More Process Than Peace: Legitimacy, Compliance, and the Oslo Accords
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The Oslo Accords and Hamas Response
www.ijcrt.org © 2020 IJCRT | Volume 8, Issue 9 September 2020 | ISSN: 2320-2882 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND HAMAS RESPONSE DR. BALAL ALI (ASSISTANT PROFESSOR) DEPARTMENT OF CIVICS AND ETHICAL STUDIES ADIGRAT UNIVERSITY, TIGRAY, ETHIOPIA) ABSTRACT The signing of Oslo Accords between Israel and PLO was a historic event. There were several factors and events which played vital role but the intifada that started in December 1987 was the milestone event which led to the Oslo Accords. Hamas which was founded during intifada in a very short time became the face and voice of Palestinian liberation movement but it was the Oslo Accords which gave impetus to the movement. Throughout the entire Oslo Peace Period Hamas adopted a very calculative strategy. On the one hand it continued to criticize PLO and its leadership for selling out Palestinian cause in exchange of millions of dollars and on the other hand remain committed to Jihad including revenge killings against Israel. Thus, Hamas was able to preserve its identity and legitimacy as well as its revenge killings were widely accepted because it was presumed as the best means to redress Israeli assassinations. All these factors along with other gradually made Hamas what it is today. KEY WORDS: Israel, Hamas, PLO, Intifada, Islam, Zionism, Palestine BACKGROUND OF THE OSLO ACCORDS The Oslo Accords and process need to be explained in thoroughly structural terms, with an eye to the long- term projects, strategies, policies, and powers of the Israeli state and the PLO.1 The road to Oslo was a long one for both Israelis and Palestinians. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 23, Issue 1 1999 Article 4 Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner∗ ∗ Copyright c 1999 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner Abstract This Comment addresses the Middle East peace process, focusing upon the relationship be- tween Israel and Palestine. Part I discusses the background of the land that today comprises the State of Israel and its territories. This Part summarizes the various accords and peace treaties signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and the other surrounding Arab Nations. Part II reviews com- mentary regarding peace in the Middle East by those who believe Israel needs to surrender more land and by those who feel that Palestine already has received too much. Part II examines the conflict over the permanent status negotiations, such as the status of the territories. Part III argues that all the parties need to abide by the conditions and goals set forth in the Oslo Accords before they can realistically begin the permanent status negotiations. Finally, this Comment concludes that in order to achieve peace, both sides will need to compromise, with Israel allowing an inde- pendent Palestinian State and Palestine amending its charter and ending the call for the destruction of Israel, though the circumstances do not bode well for peace in the Middle East. ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS fillAllison Weiner* INTRODUCTION Israel's' history has always been marked by a juxtaposition between two peoples-the Israelis and the Palestinians 2-each believing that the land is rightfully theirs according to their reli- gion' and history.4 In 1897, Theodore Herzl5 wrote DerJeden- * J.D. -
The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and Their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 4-25-2018 The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts Daniel Bucksbaum Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bucksbaum, Daniel, "The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts" (2018). Honors Theses. 3009. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/3009 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts By Daniel Bucksbaum A thesis submitted to the Lee Honors College Western Michigan University April 2018 Thesis Committee: Jim Butterfield, Ph.D., Chair Yuan-Kang Wang, Ph.D. Mustafa Mughazy, Ph.D. Bucksbaum 1 Table of Contents I. Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3 II. Source Material……………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 III. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 IV. Historical Context for the Two-State Solution………………………………………………………...6 a. Deeply Rooted and Ideological Claims to the Land……………………………………………….…..7 b. Legacy of the Oslo Accords……………………………………………………………………………………….9 c. Israeli Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution is Unfeasible……………………………………19 d. Palestinian Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution has become unattainable………..22 e. Drop in Support for the Two-State Solution; Negotiations entirely…………………………27 f. -
The Palestinian-Israeli Experience Delivered on the 4Th of November, 2004 at the Joan B
