Palestinian Perspectives

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Palestinian Perspectives Issue 5 December 2013 PERSPECTIVES Political Analyses and Commentary from the Middle East & North Africa 1994 1995 1996 1993 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 NEGOTIATIONS FAIL TO END OCCUPATION ATTEMPTS TO RESTART NEGOTIATION PROCESS 1993 1995 2000 2001 2007 2010 2013 CAMP NEW OSLO OSLO II DAVID TABA ANNAPOLIS WASHINGTON TALKS 20 Years Since Oslo: Palestinian Perspectives Published by the Heinrich Böll Stiftung 2013 This work is licensed under the conditions of a Creative Commons license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You can download an electronic version online. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work under the following conditions: Attribution - you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work); Noncommercial - you may not use this work for commercial purposes; No Derivative Works - you may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Editors: Bente Scheller, René Wildangel, Joachim Paul Sub-Editing: Claudia Lewis Layout: Heythem Smaali Photographs: See attributions Printed by: Crea Concept Opinions expressed in the articles are those of their authors and not Heinrich Böll Stiftung. The cover illustration is derived from the Visualizing Palestine graph on page 33. Heinrich Böll Foundation – Middle East & North Africa Our foremost task is civic education in Germany and abroad with the aim of promoting informed democratic opinion, socio-political commitment and mutual understanding. In addition, the Heinrich Böll Foundation supports artistic, cultural and scholarly projects, as well as cooperation in the development field. The political values of ecology, democracy, gender democracy, solidarity and non-violence are our chief points of reference. Heinrich Böll’s belief in and promotion of citizen participation in politics is the model for the foundation’s work. This edition is published jointly by the offices of Heinrich Böll Stiftung in Tunis, Beirut and Ramallah. 2 Heinrich Böll Stiftung Contents Editorial 4 A Lot of Process, No Peace: A Timeline of 20 Years of Post-Oslo Meetings, Agreements, Negotiations and Memorandums 5 Introduction to Oslo: Key Issues, Past Mistakes and Future Prospects NEWPal 9 The Morning After Edward Said 16 Interview I: Nabil Shaath “Nabil, today the peace process has died” 23 Twenty Years of Oslo and the Future of the Two-State Paradigm Mouin Rabbani 29 Palestinian Civil Society and the Oslo Process: Some Personal Reflections George Giacaman 34 Are the Oslo Accords Still Legally Binding? Ten Points to Consider Victor Kattan 38 Palestinian Membership at the UN and a Rights-Based Approach Shawan Jabarin 43 Interview II: Nabeel Kassis “We had too much trust in our ability to turn the situation to our favor” 49 Fixing the Paris Protocols Twenty Years Later: Some Lessons for Diehard Reformers Hiba I. Husseini and Raja Khalidi 56 The Economics of the Oslo Accord Saeb Bamya 61 Palestine’s Private Sector: Two Decades of Disappointment Sam Bahour 68 Humanitarian Aid and the Oslo Process Nora Lester Murad 74 Hamas and Oslo: Rejection, Confusion and De Facto Adoption Khaled Hroub 80 Interview III: Ahmad Youssef “[Hamas] is now acting in this very framework” 86 Oslo and the Systematic Exclusion of Refugee Rights Saree Makdisi 90 Reaching the Next Generation of Nonviolence Leaders: Budrus, the Graphic Novel Just Vision 95 Popular Resistance: A Personal Account from Bab al-Shams Abir Kopty 98 Oslo and the Re-Emergence of the One-State Solution Diana Buttu 104 Heinrich Böll Stiftung 3 Editorial 20 Years Since Oslo: Palestinian Perspectives More than twenty years have passed since Their main message is clear: The 1993 the historic handshake between Palestinian Oslo Accords need to be urgently revised by President Yasser Arafat and Israel’s Prime Palestinians, Israelis and the international Minister Yitzchak Rabin in Washington community alike in order to be replaced by a new D.C. Originally this was supposed to be the framework. As such, we have also included some beginning of a five-year-process leading to the articles that highlight current internal Palestinian establishment of an independent Palestinian discussions about their future strategies, state. including civil resistance and disobedience against the occupation (Just Vision, p. 95. A. However, 20 years later, there is no such Kopty, p. 98), a legal struggle in the international Palestinian state. The reasons for this are arena (S. Jabareen, p. 43) or the debate about a manifold, and no doubt Palestinians themselves one state solution (D. Butto, p. 104). have made mistakes and lost opportunities to advance their goals. The failure to achieve a This is not an attempt to provide a complete final peaceful settlement to the conflict is an or “objective” review of the Oslo-process, but endless source of frustration for both Israeli to provide space for on-the-ground analysis by and Palestinian society; but for Palestinians, Palestinian writers, thinkers and politicians of who have failed to gain their independence, in very different backgrounds. All authors express particular. In contrast, Oslo has only succeeded solely their personal views; the contributions do in maintaining the occupation and tripling the not represent the opinion of the Heinrich-Böll- population of Israeli settlements in the West Foundation. However we hope that this volume Bank, leading to a total number of 550.000 can contribute to rethinking the Oslo-framework settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and those elements, which have proven to at present. Therefore it is hardly surprising, that prolong the conflict instead of delivering a the Palestinian judgment of the failed process is historic compromise so urgently needed to allow today extremely negative. security, peace and dignity for all citizens in the region. Some Palestinians predicted this outcome on the eve of the historic agreement. Among René Wildangel, Bente Scheller, Joachim Paul them American-Palestinian intellectual Edward Said, whose 1993 text, “the morning after”, was a chilling warning of failure, and one that is worth reading in retrospect. Other authors in this volume look at the Oslo years from different angles, including political, legal and economic aspects. 4 Heinrich Böll Stiftung A Lot of Process, No Peace: A Timeline of 20 Years of Post-Oslo Meetings, Agreements, Negotiations and Memorandums The historic handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yizhak Rabin and the chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Yasser Arafat, overseen by US President Bill Clinton on the White House lawn September 13, 1993. Courtesy of Wikicommons. 1991: Madrid Conference a transfer of authority from Israel to the newly established Palestinian interim self-government As a consequence of the Gulf War, the US authority (PA) within five years, during which and the Soviet Union initiated the Madrid Peace time permanent status negotiations between the Conference to improve regional stability. The two parties were to be held. Israel recognized conference brought together Israel and various the PLO as legitimate representative of the Arab states. For the first time, negotiators from Palestinians; in turn the PLO recognized the the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) State of Israel’s right to exist. participated. The PLO was recognized as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. 1994: Killing Peace September 1993: Oslo I Accord On February 24th, Baruch Goldstein killed 29 worshippers and injured another 125 at the Cave The Declaration of Principles on Interim of the Patriarchs in Hebron during the Muslim Self-Government Arrangements was signed in holiday of Ramadan. On April 6th, a suicide Washington DC on September 13. It was the bombing by a Palestinian against civilians in outcome of secret negotiations between Israel Israel took place, killing eight people in a bus in and the PLO in the Norwegian capital. It included the town of Afula. However, on May 4th, Israel Heinrich Böll Stiftung 5 and the PLO agreed on an Israeli Defense Force and the PA agreed on resuming permanent (IDF) withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and the status negotiations, until May 4th, 1999. The Jericho Area set for 1995, allowing for Yasser government of Benyamin Netanyahu collapsed. Arafat, the chairman of the PLO, to return to Jericho. 1999: Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum 1995: Oslo II Accords New Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak promised to proceed with peace negotiations. The Oslo II Accords signed in Taba (the Taba The Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum on Agreement) on September 28th split the West Implementation Timeline of Outstanding Bank and the Gaza Strip into Areas A, B and Commitments of Agreements Signed and the C. In Area A, about 3 percent of the occupied Resumption of Permanent Status Negotiations West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Palestinian self- had the goal to implement Oslo II and other, government gained civil and security control. smaller agreements between the two conflicting In Area B, about 25 percent of the Palestinian parties and reach a final settlement in 2000. In Territories, civil control was by the Palestinian the following half year, Israel transferred more Authority (PA) while there was a joint security occupied land from Area C to A and B as well control. Area C remained under full Israeli from Area B to A. Still, Israel controlled 60 control. It was also stated that, “neither side percent of the land exclusively (Area C). Israel shall initiate or take any step that will change furthermore released 199 Palestinian prisoners the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in September, but missed a deadline in October pending the outcome of the Permanent Status to release another 150 prisoners. negotiations.” On November 4th, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated by 2000: Camp David Summit, Outbreak of the Israeli extremist Yigal Amir.
Recommended publications
  • Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry
    Forum: Security Council Issue: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry Introduction: Beginning in the mid-20th century, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the still continuing dispute between Israel and Palestine and part of the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and is known as the world’s “most intractable conflict.” Despite efforts to reach long-term peace, both parties have failed to reach a final agreement. The crux of the problem lies in a few major points including security, borders, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian freedom of movement, and Palestinian right of return. Furthermore, a hallmark of the conflict is the level of violence for practically the entirety of the conflict, which hasn’t been confined only to the military, but has been prevalent in civilian populations. The main solution proposed to end the conflict is the two-state solution, which is supported by the majority of Palestinians and Israelis. However, no consensus has been reached and negotiations are still underway to this day. The gravity of this conflict is significant as lives are on the line every day, multiple human rights violations take place frequently, Israel has an alleged nuclear arsenal, and the rise of some terroristic groups and ideologies are directly linked to it. Key Terms: Gaza Strip: Region of Palestine under Egyptian control. Balfour Declaration: British promise to the Jewish people to create a sovereign state for them. Golan Heights: Syrian territory under Israeli control. West Bank: Palestinian sovereign territory under Jordanian protection. Focused Overview: To understand this struggle, one must examine the origins of each group’s claim to the land.
    [Show full text]
  • Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
    Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017).
    [Show full text]
  • The Oslo Accords and Hamas Response
    www.ijcrt.org © 2020 IJCRT | Volume 8, Issue 9 September 2020 | ISSN: 2320-2882 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND HAMAS RESPONSE DR. BALAL ALI (ASSISTANT PROFESSOR) DEPARTMENT OF CIVICS AND ETHICAL STUDIES ADIGRAT UNIVERSITY, TIGRAY, ETHIOPIA) ABSTRACT The signing of Oslo Accords between Israel and PLO was a historic event. There were several factors and events which played vital role but the intifada that started in December 1987 was the milestone event which led to the Oslo Accords. Hamas which was founded during intifada in a very short time became the face and voice of Palestinian liberation movement but it was the Oslo Accords which gave impetus to the movement. Throughout the entire Oslo Peace Period Hamas adopted a very calculative strategy. On the one hand it continued to criticize PLO and its leadership for selling out Palestinian cause in exchange of millions of dollars and on the other hand remain committed to Jihad including revenge killings against Israel. Thus, Hamas was able to preserve its identity and legitimacy as well as its revenge killings were widely accepted because it was presumed as the best means to redress Israeli assassinations. All these factors along with other gradually made Hamas what it is today. KEY WORDS: Israel, Hamas, PLO, Intifada, Islam, Zionism, Palestine BACKGROUND OF THE OSLO ACCORDS The Oslo Accords and process need to be explained in thoroughly structural terms, with an eye to the long- term projects, strategies, policies, and powers of the Israeli state and the PLO.1 The road to Oslo was a long one for both Israelis and Palestinians.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
    Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Discussion of Objections on E1 Plans Scheduled for October 4 and 18
    Subscribe Past Issues Translate RS If you can't see this alert properly, view this email in your browser Discussion of Objections on E1 Plans Scheduled for October 4 and 18 02 September 2021 On August 29, the Supreme Planning Council of the Civil Administration issued new dates for convening the discussion on objections to the E1 plans for 3412 housing units: October 4 and 18. Having originally attempted to schedule the discussion for August 9, the planning council postponed it, claiming it was unable to find a mutually convenient time for all parties involved. The discussion of objections constitutes one of the final stages in the plans' approval. While it is unclear who initiated the discussion, it is unlikely to have happened without