as the costly strategy; but eating venison might be a amounts and sources of income (Warner and Lunt, prestigious substitute bearing its own cultural 1941). Social status is often equated with economic value. status, though it is possible to be wealthy but held Many features that symbolize prestige, status, in low esteem or to be a poor member of the elite. power, wealth, and authority are found in animal In multiethnic, colonial communities, ethnicity is remains, indicating the close associations that also a component of status. Spaniards considered prevail among animals, plants, and cultural Native Americans inferior to themselves and it is institutions (Crabtree, 1990; deFrance, 2009; likely that Native Americans reciprocated with the Hayden, 2001; Pluskowski, 2007; Reitz and Wing, reverse assessment. 2008: 285). Animals and food are ubiquitous To validate status it is necessary to behave ingredients of ritual behavior as well as highly appropriately and to display the proper status symbolic ingredients of secular life (e.g., Dietler markers, i.e., eating the proper foods at the and Hayden, 2001; Douglas, 1975; Goody, 1982; proper time in the proper way with the proper Hayden, 2001; Jackson and Scott, 2003; Kelly, serving wares in the proper place with the proper 2001; Kent, 1989; Knight, 2001; McCormick, attendants and participants. Failure to conform to 2002; McGuire and Hildebrandt, 2005; O’Day et such norms may result in ostracism or other forms al., 2004; Pauketat et al., 2002; Rees, 1997; Reitz, of social censure. In a colonial setting, it may 1995; Styles and Purdue, 1991; van Gennep, 1960; advance one’s status in an emerging new social Warner and Lunt, 1941; Welch and Scarry, 1995). order. Foods that offer high amounts of energy The social meanings of animals, generally, and and fat, or that are exotic, large, risky, and costly food and drink, in particular, extend well beyond often denote status because they are more highly their nutritional and energetic merits. valued or preferred (Jochim, 1976). Variety, meat Some ritual is involved in all aspects of human from young animals, and foods associated with a life, including the control and use of resources in dominant ethnic group also are status markers. colonial settings. Much of the symbolic content of In a stratified community, food choices and animals leaves no distinctive evidence, however. cuisine may signal conformity to prevailing We need only think of academic receptions, norms of food consumption, particularly by family reunions, athletic events, political rallies, individuals who fear being too different or who office parties, and other rituals of unification and want to validate a higher status in the community solidarity to appreciate the daily, almost casual, (e.g., Scott, 2008). Diets and cuisines also serve association of specific foods with specific events as markers of social identity to distinguish and the meanings associated with them. In such colonizing groups from indigenous ones or cases, animals as food are important not so much oppressed peoples from the oppressors (e.g., because of their own intrinsic characteristics, Barber, 1976; deFrance, 2006; Reitz, 1987, or the values attributed to them, but because of 1994b; Reitz and Honerkamp, 1983; Reitz et the time, place, and participants in the event. In al., 1985). Changes in foodways, especially the fact, today, some of the foods consumed at social addition of meat from exotic animals, often are events are normally disdained and would only associated with migration, colonization, and be eaten on these formal occasions (e.g., sweet acculturation (e.g., Hongo, 1993; MacDonald et punches, cocktail sausages, and chicken wings). al., 1993; Mondini et al., 2004; Nyerges, 2004; Some of these functions intentionally make use Wickler, 2004). of foods that are less prestigious to demonstrate In a multiethnic colony, there might be some that the host or honoree is “a good old boy.” disagreement over what should be considered In multiethnic, stratified communities, diets prestigious, or even appropriate, foods. Some and cuisines distinguish social groups from each indigenous peoples might find foods of the other, with each social group defining itself or colonists to be desirable, while others might affirming its cultural origin through animals. To view them as symbols of oppression. Colonists Spanish colonists, meats from familiar domestic might consider some of the local foods, such as sources undoubtedly were more highly valued than venison, to be symbols of status, according to the were meats from most local wild animals (with norms prevailing in Iberia (Townsend, 1814). In the possible exception of venison [Townsend, Spanish Florida, maintaining an Iberian diet and 1814]). To some Guale people, maintaining pre- keeping Eurasian livestock would be a risky and Hispanic foodways in the face of pressure from 20 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 friars and colonial functionaries might have in St. Augustine. been a strong motivation. To others, adopting the When the research for this monograph began, exotic customs of the colonists might have been environmental change was not considered a a way to identify with newly perceived sources factor in the decisions made in Spanish Florida. of authority, power, and influence—conduits for Since that time, however, many lines of evidence improving their own social standing and economic indicate that environmental conditions influenced, situation. Regardless, in Spanish Florida, foods or were influenced by, human behavior in the associated with colonists did not become the colony (e.g., Blanton and Thomas, 2008; Hales dominant foods in the new, multiethnic colony and Reitz, 1992; Purdue and Reitz, 1993; Reitz, (Reitz and Scarry, 1985). 2004; Reitz and Ruff, 1994). This theme is Exploitation strategies involve more than examined using the vertebrate remains from just diet. They merge aspects of the resource Santa Catalina de Guale. base, nutrition, cuisine, energetics, demography, In addition, why did the Guale individuals health, settlement patterns, resource management, drawn to Santa Catalina de Guale not adopt technology, and cultural history; in addition, they Spanish foodways; why did Spaniards at Santa incorporate belief and kinship systems, as well Catalina de Guale practice Guale foodways; as economic, political, and social institutions. and why are the patterns of animal use at the This underlying suite of behaviors is too broad mission and elsewhere in Spanish Florida so to address in this monograph; therefore, we different from those in other Spanish focus on a few aspects of exploitation strategies in the Americas? In attempting to answer these at Santa Catalina de Guale. These include: (1) questions, we rely upon a concept of culture richness, diversity, and equitability in sources change and continuity that focuses on exchange, of animal nutrients; (2) trophic levels exploited; borrowing, and novel invention in specific (3) technology and scheduling decisions; and (4) abiotic, biotic, and cultural settings. Our answers hunting strategies. Evidence for ethnicity and for stand in contrast to the perspective that change Guale and Spanish influences in the decision- was unidirectional and that Native Americans making process is explored in each of these adopted European strategies, willingly or under aspects with special attention to the Guale’s use duress, because immigrant approaches to diet, of Eurasian animals introduced by Spaniards. exploitation strategies, and economic exchanges From the Spanish perspective, natives of were superior. Instead, we find that a society the land were obliged to promote the economic better characterized as transcultural rather than success of the colony through their labor, tithes, indigenous or Spanish was created from distinct and other contributions (Bushnell, 1981). cultural traditions (e.g., Cusick, 1998a; Deagan, Although Spanish Florida did not have minerals 1998). Although Spaniards might have believed or similar commodities with commercial value they could impose sweeping changes in native on the world market, the colony was a source of cultures through missionization, they failed to hides, furs, , nut oil, timber, bear (Ursus achieve that goal. In the context of foodways, americanus) grease, ambergris, and sassafras the answers to these questions in Spanish Florida (Bolton and Ross, 1968; Bushnell, 1981: 8, may lie in the status of that colony, 11; Chatelain, 1941: 114). Native Americans but the consequences of cultural interactions also provided consumable products to the local almost certainly are related to the processes of economy, particularly fish and venison. To creolization at each location (Cusick, 1998a; explore Guale contributions to the local economy, Deagan, 1983). we will look specifically at the terrestrial and aquatic species in Santa Catalina de Guale SPANISH FLORIDA zooarchaeological assemblages, including white- tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), for evidence French and Spanish governments made that: (1) the Guale people on St. Catherines Island repeated efforts to establish a permanent presence provided both venison and deer hides to Spaniards in the Georgia Bight (fig. 1.2; see appendix B) on the island; (2) the Guale people provided fish throughout the 16th century (P. Hoffman, 1990). to Spaniards at the mission; and (3) the mission Spain succeeded in 1565 when Pedro Menéndez provided live animals, meats, hides, and furs to de Avilés founded the colony of Spanish Florida either the secular and/or the religious community (Deagan, 1983: 9–27, 1990; Gannon, 1965; P. 2010 THE SETTING 21

Hoffman, 1990; Lanning, 1935; Lyon, 1976). This During the following decades, portions initiated the First Spanish period (1565–1763). of Spanish Florida were lost to encroaching The territory claimed by Spain encompassed most colonies sponsored by Dutch, English, and of what is now the southeastern portion of the French interests. In 1763, the portions of Spanish , though the functional size of the Florida remaining under Spanish dominion colony was considerably smaller (Lyon, 1976). passed to Britain. Following the brief British For most of the First Spanish period, Florida was period (1763–1783), St. Augustine and portions administered as part of the of New of peninsular Florida reverted to Spanish control. Spain (Haring, 1947: 73). This Second Spanish period ended in 1821 when Commercial ventures, military defense, and Florida became a territory of the United States religious objectives were the primary reasons of America. the colony was founded and continued to be the Further complicating the 16th-century primary objectives of the colony until the end of efforts to colonize Spanish Florida, the coastal the First Spanish period (Deagan, 1983: 23; P. region likely experienced at least two droughts Hoffman, 1973, 1980: 127, 146, 1990: 251–261). and other climatic changes associated with the One of the colony’s primary functions was that so-called Little Ice Age (e.g., Anderson et al., of a coastal outpost charged with protecting 1995; Blanton and Thomas, 2008: 800–801; Spanish ships sailing up the east coast of Florida Stahle and Cleaveland, 1992, 1994; Stahle et al., as well as recovering shipwrecked people and 1998, 2000). One of the 16th-century droughts goods (Bushnell, 1981: 8). The role of Spanish occurred between 1564 and 1571, with the most Florida in the defense of Spanish interests in the severe dry conditions between 1567 and 1570. Americas, and particularly of the shipping lanes The second drought was between 1585 and in the , is often overlooked today, but 1595 (Blanton and Thomas, 2008: 800–801). was not overlooked by Spain (e.g., P. Hoffman, Whether the Spanish colonists realized it or not, 1980, 1990: 4–11, 124–125, 139; Reitz and native Floridians were coping with the resulting Scarry, 1985: 28–29; TePaske, 1964: 3). environmental stress just as the Spanish colonial Menéndez was charged with establishing effort intensified in 1513 with Ponce de two towns. The first of these, St. Augustine, he León’s expedition to La Florida. founded in 1565 (Lyon, 1976). Menéndez first Throughout the 200-year span of the First placed St. Augustine in the Timucuan Native Spanish period, the population of Spanish Florida American village that is now part of the Fountain included men, women, and children from the vast of Youth Park (fig. 1.3; Deagan, 2009). When Spanish , other Europeans, Africans, and the Spanish town relocated, the initial settlement Native Americans (e.g., Corbett, 1974; Deagan, became the part of the Roman Catholic Mission 1983: 29–34; Dunkle, 1955, 1958; Landers, Nombre de Dios, the first Native American 1990a, 1990b; Lyon, 1976, 1977; Manucy, 1985; mission established north of Mexico. In 1566, Reitz, 1994b). This heterogeneous and dynamic Menéndez established his second town, Santa population is referred to as “Spanish” because Elena in what is now the State of South Carolina of its affiliation with the ; not (fig. 1.1). Santa Elena was designated the capital because everyone so designated was born in because of its better and more favorable Spain or even had a predominantly Spanish location. Santa Elena was abandoned in 1576, heritage or ancestry. reoccupied the next year, and abandoned for Associating ethnicity, social status, political the final time in 1587. In addition, a string of authority, and economic identity with specific missions and fortifications was established archaeological deposits in colonial settings is northward between St. Augustine and Santa difficult where the identities of both native and Elena, as well as westward across peninsular non-native participants were diverse and fluid Florida to serve Native Americans in (Benavides, 1738; Corbett, 1974; Dunkle, 1958; and provinces (fig. 1.1). Santa Mörner, 1967; Voss, 2005, 2008; Worth, 1998a, Elena had been abandoned for the second 1998b). For example, toward the end of the First time, and St. Augustine had become the capital Spanish period, men born in Europe constituted and principal town of the colony by the time only 39% of the St. Augustine male population Mission Santa Catalina de Guale was founded (Corbett, 1974). However, population statistics on St. Catherines Island. such as this do not reflect either population 22 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 composition throughout the First Spanish period a new post after a few years in Florida, further or the changes an individual’s social identity could isolating them from the local population. Rarely undergo throughout a lifetime (Deagan, 1983: were there enough in Spanish 20–34; Lyon, 1976: 75, 1977: 24, 1981: 278; Florida to satisfy the Crown (Corbett, 1974). Male Manucy, 1985). Ethnicity in the colony changed peninsulares constituted 32% of the St. Augustine as people born in the Americas with at least some population between 1658 and 1670 and peaked European or African ancestry increased and Native at 43% between 1692 and 1732 (Corbett, 1974; Americans decreased (Corbett, 1974; Dunkle, Deagan, 1983: 30–31). Peninsulares, though few 1958). Particularly troubling is the likelihood that in numbers, occupied more prestigious social women and children are underrepresented in the strata in Spanish Florida and expected to enjoy the documentary records. goods and services appropriate to their position Spanish society in the Americas was highly in society (Bushnell, 1978a, 1981: 15–29; Lyon, structured, with over 60 racial classifications 1977, 1992). (Corbett, 1974; Mörner, 1967). Maintaining Criollos were supposed to be excluded from this structure was a serious matter within positions of influence and authority and barred the Spanish population of Spanish Florida from major commercial enterprises, which by law (Bushnell, 1981: 15–29). This distinguishes were based in Spain (Haring, 1947: 194–195). Spanish Florida from Alta (Voss, Criollos were said to be lazy, indolent, and 2005: 467). During the late and early quarrelsome, and it was thought that they should , colonial households in not be on the government payroll (Haring, 1947: endeavored to minimize cultural and racial 196). In practice, many of these restrictions did differences among themselves while avoiding not apply to criollos in Spanish Florida and the foods and material culture that would make power struggle between peninsulares and local, them appear similar to local Native Californians wealthy criollos was intense. By 1696, despite (Voss, 2005: 467). In Mexico , consuming objections from the Crown, criollos filled half pre-Hispanic, non-Eurasian foods is interpreted the garrison posts at St. Augustine and all of the as a sign of negotiating social relationships and leadership positions except that of the power, with negative connotations associated (Arana, 1960; Arnade, 1961). Criollos also with eating Indian foods (Rodríguez-Alegría, managed the extensive, lucrative commercial 2005). In Spanish Florida, individuals used food ranches that flourished during the latter as a symbol of their social position. part of the 17th century (Bushnell, 1978b). Friars To the extent that economic, ethnic, and social might be either criollos, from Spanish Florida identities can be delineated in Spanish Florida, or elsewhere in the Americas, or peninsulares, a indigenous foods were ubiquitous ingredients source of conflict within the religious community of the animal-based diet in the colony and itself (Bushnell, 1981: 18; Hann, 1996: 321–322). were consumed to a greater or lesser degree by Although some Florida criollos were wealthy, everyone on a routine basis. Nonetheless, nuances many were not (Deagan, 1983: 30–31). Many in this strategy characterized social boundaries of the women of European ancestry in Spanish in Spanish Florida and elsewhere (e.g., Gifford- Florida were criollas, not peninsulares, and many Gonzalez and Sunseri, 2007; Voss, 2005). criollos in Spanish Florida had Native American People born in either the or ancestry (Deagan, 1983: 31, 33). Male criollos the , known as peninsulares, were constituted 30% of the St. Augustine male accorded high prestige by the Spanish Crown population between 1658 and 1670 but only 10% (Haring, 1947: 194). The of Spanish in the 1692–1732 period (Corbett, 1974). Many Florida were always peninsulares, though criollos were from elsewhere in the viceroyalty criollos (persons born in the Americas) might of (Haring, 1947: 70–71), particularly serve as temporary appointees. Policy, as well as Mexico, but some were from the viceroyalty of custom, maintained the social distance between (Haring, 1947: 82). peninsulares and nonpeninsulares, even though , persons of mixed ancestry, held a some peninsulares were common soldiers from low social status in the colony. The classification the ranks of the urban poor, or even from Spanish originally referred to illegitimate children of prisons (Corbett, 1974: 422). Peninsulares in Spanish and Native American parents; thus, the responsible positions were usually transferred to term carried a connotation of illegitimacy (Haring, 2010 THE SETTING 23

1947: 201–202). Peninsulares and criollos Florida, however, and this altered many aspects alike disdained mestizos, who were considered of Native American life (Bushnell, 1981: 37, vagrants. Mestizos did much of the manual labor, 97; Deagan, 1993; Larsen, 1993; Lyon, 1976: while higher-status individuals avoided such 118; Saunders, 1998; Scarry, 1993). Elsewhere, work insofar as possible (Mörner, 1967). Despite the system allocated native labor the prejudice against them, people identified as to Spanish colonists through the mestizos served in the Florida garrison and many system. In Spanish Florida, the repartimiento criollos in Spanish Florida had Indian ancestry system involved direct drafts of a labor quota (Deagan, 1983: 33). levied against each Native American town Legally, the social status of Native Americans (Bushnell, 1981: 11–13, 37–39). The laborers was higher than that of mestizos and Africans performed specific tasks for government projects but this was not so in practice (Haring, 1947: and were paid a daily wage (Bushnell, 1981: 199). Native Americans were the dominant 38–39). The labor provided by Native Americans ethnic group at the beginning of the First Spanish through the repartimiento system may have been period (see below in this chapter for a review the most valuable, exploitable resource in Spanish of Native American affiliations). Although their Florida (Saunders, 1998). Thus, an institution numbers declined steadily during colonial times that elsewhere was designed to organize the labor throughout Spanish Florida (and elsewhere), of a sedentary population toward the production the Native American population in or near St. of marketable goods was modified in Spanish Augustine during the 18th century actually Florida to facilitate government projects. increased steadily because those in evacuated Africans occupied the lowest social strata outlying missions and villages sought refuge from (Haring 1947: 202–203). Africans in Spanish English-sponsored slave raids in the comparative Florida may either have been slave or free safety of St. Augustine and the Castillo de San (Deagan, 1983: 31–34; Dunkle, 1958: 7; Landers, Marcos. By 1738, 1350 Native Americans lived 1990a, 1990b; Reitz, 1994b; TePaske, 1975). In in the area (Benavides, 1738). Native Americans the 18th century, Spanish Florida was a haven constituted 36% of the St. Augustine male for Africans who escaped in English population between 1658 and 1670 and peaked at colonies. If these fugitives converted to Roman 40% in the 1692–1732 period (Corbett, 1974). Catholicism, they were free by royal decree. There were no , work houses, Many artisans in Spanish Florida were Africans or mines in Spanish Florida (Bushnell, 1981; or Native Americans (Boniface, 1971). Africans Saunders, 1998; TePaske, 1964: 192), and comprised 13% of the St. Augustine population Native Spanish Floridians successfully resisted at the end of the First Spanish period; about relocation to reducciones, settlements associated a quarter of which were free (Corbett, 1974; with encomiendas and mission systems Deagan, 1983: 32; Dunkle, 1958). elsewhere (Bushnell, 1981: 37; deFrance, 2009; Associating social classifications with diet Saunders, 1998). Encomiendas were allotments and other aspects of animal use at Santa Catalina to Spaniards of Native American land, , de Guale is not without risks (e.g., Reitz, 1994b). and labor. This system was designed to develop The expectations of peninsulares at Santa Catalina a sedentary, reliable labor pool and secure de Guale were undoubtedly different from those Spanish claims to territory while enhancing the of criollos posted there, whatever their places production of commodities of value in global of birth or social connections. Additionally, markets. Allocations of encomiendas were whether peninsulares or criollos, the friars posted widespread in early Spanish American colonies to Santa Catalina de Guale probably expected elsewhere, but in the mid-16th century this to maintain their social identity as Spaniards, colonial institution was phased out (Bushnell, and to distinguish themselves from the Guale 1981: 37). By the time Spanish Florida was residents in the pueblo and elsewhere on the founded, Native Americans were considered island by symbolizing their authority through rational beings who could not be held in their cuisine. They also, undoubtedly, expected servitude or have their lands taken from them the Guale neophytes to contribute substantially to (Bushnell, 1981: 8, 37; P. Hoffman, 1990: 121). the economic well-being of the Franciscan order. A modified form of a repartimiento system It is difficult to summarize from the available (rotating labor service) was practiced in Spanish documentary evidence what peninsulares and 24 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 criollos considered an appropriate diet. The Iberian commercial fishermen. Fish was less expensive diet itself was highly variable and contained than domestic meats (Townsend, 1814: 182, many regional and social differences (Reitz and 304). Many of the peninsulares were from the Cumbaa, 1983). Those criollos who were not urban poor, so it is possible that fish would have born in Florida were from many different parts continued to be a desirable staple in St. Augustine, of the Spanish Empire (Corbett, 1974), bringing particularly if these peninsulares were sailors. with them a variety of food preferences which Upper-class townspeople, however, particularly may not have been very similar to Iberian ones. peninsulares, might have felt themselves living This issue is discussed at length elsewhere (e.g., in a manner inappropriate to their status if they Altamira, 1949: 459; Cumbaa, 1975; D’Aulnoy, had to eat fish more frequently than required 1930; Defourneaux, 1971: 64; Reitz and Scarry, by religious observances. To the extent that the 1985: 33-35; Townsend, 1814; Vicens Vives, governors were peninsulares, their complaints to 1969: 517–518). the Crown could be viewed as strong statements The diversity of foods known to be part of the against eating copious amounts of fish in