Hanan Ashrawi, Ph.D. Concept, Context and Process in Peacemaking: The Palestinian-Israeli Experience Delivered on the 4th of November, 2004 at the joan b. kroc institute for peace & justice University of San Diego San Diego, California Hanan Ashrawi, Ph.D. Concept, Context and Process in Peacemaking: The Palestinian-Israeli Experience Edited by Emiko Noma CONTENTS Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice 4 Joan B. Kroc Distinguished Lecture Series 6 Biography of Hanan Ashwari, Ph.D. 8 Interview with Dr. Hanan Ashwari by Dr. Joyce Neu 10 Introduction by Dr. Joyce Neu 22 Lecture - Concept, Context and Process in Peacemaking: 25 The Palestinian-Israeli Experience Questions and Answers 48 Related Resources 60 About the University of San Diego 64 Photo: Architectural Photography, Inc. Photography, Photo: Architectural 3 JOAN B. KROC INSTITUTE FOR PEACE & JUSTICE The mission of the Joan B. peacemaking, and allow time for reflection on their work. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice (IPJ) is to foster peace, cultivate A Master’s Program in Peace & Justice Studies trains future leaders in justice and create a safer world. the field and will be expanded into the Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, Through education, research and supported by a $50 million endowment from the estate of Mrs. Kroc. peacemaking activities, the IPJ offers programs that advance scholarship WorldLink, a year-round educational program for high school students and practice in conflict resolution from San Diego and Baja California connects youth to global affairs. and human rights. The Institute for Peace & Justice, located at the Country programs, such as the Nepal project, offer wide-ranging conflict University of San Diego, draws assessments, mediation and conflict resolution training workshops. -
Use of Ambiguities in Peace Agreements
DraÞen Pehar Use of Ambiguities in Peace Agreements USE OF AMBIGUITIES IN PEACE AGREEMENTS DraÞen Pehar n this paper I will talk about ambiguous language as it is used in peace agreements. I use the term “peace agreement” somewhat broadly Ito refer to agreements that resolve conflicts of interest of any kind, not only those that put a close to war. I will start with a definition and classification of ambiguities and then say a few words about the theoretical explanation of their origin. Next I will explain the basic rationale behind the choice of ambiguous language in a setting such as a peace agreement and the basic reason for dislike of that choice as well. Third, I will present a number of cases from the real world of diplomacy. Fourth, I will try to assess the relative weight and plausibility of a number of arguments both in support of and against the use of ambiguities in peace agreements. Finally, I will add a few re- flections on implications that I believe should be drawn from my analysis of “peace-making”, constructive, or, as some have called them, creative ambiguities. DEFINITION, TYPOLOGY AND THEORY Considered per se, ambiguities represent an obstacle to any reflection on language. While the primary aim of language consists of transmitting information, in conveying a piece of knowledge from human being A to human being B, ambiguities seem to run contrary to that aim as they leave a message recipient with a less transparent and less usable kind of data. However, language does not perform only an informative function, but, as Karl Buehler pointed out long ago, at least two more functions.1 Language performs expressive and vocative functions, in addition to in- formative functions. -
Constructive Ambiguity in Foreign-Affairs Translation. the Case of “One China”
Constructive ambiguity in foreign-affairs translation. The case of “One China” Hu Bei and Anthony Pym The University of Melbourne Version 5.3. August 2018 On January 14 2017, President-Elect Donald Trump declared that “everything is under negotiation, including One China.” Soon thereafter he nevertheless affirmed support for the “One China” position in a phone conversation with Chinese President Xi Jinping. And a little later in 2017, when Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was to visit China, Washington insisted that the “One China” position had been consistent for decades, going all the way back to Henry Kissinger (Thornton 2017). The question is, who knew exactly what the policy was? Did anyone really believe the question had been resolved? And who, in the United States or China, understood how much the position depended on a series of textual ambiguities and slippery translations? Here we analyze the linguistic means by which the United States’ “one China” position has managed to remain technically unresolved on the issue of Taiwan; as Trump quite correctly said, it is still technically on the table, open to potential negotiation, after so many decades. Our starting text is the deceptively simple 1972 Sino-US Shanghai Communiqué that established the United States’ “One China” position. We will investigate the way translational and non-translational ambiguities work both in that text and in subsequent communiqués. We place these alongside similar “constructive ambiguities” in foreign affairs discourse: feigned apologies and non-withdrawal from occupied territories have all been parts of similar international understandings. We will offer three ways of analyzing the role of translation in such ambiguity: linguistically, politically, and in terms of risk management. -
Peace, Propaganda, and the Promised Land