the knowledge and approval of both the Israeli Minister of Defense and Prime Minister. Advancement of the plans comes just days after Israeli Prime Minister Bennett met with US President Biden in Washington where Biden underscored the necessity to refrain from measures which inflame tensions and reaffirmed his support for the two-state solution. Construction in E1 has long been regarded as a death blow to the two-state framework and threatens to displace roughly 3,000 Palestinians living in small Bedouin communities in the area, including Khan al-Ahmar. For years, the E1 plans had been frozen due to strong bipartisan US and international opposition until former Prime Minister Netanyahu promoted the plans last year as part of his 2020 re-election bid and within the framework of the government's accelerated steps towards de-facto annexation.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Forces
    Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The
    [Show full text]
  • Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 23, Issue 1 1999 Article 4 Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner∗ ∗ Copyright c 1999 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner Abstract This Comment addresses the Middle East peace process, focusing upon the relationship be- tween Israel and Palestine. Part I discusses the background of the land that today comprises the State of Israel and its territories. This Part summarizes the various accords and peace treaties signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and the other surrounding Arab Nations. Part II reviews com- mentary regarding peace in the Middle East by those who believe Israel needs to surrender more land and by those who feel that Palestine already has received too much. Part II examines the conflict over the permanent status negotiations, such as the status of the territories. Part III argues that all the parties need to abide by the conditions and goals set forth in the Oslo Accords before they can realistically begin the permanent status negotiations. Finally, this Comment concludes that in order to achieve peace, both sides will need to compromise, with Israel allowing an inde- pendent Palestinian State and Palestine amending its charter and ending the call for the destruction of Israel, though the circumstances do not bode well for peace in the Middle East. ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS fillAllison Weiner* INTRODUCTION Israel's' history has always been marked by a juxtaposition between two peoples-the Israelis and the Palestinians 2-each believing that the land is rightfully theirs according to their reli- gion' and history.4 In 1897, Theodore Herzl5 wrote DerJeden- * J.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 114 Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord Jan 3, 1997 Brief Analysis f negotiators overcome eleventh-hour Palestinian demands and conclude an agreement on Hebron I redeployment, this accord would mark a milestone in the Middle East peace process: the first signed agreement between a Likud government and the Palestinians. With significant U.S. encouragement, the two sides will have managed to overcome the intense acrimony and bitterness that only three months ago claimed scores of lives and took the peace process to the precipice of collapse. The nearly hundred days of haggling since the Washington Summit -- sparked by the Netanyahu government's demand for improved security arrangements for the some 400 Israeli residents of Hebron and then fueled by Arafat's desire to take advantage of global sympathy to win concessions on non-Hebron issues -- may come to be seen by future historians as a critical turning point in the peace process, i.e., the moment when the Likud abandoned elements of its core ideology for the sake of accommodation with the Palestinians. The Hebron Conundrum: Israel's redeployment in Hebron completes the implementation of IDF withdrawals from the seven major Palestinian population centers, as called for in the September 1995 PLO-Israel accord (Oslo II). For the agreement's original Israeli negotiators, Hebron was such a thorny issue that its provisions outlining IDF redeployment from the city were separate and significantly more complex than those delineating withdrawal from other cities and towns in Gaza and the West Bank. Indeed, pulling IDF troops out of four-fifths of Hebron was seen as so potentially explosive and politically costly, that the Labor government of Shimon Peres balked at fulfilling that provision of the Oslo II accord.