Spanish Iberian and African cuisines cautions us against Florida (although see Iranzo [1982]). using our own dietary preferences and taboos as Food preparation in Iberia emphasized standards for assessing food choices in Iberia or puchero, olla podrida, or cocido cookery Spanish Florida during the First Spanish period. (Cumbaa 1975: 44–45). In this tradition, stews For example, dog (Canis familiaris) and horse with a carbohydrate base of garbanzos, lentils, (Equus caballus) meat were consumed in at least and other legumes or rice are cooked with a one Spanish , Estramadura, and horse small amount of meat and seasoned with olive meat was consumed in in the 18th century oil, garlic, and onions. Olla podrida is a variant (Simoons, 1967: 84–86, 102). Thus, dog meat of puchero or cocido made with more expensive and horseflesh may have been preferred foods, ingredients (Kany, 1932: 146). Another example especially by peninsulares from Estramadura. of this type of cookery is gazpacho, a cold broth In the Canary Islands, cormorants and other sea or soup including bread, olive oil, water, vinegar, fowl were hunted on the nest, then salted and sold pepper, garlic, and onions (Glas, 1764: 206; (Glas, 1764). This preference for sea birds might Kany, 1932: 146). Many of these stews were have continued in Spanish Florida. cooked in earthenware pots. This suggests that The Iberian dietary pattern transported to associating liquid-based foods only with African Spanish Florida might have retained some basic or Native American cuisines is misleading: such characteristics. Although most Spaniards probably foods were part of the Iberian cuisine as well. did not eat large amounts of meat in Spain, a In addition to the stew-based foods, roasting higher social value would have been placed on and frying also were part of the Iberian food domestic animals than on Guale foods such as preparation techniques. catfish (Siluriformes) and raccoon (Procyon Many foods imported into Spanish Florida left lotor). Mutton might have been the preferred meat, little evidence in the archaeological record other followed by beef and pork; though peninsulares than the material culture associated with them; from Andalucia might have preferred beef as the therefore, it is likely that the animal remains cattle-raising tradition in that province suggests found in zooarchaeological collections represent (Bishko, 1952). Domestic fowl, such as chickens but a small glimpse of animal use in the colony. (Gallus gallus), pigeons (Columba livia), and Throughout most of the First Spanish period, ducks (Anatidae), would have been consumed, complaints about food shortages were regular and but wild mammals would be extremely rare in consistent. Almost every governor complained the diet. Generally, wild foods were not major to the Crown about meager or unsatisfactory components of the Iberian diet. Hunting hares rations and irregular delivery of supplies. This was a common activity, but deer were protected correspondence usually requested additional by royal decree and probably were hunted only by assistance from the Crown in cash and in kind. persons of wealth (Altamira, 1949: 459; see also Although these complaints were persistent, they Seetah, 2007: 23). If venison was a high-status usually did not produce the intended increased food in Spain, then it might also have been a support. In contrast, the zooarchaeological high-status resource in Spanish Florida. In Spain, evidence indicates that life was not as dire in the most fishes were deep-sea varieties obtained by colony as the correspondence suggests. 2010 THE SETTING 25

It is true, however, that supply lines to Spanish diseases, storms, droughts, uprisings, European Florida were unsatisfactory and subject to wars, and pirate attacks. Epidemics afflicted interruptions (Connor, 1925, 1930; Lyon, 1976). colonists and devastated native communities Natural disasters and attacks by indigenous and (Bushnell, 1978b, 1981: 13). attacked European foes contributed to unreliable delivery the northern mission chain (Bushnell, 1981: 12) of the payroll as well as religious materials, and penetrated into the interior of peninsular fabrics, food staples, munitions, and other Florida (Bushnell, 1978b; Hann, 1986b: 175). Piet supplies. Diseases, which afflicted colonists Heyn captured the Spanish fleet just off and colonized alike, also hampered efforts to St. Augustine in 1628 and Sanche de Agramont develop a self-sufficient economy, especially raided the town in 1683. In the late 17th century, to the extent that the colonial economy relied buccaneers waited just off St. Augustine’s upon native labor. An official subsidy, known as harbor to raid ships carrying the Florida situado the situado, was established in 1570 to ensure (Bushnell, 1981: 72). Wars among , a dependable supply line, but it did not do so France, and Spain made Caribbean waters (Bushnell, 1981:5, 63–64, 67–79; Deagan, generally unsafe for external during the 1983: 34-39; Lyon, 1977; Sluiter, 1985; 17th century (Bushnell, 1981: 12) and imported TePaske, 1964: 77–79; Worth, 1998a, 1998b). sources of food continued to be erratic. To make The situado included food staples, supplies for matters worse, coastal portions of Spanish Florida the religious, civil, and military authorities, experienced a period of extreme drought between and the payroll. Cash was chronically short 1627 and 1667 with below average spring and due to the erratic situado. If we are to believe summer precipitation and warm temperatures the official correspondence, 16th-century St. (Blanton and Thomas, 2008). Although we Augustinians had very little to eat and what they cannot determine the extent to which individual did have included scum and vermin (Bushnell, households relied upon their own efforts, or those 1981: 11–12; Connor, 1925: 99). This claim of of kinspeople, servants, slaves, or vendors, for deprivation is not supported by zooarchaeological food, almost all of the reliable food sources in evidence, but there can be little doubt that cash Spanish Florida were local. If local foods were and foods familiar to colonizing Spaniards were the norm in 17th-century St. Augustine, outlying in short supply in the colony and that access to missions such as Santa Catalina de Guale must local foods was occasionally limited because have been even more self-reliant. of storms, droughts, diseases, and warfare. The The Spanish mission system achieved its unreliability of imported foods is undoubtedly greatest stability and extent in the 17th century. one of the primary reasons that local foods After 1604, a string of missions was established assumed such a prominent role in the diets of from St. Augustine westward across the Florida Spanish colonists (Reitz and Scarry, 1985). peninsula, and the northern mission chain along The generally poor opinion of food in Spanish the Atlantic coast, which had been abandoned, Florida was not shared by everyone (Lyon, was reestablished (Gannon, 1965: 49–67; Hann, 1992). Crops and livestock were grown around 1988, 1996; Lanning, 1935: 210-235; McEwan, St. Augustine, and the nearby fields, streams, and 2004; Milanich, 2004; Tebeau, 1971: 43–55; marshes were hunted and fished. In 1578, Pedro Worth 1998a: 47, 52, 61, 70, 1998b, 2004). Menéndez Marquez, then governor of the colony, Documentary sources suggest that the mission wrote a glowing description of crops being grown chain provided a more secure source of food for in and around the town (Connor, 1930: 226/227). St. Augustine than did the situado. According to Twenty years later, Governor Méndez de Canzo these records, not only did Native Americans at (1598) wrote to the Crown that he had established missions raise Eurasian pigs (Sus scrofa), cattle a fish market and a slaughterhouse. Commercial (Bos taurus), chickens, and crops, they supplied fishermen, hunters, and farmers sold foodstuffs fish, game, , produce, and other products to townspeople (Lyon, 1977). This information to St. Augustine (Bolton, 1917: 57; Hann, 1988: suggests that Spanish Florida in the 16th century 239; Worth, 1998a: 126–134). was not entirely dependent upon imports or Residents of St. Augustine traded with nearby rations for food. Native Americans and are said to have relied In the 17th century, complaints of privation heavily upon more distant missions (Boniface, continued as Spanish Florida endured more 1971: 169; Hann, 1988: 232; Worth, 1998a). 26 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91

For example, in a letter to Governor Joseph de Spaniards used the leaves primarily as a beverage Zuñiga y Cerda in 1703, Manuel Solana wrote though they also recognized that it had medicinal that 50 chickens were sent to the governor with value (Sturtevant, 1979). Native American carpenters traveling from In addition to the mission chain, cattle to work in St. Augustine ranches were established in parts of peninsular (fig. 1.1; Boyd et al., 1951: 41). About this same Florida during the 17th century. These were time, Zuñiga sent 500 yards of cloth to Apalachee most common near present-day Gainesville as province. This was bartered for maize, tallow, well as in Apalachee province (fig. 1.1; Arnade, hogs, beans, deer hides, and wheat (Boyd et al., 1961; Bishko, 1952; Boniface, 1971: 139–152; 1951: 47). Jonathan Dickinson, in his journey Bushnell, 1978b; Hann, 1996: 192–195; Seaberg, along the Atlantic coast of Florida between 1955). Many cattle ranches provided wealth 1696 and 1697, encountered Native Americans for a small cluster of landed criollo families, going to St. Augustine with ambergris to trade especially between 1650 and 1700 (Arnade, (Andrews and Andrews, 1981: 43). Other trade 1961; Bushnell, 1978b). Although one might goods included cassina, sassafras, buffalo (Bison think this would ensure an ample supply of beef bison) hides, nut oil, bear grease, tobacco, rope, in St. Augustine, many ranchers preferred to ship fishnets, dried turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) their products to better markets in , using meat, fresh fish, and game (Bushnell, 1981: the as an outlet for hides, dried 11). Native Americans rarely used money and meat, and tallow (fig. 1.1; Bushnell, 1978b, Spaniards often lacked hard currency; therefore, 1981: 91). Between 1680 and 1687, Governor most goods were either bartered or sold on credit Juan Márquez Cabrera ordered that all cattle (Bushnell, 1981: 59, 68). should be processed through the slaughterhouse Native Americans contributed to the Spanish in St. Augustine and that ranchers should pay a economy in other ways, as well. They paid tithes customs tax (Arnade, 1961; Bushnell, 1978b). to the religious community and made occasional In 1693, Governor Diego de Quiroga y Losada tribute payments to the Crown (Bushnell, 1981: attempted to the Suwannee River with 37, 78, 99). These contributions were in labor debris to stop the Cuban cattle trade (Boniface, and in kind, including fish, game, fruit, grain, and 1971: 207). A similar effort had been made a vegetables. The repartimiento labor of Native few years earlier with the objective of disrupting Americans was put to use in public and private raids on the ranches near present-day fields as well as on fortress maintenance (Bushnell, Gainesville (Bushnell, 1978b). None of these 1981: 97, 99; Worth, 1998a: 187–197). The efforts were successful. Franciscans sold some of the excess produce they The cattle ranches of Spanish Florida have obtained from tithes to locals in St. Augustine, not been systematically studied. The Zetrouer but they preferred to trade with Cuba where site, near present-day Gainesville (fig. 1.1), was these goods commanded a better price (Bushnell, an outstation from the nearby mission of San 1981: 40, 59, 91, 99). Disagreements often arose Francisco de Potano and may have been a cattle among local chiefs (who were exempt from the ranch between 1685 and 1704 (Seaberg, 1955). repartimiento), the religious community, and the Both Spaniards and Indians lived at the site. colonial government over native labor, tithes, and The material culture at Zetrouer shows a strong tribute (Bushnell, 1981). Native American influence, but also contains An example of this involves cassina, a Spanish majolicas and Chinese beverage made from yaupon holly leaves (Ilex that suggest the presence of settler families vomitoria) and the basis of the ritual with access to some luxury wares (Seaberg, used in many parts of the pre-Hispanic Southeast 1955: 163). No faunal species list is available (Hudson, 1979). In 1701, a Guale mission was and the limited faunal information provided is ordered to supply 60 batches of cassina (estimated unquantified, but cattle specimens are reported to be approximately 90 kg) each month to a from a fire pit (Seaberg, 1955: 17). military garrison. Soldiers complained when they The era of cattle ranching coincided with the had to collect the leaves themselves (Bushnell, construction of the coquina 1981: 98–99; Sturtevant, 1979). One wonders to at St. Augustine (1672-1695; fig. 1.3). This was what extent the black drink ritual was recognized one of the most prosperous periods experienced or followed by Spanish colonists, but apparently by St. Augustine (Bushnell, 1981). By the 1680s, 2010 THE SETTING 27 local efforts to raise livestock contributed so Moore, and his Native American allies destroyed substantially to the town’s economy that fresh most of the outlying missions and cattle ranches meat reportedly replaced the usual salted or dried by 1704. St. Augustine itself was besieged in meat in soldiers’ rations (Bushnell, 1981: 159). 1728 and 1740, first by Colonel John Palmer and Soldiers complained of this, perhaps because later by . These raids reflected fresh meat did not keep as well. the gradual advance of English settlements down Throughout the 17th century, however, St. the Atlantic seaboard. Charleston was founded Augustinians claimed that food was in short in 1670, Savannah in 1733, and Ft. Frederica supply despite the cattle ranches, missions, and (on St. Simons Island) in 1736 (fig. 1.2). As in trade within Spanish Florida and the situado. the previous decades of the colony, reports of Certainly the situado was irregular, often being hardship were frequent. For example, after a many years overdue. If the colonists in Spanish situado ship was captured in 1712, Governor Florida depended upon situado rations for food Francisco de Córcoles y Martínez (1712) they probably were in need. Colonists augmented reported that people ate rodents, dogs, cats (Felis situado goods through trade with Native catus), and horses (TePaske, 1964: 83). Although Americans, through cattle ranching, and through the extensive system of missions and cattle their own efforts (Bushnell, 1978b). The contrast ranches had been destroyed, some missions, between external and local sources of food might ranches, and farms operated near St. Augustine, explain Jonathan Dickinson’s account of his visit and local merchants and craftsmen did business to St. Augustine. He wrote that no provisions had in the town. Trade with English colonies, though been received in the town for three years at the illegal for much of the time, was brisk (Deagan, time of his visit, that provisions were running 1983: 34–39; Harman, 1969; Scardaville and low, and that his party was forced to eat bread Belmonte, 1979). full of weevils (Andrews and Andrews, 1981: 62, The final decades of the First Spanish period 64). He also enjoyed a large meal when his party (1743–1763) were relatively calm in what reached St. Augustine, was served for remained of Spanish Florida (TePaske, 1964: breakfast by the governor, and saw orchards in 154). British colonies became legal sources of the town (Andrews and Andrews, 1981: 60–62). the situado in the (TePaske, 1964: 105). St. Augustinians had to compete with Cuban, The First Spanish period ended in 1763 when Dutch, English, and French traders as well Spain ceded Spanish Florida to Britain, at which as local Franciscans for access to the Native time virtually the entire Spanish and Catholic American trade throughout the 17th century Native American population left the colony (Boyd et al., 1951: 46; Bushnell, 1981: 92–95; (Dunkle, 1955). Worth, 1998a: 186). The Franciscans guarded Native Americans from official requisitions but THE MISSIONS OF SPANISH FLORIDA came directly to Apalachee to fish and to trade for produce, dried meat, lard, tallow, deer Despite the lack of visibility on the landscape hides, and wild turkeys (Bolton and Ross, 1968; today, the Spanish Florida mission system was as Bushnell, 1981: 91, 128). They also traded with large as, or larger, than the better-known mission Native Americans elsewhere on the Florida coast chains in the Southwest, , and Alta for hides, timber, medicinal herbs, ambergris, California of New Spain’s northwestern frontier. and goods salvaged from (Bushnell, In 1655, approximately 70 friars worked at 38–40 1981: 91). English merchants were trading in the missions serving 26,000 neophytes in Spanish area as well. A collection of 180 deer hides, 200 Florida (Gannon, 1965: 57; Matter, 1972: 88, beaver (Castor canadensis) and otter (Lontra 106; Thomas, 1988b). The more typical number canadensis) pelts, and 9 buffalo hides were of friars, however, was between 34 and 50; the confiscated by Spanish authorities while en route number and location of missions were fluid as to the with Henry Woodward in 1686 the political, financial, and demographic situation (Bushnell, 1981: 97; Lanning, 1935: 181–182). changed. In contrast, at roughly the same time, As in preceding centuries, the early decades 26 friars served approximately 50 missions in of the 18th century were times of turmoil for the the northwestern frontier. In 1697, there were 17 Spanish colony (Deagan, 1983; TePaske, 1964). missions in Baja California. The Alta California Raids by the governor of Carolina, James B. mission chain, perhaps the best known of the 28 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91 group, was not started until 1769, after Spanish The collapse of the mission chain is beyond the Florida was ceded to Britain. The Alta California scope of this monograph, but Santa Catalina de system between 1776 and 1805 had 21 missions Guale was not immune to any of the pressures serving 18,000–20,000 neophytes (Costello placed upon native communities during the First and Hornbeck, 1989; Thomas, 1988b). The size Spanish period. of the Florida mission chain and its early date Santa Catalina de Guale was located in Guale are two of the many factors that distinguish province (Jones, 1978, 1980). The Guale people New Spain’s northeastern missions from the primarily occupied the tidewater mainland northwestern ones. and islands of the Georgia Bight between the Ideally, each Florida mission was attended Savannah and Altamaha rivers (fig. 1.2; Worth, by one or two friars and a few Spanish soldiers 2004; see appendix B). According