1 MEDIA EDUCATION F O U N D A T I O N 60 Masonic St. Northampton, MA 01060 | TEL 800.897.0089 | [email protected] | www.mediaed.org Peace, Propaganda & the Promised Land U.S. Media & the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Transcript (News clips) Narrator: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict dominates American news coverage of International issues. Given the news coverage is America's main source of information on the conflict, it becomes important to examine the stories the news media are telling us, and to ask the question, Does the news reflect the reality on the ground? (News clips) Prof. Noam Chomsky: The West Bank and the Gaza strip are under a military occupation. It's the longest military occupation in modern history. It's entering its 35th year. It's a harsh and brutal military occupation. It's extremely violent. All the time. Life is being made unlivable by the population. Gila Svirsky: We have what is now quite an oppressive regime in the occupied territories. Israeli's are lording it over Palestinians, usurping their territory, demolishing their homes, exerting a very severe form of military rule in order to remain there. And on the other hand, Palestinians are lashing back trying to throw off the yoke of oppression from the Israelis. Alisa Solomon: I spent a day traveling around Gaza with a man named Jabra Washa, who's from the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and he described the situation as complete economic and social suffocation. There's no economy, the unemployment is over 60% now. Crops can't move. -
THE TRANSFORMATIVE ROLES of PALESTINIAN WOMEN in the ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT by MEGAN BA
AN ARMY OF ROSES FOR WAGING PEACE: THE TRANSFORMATIVE ROLES OF PALESTINIAN WOMEN IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT by MEGAN BAILEY A THESIS Presented to the Department of International Studies and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts June 2014 An Abstract of the Thesis of Megan Bailey for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Department of International Studies to be taken June 2014 Title: An Army of Roses for Waging Peace: The Transformative Roles of Palestinian Women in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Approved: __'_J ~-= - ....;::-~-'--J,,;...;_.....:~~:==:......._.,.,~-==~------ Professor FrederickS. Colby This thesis examines the different public roles Palestinian women have assumed during the contemporary history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The thesis uses the problematic juxtaposition between the high public visibility of female militants and relatively low visibility of female political figures as a basis for investigating individual Palestinian women and women's groups that have participated in the Palestinian public sphere from before the first Intifada to the present. The thesis addresses the current state of Palestine's political structure, how international sources of support for enhancing women's political participation might be implemented, and internal barriers Palestinian women face in becoming politically active and gaining leadership roles. It draws the conclusions that while Palestinian women do participate in the political sphere, greater cohesion between existing women's groups and internal support from society and the political system is needed before the number of women in leadership positions can be increased; and that inclusion of women is a necessary component ofbeing able to move forward in peace negotiations. -
Poetry and Diplomacy: Telling It Slant by Biljana Scott
Training, Language and Culture doi: 10.29366/2018tlc.2.1.3 Volume 2 Issue 1, 2018 rudn.tlcjournal.org Poetry and diplomacy: Telling it slant by Biljana Scott Amsterdam: John Benjamins. EDULEARN16 (pp. 7236-7241). Spain: IATED. Kockaert, H. J., & Steurs, F. (Eds.). (2015). Handbook of Manik, S. (2015, 24 July). On difficulties of compiling parallel Biljana Scott University of Oxford [email protected] terminology (Vol. 1). John Benjamins Publishing corpus of socio-political terms. In Proceedings of Published in Training, Language and Culture Vol 2 Issue 1 (2018) pp. 51-66 doi: 10.29366/2018tlc.2.1.4 Company. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences (pp. Recommended citation format: Scott, B. (2018). Poetry and diplomacy: Telling it slant. Training, Language and Kramarevski, A. I. (2008). Anglo-russkiy politicheskiy 465-473). Elsevier Ltd. doi: 10.1016/ slivar’ [English-Russian dictionary of politics]. j.sbspro.2015.07.467 Culture, 2(1), 51-66. doi: 10.29366/2018tlc.2.1.4 Moscow: Antea 2000. McLean, I., & McMillan, A. (2009). The concise Oxford The study looks at some defining similarities and differences between poetry and diplomacy. It shows that both Larsen-Freeman, D., & Cameron, L. (2012). Complex systems dictionary of politics. Oxford University Press. pursuits make extensive use of underspecification and illustrates how each deploys a variety of shared tropes, from and applied linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Ozhegov, S. I. (2012). Tolkoviy slovar’ russkogo yazyka ambiguity to metaphor, neologisms and parataxis. Despite these similarities in language, the reasons for resorting to Press. [Russian language dictionary] (28th ed.). Moscow: implicit communication differ significantly, with only one exception – redress. -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda.