SACRED SPACE, TABOO PLACE Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll

MICRONESIAN JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

Vol. 3, nº 1-2 December 2004

Eric Metzgar Triton Films, Camarillo, CA

In 1990, in the process of making a documentary film, three remarkable events were observed on Lamotrek Atoll, an Outer Island of Yap in the Federated States of Micronesia, which showed that the creation of sacred taboo space—called roang in the central Caroline Islands—was still a viable practice in the community. The events observed were as follows: 1) the resurrection of prohibitions relating to a sacred area of land called Lametag, 2) the performance of traditional massage healing techniques called sheosheo, and 3) the performance of a traditional navigator initiation and schooling ritual called pwo. This paper presents an ethnographic description of these roang-related events as witnessed by the author in the field, compares them to earlier reports of roang sites described in the anthropological literature, and discusses the status of roang as it exists today, making conclusions regarding the changing status of roang and the construction of community on Lamotrek.

DEFINITION OF ROANG AND ITS the “Trukic continuum” (Bellwood 1979, DIALECTICAL VARIANTS p.130). The islands on which Chuukic lan- The title for this paper is adapted from the guages are indigenously spoken range a dis- definition of “rang” given in the Woleaian- tance of approximately 1600 miles from Tobi English Dictionary: “sacred place, taboo place Island in the western Caroline Islands across where sacred affairs are performed” (Sohn and the central Caroline islands to Lukunor Atoll in Tawerilmang 1976, p.121).1 Even though there the eastern Caroline Islands and includes are dialectical differences, Woleaian is viewed Chuuk itself (formerly Truk). According to by linguists as being the same language as Quackenbush (1968) the entire Chuukic lin- Lamotrekese. The Woleaian-English Dictionary is guistic area is chained together by interlocking considered the current standard orthography links of language cognate percentages greater for the language spoken not only by the than 80%. Nevertheless, the differences in the Woleaian and Lamotrekan peoples, but also the spelling of the term “rang” (meaning “sacred other neighboring populations in the central place” or “taboo place”) by various authors Carolines living on the atolls of Eauripik, Ifa- who have done field research in these linguisti- luk, Faraulep, Elato, and Satawal. Linguistically cally-related islands is truly diverse as the fol- and culturally this group collectively is referred lowing examples will show: “ron” (Girschner to in the literature as “Woleai” (Lessa 1911, p.193), “rong” (Krämer 1935, p. 256 1950b,1950c; Alkire 1970). footnote no. 2), “rehan” (Elbert 1972, p. 148), The “Woleai” language is linguistically re- “ranga” (Rubinstein 1978, p. 78), “róóng” lated to numerous other similar languages in (Goodenough and Sugita 1980, p. 313), “ruung” the Caroline Islands which make up the Chuu- (Thomas 1987, p. 201), and “roang” (Sudo kic continuum (see Figure 1), also known as 1997, p. 26).2

This is a peer reviewed contribution. Received: 1 Nov 2004; Revised: 25 Dec 2004; Accepted: 27 Dec 2004 © Micronesian Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 1449-7336 Letao Publishing, PO Box 3080, Albury NSW, Australia 3 4 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll

Figure 1. Chuukic Continuum Language Area

Although the Woleaian-English Dictionary we had set upon our plan to resurrect and film spelling of this term is given as “rang,” I have the pwo ritual, Ali was working as a policeman chosen to use the dialectical variant of “roang.” in Yap, an island 600 miles west of Lamotrek, My reasons for this choice are too complex to and Urupiy was in temporary residence on explain fully in a paper of this length but are Yap, living with Ali and other members of his discussed in detail in my dissertation (1991, pp. extended family. It was here in July 1989 that 111-114). The reader will also note that this is Ali and I agreed to meet with Urupiy on the same spelling used by Kenichi Sudo (see Lamotrek about nine months later where he above) for Satawal, an island 40 miles east of would be waiting for us to perform the pwo Lamotrek. ceremony. The last pwo ceremony had been performed on Satawal about forty years earlier, OBSERVATIONS OF ROANG USE AND between 1950-1952.4 Since then this navigator CREATION IN 1990 rite of passage had come closer and closer to When I arrived on the inter-island passenger extinction with the demise of master navigators and cargo ship M/V Micro Spirit at Lamotrek qualified to transmit the restricted navigational Atoll in April 1990, our objective was to film knowledge and chants which, by ancient cus- the pwo navigator ritual.3 Months of prepara- tom, were only to be taught after apprentices tion and planning had preceded my arrival were initiated in the pwo ceremony. along with Ali Haleyalur, who wanted to be The mass conversion of the islanders in the initiated by his father, Jesus Urupiy, to become 1950s to Catholicism coupled with the accul- a paliuw “navigator.” Urupiy was some eighty turation of islanders to outside values resulted years old and a master navigator from Satawal in opposition by most islanders to many rituals who had married a Lamotrekan and raised his connected to the traditional spirit world. The children on both Lamotrek and Satawal. When last time Lamotrekans were officially certified Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 5 as navigators in an initiation ritual was in 1948. the more traditionally devout would walk past By the 1980s there was a growing awareness Lametag stooped with both hands placed be- amongst islanders that the so-called “good” hind their back with one hand holding the elements of the traditional belief system should other, both palms up. Standing upright in the be allowed to co-exist with those of Christian- Lametag area was strictly forbidden. Carrying ity, and that the traditional spirit world and loads such as coconuts, bananas or baskets of skills associated with it need not be altogether food and other goods on one’s shoulders was abandoned. This position was gradually sup- also forbidden. In such a circumstance, one ported by the advent of indigenous islander was required to either carry the food under priests who had taken over the roles that were one’s arm or, if that was not possible, obtain a formerly held by priests from the United wheelbarrow to transport it. The overall objec- States.5 tive of the prohibition was for persons to be When Ali and I arrived on Lamotrek it was “low” not “high” in deference to the sanctity decided by Urupiy that a meeting of the of Lametag.7 The reason given for the resur- Lamotrek chiefs should be held to talk about rection of the