to Lewis (Thomas, 1990); however, there were not enough Larson (1978), the Guale province extended from friars and soldiers to go around (Hann, 1996: St. Catherines Island south along the coast to the 187). A distinction was made between doctrinas, northern border of Timucua province near Jekyll principal mission centers with a resident friar, Island (fig. 1.2). John Hann (1990: 423) notes, and visitas, which were visited by friars on however, that in 1655 two Guale missions lay Sundays and holy days (Gannon, 1965: 57; Hann, north of St. Catherines Island. Both Hann (1996: 1988: 403). Some outposts were visited only 10) and John Worth (1998a: 48–49) suggest that occasionally by friars. Santa Catalina de Guale, another province, , lay between Guale however, had both resident friars and soldiers and and Timucua provinces (Saunders, 2009). Jerald was considered a principal mission. Milanich (2004) includes Mocama as one of the The missions of Spanish Florida were Timucuan dialects, but suggests that the Mocama subdivided into several administrative units, sometimes were included within the jurisdiction roughly defined by Spanish authorities according of the Guale mission. The Guale people are to their understanding of cultural identities, generally considered descendants of earlier , and political alliances of the Native Irene-period or Savannah-period populations in Americans living in each province. Boundaries for this same coastal setting. After the Guale mission these provinces are not agreed upon (e.g., Hann, chain collapsed, many Guale converts relocated 1988, 1996: 2–8; Larson, 1978; Thomas, 1990; to St. Augustine where their ceramic tradition Worth, 1998a, 1998b). Native peoples in these made substantial contributions to the 18th- three provinces were organized into century town and many Guale women married and shared many cultural institutions (e.g., Jones, Spanish men (Deagan, 1990). 1978; McEwan, 2004; Milanich, 2004; Thomas, The islands and coastal mainland below the 1990; Worth, 1998a: 1–34, 2004). southern border of Guale province (or Mocama) The objectives of the missions were to and portions of eastern peninsular Florida formed protect the frontier, manage the tribute system, Timucua province (fig. 1.1; Hann, 1990: 423; control trade, organize labor, convert the Native Milanich, 1978, 2004; Saunders, 2009; Worth, Americans to Christianity, and otherwise 1998a: 32–33). Western Timucua province was “civilize” them (Bushnell, 1990; Deagan, 1985; between the St. Johns and the Aucilla rivers and Weber, 1990). Much has been written about eastern Timucua province was between the St. the hardships, impositions, and opportunities Johns River and the , including associated with these missions (e.g., Gannon, St. Augustine (Milanich, 1978). Coastal Timucua 1990; Weber, 1990; Worth, 1998a, 1998b). It is province may have been a separate province particularly important to the following discussion during at least part of the First Spanish period. to acknowledge the scope and rapidity with which The southern boundary of Timucua province is native populations declined due to epidemics, poorly defined, but extended some distance south labor demands, and other biological and social of St. Augustine. The Timucua are generally stresses associated with colonization. Many of considered descendants of peoples classified the missions that flourished during parts of the archaeologically as St. Johns II. 17th century were reduced in scope or abandoned Apalachee province is the best defined of the due to combinations of English raids, significant provinces and is associated with the panhandle of depopulation, and native uprisings as the century peninsular Florida (fig. 1.1; McEwan, 2004). The progressed (see Deagan, 1985; Saunders, 1998). eastern boundary is defined by the 2010 THE SETTING 29 and the western boundary by the Ochlockonee decades after the mission on St. Catherines Island River (Hann, 1988: 1). The southern edge is was abandoned. formed by the Gulf of Mexico, but the northern boundary is poorly defined. The Apalachee CONCLUSIONS mission headquarters, San Luis de Talimali (in present-day Tallahassee), was the largest of the People living on St. Catherines Island at Apalachee missions. The first friars reached Mission Santa Catalina de Guale and Pueblo Apalachee in 1633, followed by soldiers in 1638 Santa Catalina de Guale were participants, (McEwan, 1993). Apalachee was considered the willingly or unwillingly, in the global political most productive of the provinces because of its and economic power struggles of the 17th better soils and abundant harvests (Wenhold, century. The mission effort itself was but one 1936: 7, 13). It was the focus of a great deal of component of the expanding European sphere of economic activity as ranches and farms flourished. influence. Native Americans and Spaniards living By 1675, the population at San Luis de Talimali and working in the mission system participated in was 1400 and included Christianized this emerging global market, but climate change, as well as some Spanish families (McEwan, disease, warfare, economic shortages, and 1993). Cattle ranching was a viable economic cultural changes accompanied their participation activity in Apalachee with both Spaniards and in the international arena. At the same time, Apalachee raising herds and profiting from the the waters of the Georgia Bight offered a rich sale of livestock and cattle by-products (Deagan, resource base that had supported people for 1993; Hann, 1986b, 1988; McEwan, 2004). millennia prior to the First Spanish period. The The province was generally considered self- long historical record of animal use in the Georgia sustaining and prosperous, an obvious target Bight, when combined with the diverse cultural for the English-sponsored raids that eventually and environmental setting of the 17th century, destroyed it. The destruction of the missions in provides a rich zooarchaeological record for the Apalachee province between 1701 and 1704 study of diet, exploitation strategies, economic posed a considerable challenge to the survival exchanges, and environmental change in the first of Spanish Florida, though this occurred several sustained European enterprise north of Mexico. 30 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY NO. 91