    [Show full text]
  • UNITED NATIONS General Assembly Security Council
    UNITED NATIONS AS General Assembly Distr. Security Council GENERAL A/51/889 S/1997/357 5 May 1997 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Fifty-first session Fifty-second year Agenda item 10 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON THE WORK OF THE ORGANIZATION Letter dated 27 December 1995 from the Permanent Representatives of the Russian Federation and the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General As co-sponsors of the peace process launched at Madrid in October 1991, and witnesses to the signing at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, we have the honour to enclose the above document (see annex). We would be grateful if you would have the present letter and its attachment circulated as an official document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 10, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Madeleine K. ALBRIGHT (Signed) Sergey V. LAVROV Ambassador Ambassador Permanent Representative Permanent Representative of the United States of of the Russian Federation America to the United Nations to the United Nations 230797 /... A/51/889 S/1997/357 English Page 2 Letter dated 28 December 1995 from the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Hations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to enclose the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, signed at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, by the Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization and witnessed by the United States of America, the Russian Federation, Egypt, Jordan, Norway and the European Union (see annex).
    [Show full text]
  • THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
    THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • Yitzhak Rabin
    YITZHAK RABIN: CHRONICLE OF AN ASSASSINATION FORETOLD Last year, architect-turned-filmmaker Amos Gitaï directed Rabin, the Last EN Day, an investigation into the assassination, on November 4, 1995, of the / Israeli Prime Minister, after a demonstration for peace and against violence in Tel-Aviv. The assassination cast a cold and brutal light on a dark and terrifying world—a world that made murder possible, as it suddenly became apparent to a traumatised public. For the Cour d’honneur of the Palais des papes, using the memories of Leah Rabin, the Prime Minister’s widow, as a springboard, Amos GitaI has created a “fable” devoid of formality and carried by an exceptional cast. Seven voices brought together to create a recitative, “halfway between lament and lullaby,” to travel back through History and explore the incredible violence with which the nationalist forces fought the peace project, tearing Israel apart. Seven voices caught “like in an echo chamber,” between image-documents and excerpts from classic and contemporary literature— that bank of memory that has always informed the filmmaker’s understanding of the world. For us, who let the events of this historic story travel through our minds, reality appears as a juxtaposition of fragments carved into our collective memory. AMOS GITAI In 1973, when the Yom Kippur War breaks out, Amos Gitai is an architecture student. The helicopter that carries him and his unit of emergency medics is shot down by a missile, an episode he will allude to years later in Kippur (2000). After the war, he starts directing short films for the Israeli public television, which has now gone out of business.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidium Model United Nations 13Th-14Th August 2021
    Presidium Model United Nations 13th-14th August 2021 The United Nations Human Rights Council Agenda: The Israel-Palestine Conflict 1 LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board of Presidium Model United Nations welcomes each one of you. For many it may be the first ever MUN conference in your educational experience, and we strongly encourage you to go through the study guide that has been prepared for you as a part of the conference in order to get an in depth understanding of the issue that will be discussed in the committee. However, there is lot of content available beyond the study guides too. You are expected to research, collate, list down possible points of discussions, questions and plausible responses and be prepared to enjoy the intellectual energy in the group. At the same time it is not only about speaking and presenting, but very importantly it is also about the ability to listen, understand view points and learn from each one’s perspectives. Wishing all of you a great learning experience. Looking forward to having you all with us. Best wishes The Executive Board 1. Akul Halan (President) 2. Vansham Mudgil (Vice-President) 3. Sonal Gupta (Substantial Director) 2 The United Nations Security Council The Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body of the United Nations, through which States discuss human rights conditions in the UN Member States. The Council’s mandate is to promote “universal respect for the protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms for all” and “address situations of violations of human rights, including gross and systematic violations, and make recommendations thereon.” The Human Rights Council was established in 2006 by Resolution 60/251 as a subsidiary body to the UN General Assembly.
    [Show full text]