prohibitions was a general con- his plan to conduct the pwo ritual. Urupiy him- sensus by the chiefs that the younger genera- self was a district chief of the southern part of tion was growing up “Ye tabeey shag church” Lamotrek so there was no problem with him (“They only follow the church”). As a result, proposing a meeting to clear the way for pwo to they felt that the traditional values guiding re- be included in the busy schedule of island ac- spectful behaviors in the community were get- tivities. It was at this time that I received in- ting weaker. It bears mentioning that the newly structions concerning a new public policy re- enacted prohibitions were not intended to un- garding the correct behaviors that were being dermine the religious purpose of the church on enforced in the vicinity of Lametag, a sacred the island—the Lamotrekans were avid church area of land in the middle of the village and goers—but rather to balance the power of the along the lagoon shore (see Figure 2). The one physical space and authority of the Catholic and only village on this small atoll numbered church with the physical space and authority of about 300 souls and the main path stretching Lametag, the traditionally most important the length of the village ran the inland perime- space on Lamotrek. ter of the Lametag area. This path was heavily On Lamotrek, the spirit of a legendary traveled and adjacent to the land where the chief, Motaisam, is closely associated with the Catholic church was located; consequently, area of Lametag where his fenap men’s meeting much of the population had reason to be in the house stood, the ruins of which are still visible vicinity of Lametag at some time during the in the form of rock supporting posts. It is said course of the day. There were several prohibi- that Motaisam slept on a second level high tions regarding Lametag, the site of a former above in the fenap because no one could be fenap “men’s meeting house” and roang “sacred “higher” than Motaisam. taboo space.” Everyone was required to show This also meant that no one could stand in respect to the area of Lametag by demonstrat- his presence or climb trees where he might be ing a respect gesture called gebbarog.6 Sohn and sitting or walking. Women in the past were not Tawerilmang gloss the gebbarog gesture as “to allowed to walk the path that currently travels walk with one’s body stooped” (1976, p. 52). past Lametag but had to take a circuitous route The gebbarog show of respect is commonly used inland to travel from one end of the village to when walking past others who are seated. Per- the other. Nor were they allowed to enter the sons often demonstrated the gebbarog gesture fenap. when walking past Lametag by placing one hand behind their back with palm up. Many of 6 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll

Figure 2. Lamotrek Village Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 7

I did not hear of any fine being levied for the tausheo would have to obey various taboos violations of the prohibitions that had been over a four-day period called bes. They would resurrected. I was informed that for an unde- not be allowed to have contact with anyone in termined length of time there would be a grace the community except the tausheo, her other as- period because the chiefs realized it would take sistants, and Maaton, or perform any of their a great deal of practice for the members of the regular daily tasks such as making palm wine or community to adjust to the new rules. Al- cutting wood. Nor would they be allowed to though many adults forgot to bow down (geb- eat the fish called neg (Siganidae family), sacred barog) to Lametag, they vigorously defended the to her knowledge of sheosheo skills. The morn- axiom that everyone should try their best to ing after the first night of the restricted period, show respect to this plot of land for the benefit young knotted coconut leaves called ubut were of the island community. To do otherwise attached to the trees surrounding the house would, in the Lamotrekan worldview, be invit- where Maaton lay. The coconut-leaf knots ing misfortune to descend upon the island. were used as meshang “taboo markers” around Traditionally, disrespectful behavior toward the house, officially creating a roang “sacred ta- Lametag was said to cause sickness and possi- boo space” that for all intents and purposes bly result in typhoons striking the island. announced to the community-at-large the pres- After about two weeks had gone by since ence of spirit powers involved with the appli- our arrival, and Urupiy was about to meet with cation of sheosheo knowledge. At this point, all the chiefs concerning the scheduling of pwo on food arriving at the homestead had to be de- the calendar of island events, an unsettling posited outside the perimeter of the taboo event occurred. Maaton, an adult male, was se- markers. After the ritual four-day period of se- riously injured in a fall from a palm tree. Four clusion was over, the assistants were released men arrived with Maaton in a motorboat from from the taboos restricting their behavior and Pugue—an uninhabited island seven miles were allowed to go home. At this time, the co- across the lagoon where he had been work- conut-leaf meshang “taboo markers” were re- ing—and carried him to his family estate. moved, which sent a message to the commu- When I got to the house where he lay groaning nity at large that the roang “sacred taboo site” in pain, he was surrounded by his kinfolk and governing the exercise of sheosheo knowledge other concerned individuals. An adult female was no longer being enforced. Consequently, had been summoned and payment in toer this allowed an instructional event called tiger- “woven textiles” had been given to secure her ang “marking with turmeric” to take place at medical services as tausheo, a master of sheosheo the house. Any visitors who wished to take ad- “massage healing.” I was personally concerned vantage of the opportunity to sit on the giyegiy because Maaton was supposed to be one of the “woven pandanus mat” next to Maaton with apprentice navigators who was going to be ini- the tausheo and learn something about sheosheo tiated by Urupiy in the pwo ceremony. I started skills were invited to do so. At this time the filming the events that transpired not knowing tausheo demonstrated some of her knowledge what this event would portend for pwo. by marking specific healing points on Maaton’s When it was determined that Maaton had a body with turmeric and calling out the names fractured leg and dislocated hip, Maaton’s of these locations. This rite which is really an tausheo sent for some medicine. Up to this educational opportunity for apprentices and point I was allowed to witness and record on non-apprentices alike is called kapitalisheosheo or film the flurry of activities which surrounded “talk of healing by massage.” The next day, the Maaton, but after the medicine arrived some iles “completion feast of offering” was made to hours later, the area was made taboo to all out- give thanks to the spirit powers of sheosheo who siders. Those who wanted to help were told were perceived as overseeing the exercise of that they could stay and become assistants to the sheosheo skills performed. This feast, the tausheo. All others would be restricted from which was only attended by the tausheo and her entering the area. Those who stayed to assist 8 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll assistants, brought to a formal close the rites space of the ritual; 2) the use of a four-day pe- governing the initial treatment of the patient. riod during which time participants followed As a result of Maaton’s accident, a gloomy taboos belonging to the spirit powers believed atmosphere hung over the community which to be present; 3) the use of a giyegiy “woven directly impacted Urupiy’s plan to perform the pandanus mat” for instruction; and 4) the use pwo ritual. It was certain that Maaton would not of the iles “completion feast of offering” to be able to participate. Moreover, it was gener- give thanks to the spirit powers believed to be ally believed that malevolent spirits were in- involved with the efficacy of the arts and skills volved in causing Maaton’s accident because of taught and/or performed. The instruction, Urupiy’s intention to resurrect the pwo ritual. It which formed the core of the pwo ritual is would be a full six weeks before Urupiy would called kapitalimetaw or “talk of the sea.” As with be able to conduct the pwo ritual. The general the sheosheo event, the meshang “taboo markers” public sentiment against the performance of for the pwo ritual were removed after the ritual the ritual did not change until an omen was ob- four-day period of taboos were lifted and be- served and recognized by the community-at- fore the iles feast was given. After the taboo large. This omen took the form of two births markers were removed, non-participants were which took place during the same night.8 With allowed to enter the canoe house; but in gen- this propitious sign the perceived danger that eral, this did not happen until a couple of days had been hanging over the island was believed later, after the iles completion feast was given. to be neutralized and Urupiy was able to take Most outsiders waited until after the feast for the first initial steps towards performing the fear that the yaliusepwo “spirits of pwo” might pwo ceremony. still be lingering about Faltaibu canoe house. One of the first rites which Urupiy per- In addition to the above characteristics used formed determined who would be present in to negotiate the sacred space for the above dis- the physical space where the pwo ceremony cussed events within the physical space of the took place inside Faltaibu, a canoe house which island as a whole, a permanent roang was cre- was located on Urupiy’s clan property. This rite ated by Urupiy for the future use of the newly involved the collection of the wood for the initiated navigators. On the day after the iles creation of an umw “earth oven.” All the feast, Urupiy designated one of his coconut would-be participants, including myself as trees near Faltaibu canoe house as a roangopal- cameraman, accompanied Urupiy to collect the iuw or “sacred taboo site belonging to naviga- wood which would be used to cook the bread- tors.” Now the coconuts and resources of this fruit necessary for conducting the pwo cere- tree would be viewed as being the property of mony. At this time, we individually stepped the newly initiated navigators and only them, to forward to receive a baliubel “protection rite” be used in rituals connected to their exercise of from Urupiy for the purpose of collecting the navigational arts and skills. A simple but dra- wood to fire the earth oven. This ritual, we matic ritual marked this occasion. The pwofeo later learned, would also allow us to be present “new navigators” were told to stand with their within the roang “sacred taboo space” which backs against the trunk of the coconut tree and Urupiy created for the purpose of performing Urupiy waved young coconut leaves back and the pwo ritual. forth in front of them like a wand, lightly For the purposes of this paper I will only striking their chests, all the while reciting a touch on those aspects relevant to the creation chant. After he was finished with the chant of the roang “sacred taboo space” which en- Urupiy wrapped the young coconut leaves compassed Faltaibu canoe house where the pwo around the trunk of the tree as a meshang taboo ritual took place (see Figure 2).9 A number of marker to protect it from the non-initiated. similarities between the sheosheo event described Between the young coconut leaves encircling above were observed in connection with the the tree and the trunk were placed the leaves pwo ritual: They were as follows: 1) the use of called lel (Morinda citrifolia)10 and the knotted meshang “taboo markers” to identify the sacred young coconut leaves called yaliulap. This entire Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 9 complex of leaves was then referred to as area was overgrown with “dense virgin forest- melangiuw gapitalipwo or “amulet for the anoint- like cordia shrubbery” is indicative of the sa- ment of initiated navigators.” The new navi- cred taboo nature of the “grove” at the time of gators then removed the four coconut-leaf his visit in 1909. bracelets called rorpai which had ritually been An additional report for Lametag was pub- tied to their wrists during the four-day period lished in 1965 by William Alkire. For compari- of instruction and gave them to Urupiy. Urupiy son purposes and analysis his observations took these bracelets and the herbal pouches concerning Lametag (which he spells which he had used to make tafey gateram or “Lamïtakh”) are a valuable source of compara- “medicine of enlightenment” and deposited tive information: them at the base of the tree. In so doing, ... the most important land on the island is ... Urupiy removed them from any potential con- Lamïtakh, which lies between Kulong and Lugal tact they might have had with uninitiated canoe houses and is bounded on the east by the members of the community. path and the west by the lagoon. Lamïtakh is the land on which the men’s house once stood (and EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF ROANG USE where its ruins can still be seen) and the plot which AND CREATION symbolizes the authority of the tamolufalu [EM: In the previous section I described the social “paramount chief of the island”]. When the para- behaviors that were resurrected in 1990 and mount chief issues a directive it is often para- were being enforced in connection with the use phrased as being “word from Lamïtakh.” .... of the traditionally most important space on Sauwel [EM: clan name] may own and exploit Lamotrek: the permanent plot of land called the land agriculturally, but neither they nor anyone Lametag. I also described the social behaviors else may build a structure on this land without the involved with the creation of sacred taboo permission of the tamolufalu; and there is no evi- spaces which played a central role in the exer- dence that any such building has stood on this land cise of two specialized skills on Lamotrek in since the men’s house (fal-lap) [EM: dialectical 1990: massage healing (sheosheo) and an initia- variant of fenap] was abandoned around 1860 tion ritual for navigators (pwo). In order to (1965, p. 65). better understand the meaning and significance The above descriptions are instructive for a of these events as they pertain to the use and number of reasons, the most important being creation of sacred taboo sites on Lamotrek, it that both Krämer and Alkire describe the area may be helpful to compare them with earlier of land called Lametag/Lamïtakh as a site of reports. spiritual and chiefly power. Both associate the With regard to Lametag, we are fortunate in area with a legendary men’s meeting house, a that there are two published reports. The first structure which Krämer calls the “house of the report is by Augustin Krämer who visited spirits” and which Alkire informs us is associ- Lamotrek in 1909: ated with the power of the paramount chief. This is also the location of the grove with the house What Krämer calls a “grove” and what Alkire of the spirits fal’lap [EM: dialectical variant of calls “the most important land” has direct ties fenap “men’s meeting house”]11 Lématak (or with the former men’s meeting house that lay Lámetag) which in 1890 already lay in ruins. in ruins on the site when they were on Dense virgin forest-like cordia shrubbery was found Lamotrek. here (1937, p. 19). Also comparable in function and signifi- In the previous discussion it has already cance to Lametag is another roang sacred taboo been mentioned that the legendary chief, Mo- site reported for Ifaluk Atoll, whence it is said taisam, whose fenap men’s meeting house stood Lamotrek was repopulated after a war occurred on the sacred ground of Lametag, was the tu- between the two islands in ancient times. Ed- telary spirit inhabiting the roang sacred taboo win Burrows, who performed anthropological area of Lametag. That Krämer mentions the 10 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll research on Ifaluk in the 1940s, gives the fol- chiefs. The following observation by Edwin lowing account: Burrows and Melford Spiro in the 1940s dem- The tract Katelu includes the site of an ancient onstrates the chiefly responsibility with regard “men’s house” as well as the present Fan Nap to the sacred space of Katelu on Ifaluk: [EM: yet another alternative spelling for fal’lap, In our entire stay only one taboo was discovered fal-lap, and fenap]. To a considerable extent, which involved the idea of holiness or sanctity per this whole tract is a symbol of chiefly authority. se, rather than being connected with some prag- The site of the old men’s house, of which only the matic activity. The plot of ground, known as platform and a few back-rest slabs remain, is over- Katelu, which belongs to the chiefs, and on which grown with tall trees and dense undergrowth. It is the fannap [EM: men’s meeting house] is located, tabu to all but the chiefs, and I never saw even a is considered sacred ground; and one portion of it, chief enter it (Burrows 1952, p. 19). directly behind our tent, is so sacred that no one It is important to recognize that although may tread on it. The violation of this taboo results roang areas such as Lametag and Katelu were in rain and even in typhoons. We discovered this taboo to the general populace, they were acces- taboo purely accidentally. The trade winds had set sible to certain individuals who had the in, but the rains, which usually cease with the onset authority and magical knowledge to do so. of the Trades, continued to come. Both the people Marston Bates and Donald Abbott, who were and the anthropologists [EM: Burrows and Spiro on Ifaluk in the 1950s made this observation: are referring to themselves here] were very surprised and the former were alarmed. One afternoon I ob- On the left side of this trail was the dense vegeta- served the people moving an old over-water-head to tion of Katelu, the sacred site of the ancient Men’s the beach directly in front of our tent. When they House which was in use in the time of Maur, the had finished their work, Tom [EM: an Ifalukan island’s “culture hero.” This sacred spot was never informant] came to us and said that this little hut entered by anyone except Maroligar (1958, p. 44). was for our use. We had been using part of the The above mentioned Maroligar is later de- Katelu as our private lavatory, and perhaps, he scribed by Bates and Abbot as a ritual specialist pointed out, that is why the rain continued, since it in the art of divination. From my research on is taboo to walk on that ground, and the penalty Lamotrek, I learned that the “dense virgin for- for the violation of the taboo is rain (1953, p. est-like cordia shrubbery” area (borrowing 237). Krämer’s above description) that occupied the The above eye-witness account clearly Lametag area was also the preserve of ritual shows that the “taboos” associated with the specialists. Not only did men who were skilled “sacred ground” of Katelu were still being en- in divination have access to Lametag, but also forced when Burrows and Spiro were on Ifaluk weather magicians and navigators. It was there, in the 1940s. I was told by informants on it was said, that they received the spiritual Lamotrek that the same was true for Lametag power to exercise their skills and each had their in the 1940s because neither island had yet own coconut trees and plants for ritual use. been converted to Christianity. The “dense vegetation of Katelu” in Bates’ and Now I should like to turn to the published Abbott’s report for Ifaluk and the “dense un- evidence relating to the creation of roang “sa- dergrowth” mentioned also for Katelu by Bur- cred taboo sites.” Unfortunately, reports on rows are directly comparable to the above de- this subject are non-existent for sheosheo (mas- scription given by Krämer for Lametag. sage healing) and lack sufficient detail for com- Comparable also are the reports of a tutelary parative analysis for pwo (navigator initiation spirit being associated with the fenap men’s rituals). Nevertheless, the following published houses of Katelu and Lametag. On Ifaluk the information concerning the initiation and edu- tutelary spirit is the legendary “culture hero” cation of navigators leaves little doubt that spe- Maur and on Lamotrek it is the legendary chief cial taboos were enforced: Motaisam. Jurisdiction over these roang sacred taboo sites was passed down to succeeding Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 11

During the term of instruction the pupils are sub- or restricted area (Goodenough and Sugita 1980, ject to a series of taboos ... These taboos are strict- p. 201). est for the first four days and nights; then the stu- It is important to note here that the use of dents may not leave the canoe house under any the Chuukese term “mechenin” in the above circumstances (Damm 1935, p. 85). quote is formed from the root term mechen (see Certain individuals are picked by certain clans ... Goodenough and Sugita 1980, p. 201) which is and those are the ones that will actually become a dialectical variant of the Lamotrekese meshang. navigators. These chosen people, they can’t go out. Likewise the Chuukese róóng is a dialectical They just sit in the men’s house ... No women al- variant of roang and the Chuukese wupwut is a lowed. No other men allowed except those men that dialectical variant of ubut. will bring food. They keep everybody away from The following report, also from Chuuk, there (Brower 1983, p. 122). brings evidence to support the hypothesis that From the above reports we may infer that a the creation of sacred taboo space was/is di- taboo space was created, but how this was rectly related to the use of coconut leaves as done and what materials were used, if any, is taboo markers: not explained. The use of coconut leaves as ta- ... On the day when the tree comes into this house, boo markers was a common practice through- a sacred time begins for the sofalafal [EM: mas- out Micronesia in former times and still is ter canoe builder] and his helpers. Ubud [EM: practiced in varying degrees in some places, but young coconut leaves] are made around the house as published reports of coconut leaves being used signs that nobody, and least of all women are al- to enclose sacred taboo areas are relatively few lowed to enter (Bollig 1927, p. 71). and those specifically mentioning roang sacred Temporary sacred taboo enclosures were taboo sites are rarer still.12 There is documen- also commonly made for the purpose of mak- tation of meshang taboo markers being used and ing medicines in Chuuk: descriptions of roang sacred taboo sites, but I Trukese regard this kind of medicine [EM: could find no examples specifically mentioning “safeiso” in the text] as by far the most impor- a relationship between the creation of meshang tant and powerful. A fire must be prepared to heat taboo markers and roang sacred taboo sites for rocks, and in former times the importance of this Lamotrek or any other island in the central treatment was underlined by surrounding the fire Carolines. This is probably an oversight in the with special decorations. Three or more specially anthropological record for the central Caroline carved short sticks (wotomoosor) were stuck in islands because Alkire (1965, p. 110) mentions the ground near the patient’s house forming a small “meshang” in connection with a taboo placed on triangle or circle. A line was tied to the top of the fishing for certain sections of Lamotrek, and first stick and then connected to the top of each Akimichi (1986, p. 18) reports the use of “mer- stick in turn, enclosing a small area, but leaving a hang” (a dialectical variant) in connection with space open between two of the sticks for entrance chiefly prohibition of land resources on Sa- and exit. Palm leaves were tied to the line for deco- tawal. Neither Alkire nor Akimichi specifically ration (Mahoney 1970, p. 68). identify “certain sections of Lamotrek” or “land resources on Satawal” as being roang “sa- In contrast to the creation of temporary sacred taboo sites” that have been created as a cred taboo enclosures formed by meshang “ta- result of the use of meshang taboo markers, but boo markers,” the permanent roang “sacred ta- there is evidence of this relationship which is boo sites” located at Lametag on Lamotrek and available to us in the literature for Chuuk: at Katelu on Ifaluk did not generally exhibit coconut-leaf taboo markers. These permanent mechenin róóng... sign of prohibition against sacred taboo areas did not need to be identified trespass, made from young coconut leaves (wup- by taboo markers because their perimeters wut) that may simply girdle a tree or stake or be were/are well known to the island community, strung to form an enclosure around the prohibited not only because these sacred areas were/are still an important part of the lore and history of 12 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll

Lamotrek and Ifaluk, respectively, but because that other ritual specialists had sacred trees as of the unbridled growth of trees and plants well: which characterize these areas as permanent When completed, the navigator takes the effigy to a roang sites. Still, sometimes strangers had to be particular coconut tree, which may have been given informed of the sanctity of these areas, and in to him by the individual from whom he learned such a case, the ritual specialist in charge of the navigation and which is located near his canoe site would undertake the task of making taboo houses. Here he recites a chant and Yalulawei markers to ward off possible violations of the [EM: a major patron spirit of navigators] is asked sacred space. Two American anthropologists to protect the navigator through the effigy where he were two such strangers on Ifaluk in travels (Alkire 1965, p. 119). 1947–1948 when they made the following re- Every canoe house has sacred palms nearby that port: are used in divination and navigation rituals ... The only concealment near our tent was the foliage (Alkire 1989, p. 81). on the overgrown part of Katelu. We took to using Neither do the roang sacred trees by neces- the edges of that part of the time [EM: as a lava- sity have to be palm trees. Krämer gives the tory]. Maroligar delicately dissuaded use by inter- following eye-witness account of a navigator twining the leaves of the young coconuts about the on Lamotrek in 1909 who deposited used old site, forming a flimsy barrier, which is a tradi- medicine in what was most probably a roang tional tabu sign. The hint was not lost on us, but site: now and then under pressure of time and when we thought we were unobserved, we disregarded it Urupo ... upon the return from a voyage placed one (Burrows and Spiro 1953, p. 182). [EM: a tukemoil “medicine pouch”] under a mog tree (1937, p. 138 footnote no. 3). As mentioned earlier, Burrow’s and Spiro’s indiscretions with regard to the sanctity of In addition, there is collaborative evidence Katelu were not uneventful. Their use of from Bollig for similar behaviors in Chuuk re- Katelu as a private lavatory was interpreted as lating to the use of “sacred” trees: the reason for the continuance of bad weather Every sourong [EM: “master of specialized on Ifaluk during their stay, with the result that knowledge”] also has his particular sacred tree ... the Ifalukans installed a small lavatory “hut” Nobody may venture to approach this tree to pick near the beach for their private use. its fruit (1927, p. 45). To return for a moment to the roang-related The remains of the food, as well as the scraps of the events which I observed in connection with ubud [EM: “young coconut leaves”] are put down sheosheo and pwo, the reader will recall that not at the sacred tree of the soupue [EM: “master of only was a temporary roang created as part of divination”] (1927, p. 68). the pwo ritual but also a permanent roang. This From the above descriptions we may infer permanent roang was given by the master navi- that permanent roang sacred taboo sites were gator, Urupiy, to his apprentices after they had important for a least two professions: naviga- been initiated in the pwo ceremony and received tion and divination. In addition to these, I special instruction. The coconut tree and the learned on Lamotrek that weather magicians space in its immediate vicinity (called roangopal- also had their own roang areas. So important iuw “sacred space belonging to navigators”) were these roang that three classes of ritual spe- was given for the future use of the initiates, to cialists—navigators (paliuw), diviners (taubwe), be used for ritualistic purposes connected to and weather magicians (waug)—maintained sa- their exercise of navigational arts and skills. cred taboo sites in the Lametag area (see Figure What evidence is there of sacred trees being 2). These ritual specialists were collectively used in the past by ritual specialists such as known as mwaletab “taboo men” in the social navigators? Not only is there evidence in the hierarchy of the community. Supporting evi- anthropological literature that navigators had dence for this view comes again from Alkire, their own special trees but there is evidence Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 13 who reports the following information about current status of roang for Lamotrek, Ifaluk, “mwaletabw” for Lamotrek and Woleai: and Satawal. Although my visits were never These “gods” ... are of greatest importance to longer than two days for any one island, this af- mwaletabw “taboo men.” The gods are patron forded me an opportunity to research the spirits who oversee and influence the outcome of changes that had occurred. important and sacred events. Mwaletabw are As stated earlier, several prohibitions re- qualified specialists in technical fields, the most im- garding Lametag—the site of a former fenap portant being sennap “canoe builders,” and pelu “men’s meeting house” and roang “sacred taboo [EM: alternative spelling for paliuw] “naviga- site”—had been resurrected in 1990 to coun- tors” ... (1989, p. 86). terbalance the rising influence and authority of the Catholic church. The prohibitions that Mwaletab taboo men were bound by several were being enforced at that time were based on constraints with regard to their behavior in the traditional premise that members in the Lamotrekan society. Although all ritual spe- community should show respect to Lametag. cialists were bound by systems of taboos in ac- As described earlier, this involved the demon- cordance with their individual professions, “ta- stration of a number of respect behaviors, the boo men” had the unique distinction of most important of which was the gebbarog ges- retaining certain taboos for life.13 And women ture of lowering one’s head and bending from were strictly forbidden from permanent roang the waist with at least one hand placed behind areas even if they were knowledgeable in spe- one’s back as one walked through or nearby cialized skills such as sheosheo massage healing. the Lametag area. When I arrived on Lamtorek Only mwaletab could use the coconuts or other in 1999 this show of respect to Lametag was resources located on roang sacred taboo sites. no longer being practiced. When questioned as The coconuts and leaves from the sacred trees to what had happened, the acting chief in- found there were sometimes used to make sa- formed me that they had given up enforcing cred anointments and medicines. After they the prohibition after typhoon Owen had dev- were imbued with sacred power they were con- astated the island. sidered “hot” and potentially dangerous. Con- In November of 1990, typhoon Owen hit sequently, they were left after use in roang areas Lamotrek. The island was completely inun- where they would not hurt anyone who was dated by the sea and all the family dwellings not connected to the spirit powers involved and canoe houses were destroyed. During the with the arts and skills being practiced (cf. Ma- storm the entire community took refuge within honey 1970, pp. 84-86). the concrete walls of the Catholic church and it From the above comparative analysis of de- was indeed fortunate that no one perished. It is scriptions of roang use and creation, we can see probable that typhoon Owen was the catalyst that many of the social behaviors manifested in for the cessation of respect behaviors being the context of the events which I observed in shown to Lametag. After typhoon Ophelia 1990 are substantiated by earlier published re- struck Ulithi in 1960, William Lessa observed ports for Lamotrek and other islands in Chuu- that the disaster caused an acceleration of the kic continuum. We have also seen that the social changes toward modernization that were most distinguishing feature associated with the already in progress (1964, p. 44). The most establishment of roang “sacred taboo sites” is visible evidence of this on Lamotrek in 1999 the use of young coconut leaves (ubut) as taboo was the greater number of plywood houses markers (meshang) to protect an object such as a with aluminum roofs that had replaced the coconut tree or to enclose a prohibited area.14 former thatched houses. Plastic tarps and buckets, which were a rare sight in 1990, were NEGOTIATING ROANG AND THE in use everywhere in 1999. Also, unlike the CONSTRUCTION OF COMMUNITY situation in 1990, several pigs were being raised In the summer of 1999 I returned to the cen- in the Lametag area. Their presence indicated tral Carolines and gathered information on the 14 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll that Lametag had been adapted to serve the tivities on it (Pacific Worlds 2003). The only utilitarian needs of the community. other roang site in the islands that has taboos It is interesting to speculate that one of the associated with it that are still being enforced is reasons for the failure of the Lametag revivalist Katelu on Ifaluk. However, the influence of movement may have been a perception on the Katelu appears to be in a state of decline. An part of the community-at-large that typhoon Ifalukan chief reported to me that he believes Owen was a result of supernatural retribution. unauthorized members of the community are It will be recalled in the case of Burrows and going into the Katelu roang under the cover of Bates on Ifaluk, that misfortune in the form of darkness. He told me that “the weather is rain was perceived as being visited on the is- changed” with regards to Katelu because the land because of their transgression of the roang taboos associated with it are being ignored, “sacred taboo space” of Katelu. In the case of which I was made to understand meant that he Lamotrek, the difficulty of the community to believes the balance of religious power on Ifa- show proper respect to Lametag might have luk has shifted from Katelu to that of the been interpreted as the cause for typhoon Catholic church. Owen, or it might have equally been a percep- The power of the church has steadily been tion that not enough respect by the community replacing traditional religious values ever since as a whole was being shown to the authority of the Christian conversion of the central Caro- the Catholic church. The fact that the salvation line Islands in the early 1950s. The continuing of the community was due in no small part to decline of permanent roang “sacred taboo sites” the population seeking safety at the church seems to be inevitable, but whether they will be may have been a deciding factor contributing taken over entirely by outside influences is un- to the reduced significance of Lametag as a certain. The roang sites on Lamtorek and Sa- functioning sacred taboo site. In 1990, both the tawal have more or less been secularized but physical space of Lametag and the Catholic no modern-day structures have yet been built church received demonstrations of social re- on them. As long as they remain as such, then spect, but in 1999 I observed that only the the potential exists that the traditional taboos Catholic church was a recipient of the gebbarog associated with them could be resurrected by respect gesture. chiefs as part of a revival of island traditions Roang sites with taboos still enforced are like that which was attempted in 1990. On the extremely rare. One such roang site called Ro- other hand, there is evidence that the taboos long is located on Mogmog Island in Ulithi At- which once were operational for traditional oll. It was first reported by William Lessa in his roang sites have now been adapted for use in study, The Ethography of Ulithi Atoll (1950, p. 82) the context of the church. One finds, for ex- and mentioned again later by Lessa in connec- ample, the use of meshang “taboo markers” tion with the site of the former atoll-wide around the altar table in Catholic churches “great assembly house” on Mogmog, also where communion is performed. Another in- called Rolong, “whose site is still sacred today” teresting adaptation of the meshang prohibition (Lessa 1976, p. 73). Rolong is similar to Lame- that occurred on Lamotrek is worth including tag in that a men’s house once occupied the here. On Christmas eve in 1987, a rectangular site but both buildings disappeared in the section in front of the Catholic church was en- nineteenth century and have not been recon- closed with decorative young coconut leaves of structed since. Traditionally, any sea turtles a particular knotted type traditionally used for caught in the waters of Ulithi Atoll or on other creating a roang “sacred taboo site.” Someone islands in the atoll must first be taken to the dressed as Santa Claus with a beard made of Rolong site on Mogmog before they can be cotton balls arrived around midnight and used distributed and consumed (Lessa 1983, pp. the enclosure to give away presents to the chil- 1193-1194). The Rolong area is still considered dren. One by one the children were allowed to sacred ground today and no one who is not enter the fenced-off area and receive a gift of authorized may walk across it or perform ac- food from Santa Claus. The traditional use of Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 15 meshang “taboo markers” was adapted in this as navigators, massage healers, and medicine case to celebrate a non-indigenous patron spirit makers are still creating temporary roang “sa- of Christmas named Santa Claus! cred taboo sites” as part of the exercise of their The process of adapting traditional forms traditional skills, but they are no longer creating and behaviors has been taking place ever since permanent roang “sacred taboo sites.”16 This is the Catholic church was established on probably because the creation of a permanent Lamotrek in the 1950s. When I was on roang site for the exclusive use of ritual special- Lamotrek in 1977, the church was constructed ists would be interpreted by the community-at- mostly out of natural materials in the style of a large as a challenge not only to the spiritual thatched meeting house. Then in 1978, a mod- authority of the Catholic church but to the ern-style building was constructed out of rein- chiefly authority of Lametag. Similarly, chiefs forced concrete, with concrete floor and alu- no longer seem to be able to maintain the ta- minum roof. With the use of imported boos associated with permanent roang sites un- materials – steel rods, concrete, aluminum der their control. The decline of Lametag as a roofing, and acrylic paint – the status and im- “sacred taboo site” is evidence of that. None- portance of the church grew in the eyes of the theless, chiefs still have the authority to create community. This event marked a significant temporary roang sites, for instance, when an moment in the transformation of physical important person has died. In this case, it is space on Lamotrek because not only did the still customary to place meshang taboo markers new church solidify its role in the community, for a period of time on plots of land and par- it also was praised as the strongest and safest cels of reef to prohibit the harvesting of re- building on Lamotrek. This was twelve years sources associated with the deceased (cf. Alkire before typhoon Owen hit the island. The fact 1965, p. 110; Akimichi 1986, p. 18). that the church stood fast and protected the entire population from harm in 1990 was a CONCLUSION great source of pride in the community. On Lamotrek and other islands in the Central Typhoon Owen also impacted the perma- Carolines, two sets of groups have the author- nent roang “sacred taboo site” established by ity to make roang “sacred taboo sites”: chiefs Urupiy for the use of the pwo navigator initi- and ritual specialists. These individuals now ates. The coconut tree which served as a per- weigh their actions in the context of an manent roangopaliuw “sacred taboo site for adopted belief system—Catholicism—and the navigation” in 1990 was washed away by the role it plays in the lives of islanders today. typhoon and another coconut tree has not The negotiation of roang “sacred taboo been selected to take its place. Consequently, sites” plays a pivotal role in the construction of there are no permanent traditional roang sites community on Lamotrek. The decline of per- functioning (taboos being enforced) on manent roang areas, especially Lametag, has Lamotrek. given greater hegemony to the power of the Despite the decline of permanent roang sites Catholic church and, by extension, has allowed on Lamotrek, there is evidence that the crea- outside values and behaviors to play a greater tion of temporary roang sites on Lamotrek and role in the affairs of the community. These neighboring islands is a continuing practice. outside influences continue to be mediated, On Lamotrek, for instance, I observed a me- however, by the creation of temporary roang ar- shang taboo marker that had been erected in eas, allowing for the traditional culture to be one canoe house in connection with medicine actualized. Through the use of powerful tradi- making, and on Satawal I learned that a navi- tional symbols and signs such as meshang “ta- gator had performed the pwo ritual on Pollap boo markers” to create temporary roang areas, (in Chuuk State) and created a meshang taboo chiefs and ritual specialists continue to reca- boundary around the canoe house where he pitulate the traditional values, behaviors, and was teaching navigation.15 From these exam- skills which are deemed central to the culture. ples, it is safe to say that ritual specialists such By these means the community strikes a bal- 16 Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll ance between the adoption of new ideas and ground level with the camera supported on a the maintenance of Lamotrek’s cultural heri- small tripod called a “high hat.” tage. 8 Urupiy’s youngest daughter was one of the new mothers and it was her first-born child. ENDNOTES 9 A detailed discussion of pwo is given in my Ph.D. dissertation (Metzgar 1991, pp. 187-261. 1 Not to be confused with another definition for 10 William Lessa gives information regarding the rang which is “turmeric” (Sohn and Tawerilmang many medicinal uses of Morinda citrifolia in the 1976, p. 121). Caroline Islands (1977, pp. 182-183). Morinda 2 The noun form of rang as “sacred place, taboo citrifolia in Polynesia is called noni and is also place” (Sohn and Tawerilmang 1976, p. 121) is known for its healing properties (White 2003). related to a complex of other noun and verb 11 Clarifications will appear in brackets after the forms which have most often been spelled author’s initials, “EM”. For example, “… the “rong” in the literature for the Chuukic con- only thing they [EM: the boys] learn [EM: is tinuum. Krämer has called attention to the that] there are some vague principles of astron- varied interpretations of “rong” referring to it as omy.” Comments will also appear after my in- an “ambiguous word” (1932, p. 108) and gives itial when cognates to Lamotrekan words are the following definitions for it: “rong = taboo, quoted from other sources. For instance, “… rong = to hear, rong = office, rong = fence” traditional navigation (penu) [EM: dialectical (1932, p. 256 footnote no. 2). Krämer’s defini- variant of paliuw].” tions “rong = taboo” and “rong = fence” are sub- 12 This is not to suggest that the practice is limited sumed in Sohn and Tawerilmang’s definition for to only Pacific Islanders in Micronesia. There is “rang” as “sacred place, taboo place.” a report, for instance, of the use of coconut 3 This film was completed in 1996 and entitled, leaves as taboo markers for Polynesia (Buck “Spirits of the Voyage.” The co-producers on 1971, p. 551). the project were paliuw navigators Jesus Urupiy 13 Alkire gives the names of seven classes of and his son, Ali Haleyalur. mwaletabw “taboo men”: sennap “canoe builders,” 4 This was the pwo ceremony in which the pelu “navigators,” wag “magicians,” sarawale and Satawalese paliuw Mau Piailug was initiated. Pi- taubwe “diviners,” soyilee “fish magicians,” and ailug achieved worldwide recognition by guiding tabutobo “agricultural magicians” (1989, pp. 86, the Hokule‘a– a replica of an ancient double- 93 footnote no. 19). Lessa refers to these high- hulled Polynesian sailing canoe – from Hawaii ranking ritual specialists as “magicians of pri- to Tahiti without the aid of instruments in 1976, mary rank” and lists five classes for Ulithi: rebwe a distance of 2,400 miles. David Lewis in his “diviner,” serawi “weather magician,” pelu “navi- book, The Voyaging Stars (1978), states that Pi- gator,” temalip “fish magician,” and chai “doctor ailug was born in 1932 and was eighteen years in massaging.” (1950a, pp. 129-141). For infor- old when he was initiated in the pwo ceremony. mation on the nature and extent of the taboos This would mean that the last pwo ceremony on required of ritual specialists see Lessa (1950a, Satawal took place in 1950. I was told on La- pp. 100, 130), Alkire (1989, p. 86), and Metzgar motrek that Piailug’s initiation took place in (1991, pp. 95-99). 1952. In either case, it was the last pwo ceremony 14 The coconut-leaf knots which are strung on a in Micronesia to be performed before it was re- string and used to make a restricted enclosure surrected on Lamotrek in 1990. are called roangoubut. 5 Personal communication 1990, Fr. Nicholas Ra- 15 This pwo ritual was conducted by Ignathio Ep- hoy and Fr. Apollo Thall S.J., Catholic Mission, eimai, a Satawalese paliuw navigator, on Pollap Colonia, Yap. Atoll in 1997. 6 The “gebbarog” gesture is a generic gesture of re- 16 To this list of ritual specialists who are still cre- spect. It simply means to bow or bend down. ating temporary roang “sacred taboo sites” may 7 I was told that I could take movies in the be added sennap “canoe builders.” The wood Lametag area but I could not stand upright or chips which fall in the course of adzing the hull put the camera up “high” on a tripod. Both my- of a sailing canoe are said to create a taboo area self and the camera had to be “low.” This into which women may not enter. problem of showing proper respect to the Lametag area was solved by filming from Sacred Space, Taboo Place: Negotiating Roang on Lamotrek Atoll 17

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AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY AND CONTACT Eric Metzgar is an ethnologist and documentary filmmaker. His work with Pacific Islanders in Mi- cronesia and ethnic Gypsies in the United States addresses issues of social change, indigenous education, traditional arts and skills, and folklore. He holds a M.F.A. in Motion Picture and Television Production and Ph.D. in Comparative and Interna- tional Education from UCLA. His current film project, “Islands in the Storm,” which will be completed in 2005, examines the role of weather in the development of Micronesian islands societies from a cultural-historical perspective and focuses on the devastation to the islands that may result from cli- mate change and sea-level rise. Eric Metzgar, Triton Films, 5177 Mesquite Street, Camarillo, CA 93012, USA. Email: [email protected]