Cotton Matters. a Recognition and Comparison of the Cottonopolises in Central-Eastern Europe During the Industrial Revolution

Home , Cottonopolis

Kamil Kowalski1,*, Rafał Matera1, Cotton Matters. A Recognition Mariusz E. Sokołowicz2 and Comparison of the Cottonopolises in Central-Eastern Europe during the Industrial Revolution DOI: 10.5604/01.3001.0012.5162

1 University of Lodz, Abstract Faculty of Economics and Sociology, The paper identifies the cities in Central-Eastern Europe which were often called Manchesters Department of History of Economic Thought in the past, because of their similar path of development and the concentration on cotton and Economic History, production in the 19th century in the period of the industrial revolution. The significance of Lodz, Poland the cotton industry is underlined in the growth of the cities. Following Eric Hobsbawm’s * e-mail: [email protected] thesis, cotton is treated as the textile symbol of the industrial revolution. That is why the cities’ 2 University of Lodz, comparison includes the role of geography, institutions and technology, which were conducive Faculty of Economics and Sociology, for cotton production. We claim that cotton production was decisive for the real “take-off” Department of Regional Economics of these cities. and at the same time it was the institutional factor that conditioned the eco- and the Environment, nomic development. The primary measure is population change over more than 100 years Lodz, Poland in 5 Cottonopolises: Manchester – the original one, Chemnitz, Lodz, Tampere and Ivanovo. Key words: cotton production, textile cities, Manchester, Chemnitz, Lodz, Ivanovo, Tampere.

Introduction and identification Hence we claim that geography, institu- of the cities tions and technological progress were the three main driving engines for the boom Cotton was already a popular raw materi- of the textile industry in England at the al for fabrics in ancient civilizations, but end of 18th century. Simultaneously the the conversion of raw cotton into fabric combination of these three factors led to was time-consuming, labour intensive favorable conditions in particular towns and the finished products were eventu- and cities. In the case of England, the best ally very expensive. Only the wealthier location factors for the cotton industry groups in society could afford to buy could be found primarily in Manchester. cotton products. The situation started Thus we treat this city as the benchmark to change slowly in the 17th century in of the cotton industrial revolution in the England where a new fabric – fustian whole of Europe. – appeared. The producers of this new fabric decided to concentrate in the area The above mentioned factors played of Manchester. The choice of the place a key role in leading to the “take-off” was not random. One of the significant of the cities, the subject of our research. incentives for them to settle down was It should be stressed. However. that the the suitable climate for the conversion of influence exerted differed. We claim that cotton into fabric. The humid air made among the geography, technology and the thin fibers of cotton stick together as institutions, the last was of the biggest they were spun into thread. However, the importance. While technology enabled climatic conditions were not sufficient economies of scale and high efficiency to give the English county of Lancashire in textile production, and geographi- and the city of Manchester a comparative cal factors decided about the benefits advantage over India, where the cotton of access to water, energy and transport textile industry also functioned well. and infrastructure in still a relatively large where labour costs were much cheaper. number of locations, institutions which Another strong incentive for the develop- were locally-specific limited this - num ment of the new branch of industry was ber to just a few. This assumption, typi- of an institutional nature. It derived from cal for institutional economics, leads as imposing or prohibiting new laws, regu- to claim that specific social, relational or lations and tariffs. Finally the last piece cultural conditions do indeed cause dif- of the puzzle of the real industrial revo- ferences in the economic performance of lution connected with cotton was mech- not only enterprises and nation states but anisation. Due to the appearance of new also cities and regions [1]. Such an insti- inventors, patents and inventions, labour tutional approach has much to offer to the costs could be reduced, and the advan- analysis of our cities’ development. This tage started to grow. “place-focused” discourse can be consid-

16 Kowalski K, Matera R, Sokołowicz ME. Cotton Matters. A Recognition and Comparison of the Cottonopolises in Central-Eastern Europe during the Industrial Revolution. FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018; 26, 6(132): 16-23. DOI: 10.5604/01.3001.0012.5162 * time of take-off ** rank in the country by population in 2010

Figure 1. Location of the Cottonopolises studied (2018 borders). Source: Own study. ered as the quintessence of the marriage world. It also used to be called a Cotto- the institutional factor together with their of institutional local development ap- nopolis or Cotton City, as cotton was the local embeddedness played a key role in proaches [2]. main raw production material. The name the “take-off” of these cities. of Cottonopolis first appeared in a local On this basis, we formulate a thesis that newspaper (“The Manchester Times”) In the next section, we present a descrip- locally embedded institutional factors in the mid-19th century. From that point tion of the subject of the study and the were key ones for the “take-off” and for on, a few other European cities were methodological approach. After pre- the long-term development of such textile informally baptised “Manchesters” due senting Manchester’s driving factors of cities as Manchester, and its followers – to their economic specialisation in cot- development, we compare the situation Chemnitz, Lodz, Tampere, and Ivanovo. ton production. Their development can in CEE cities by pointing out the simi- Such specific institutional arrangements be compared with the development of larities and differences in geographical, are non-modifiable and hardly transfer- the original Cottonopolis. In the case of institutional and technological terms. able, as they are rooted in the region- Central-Eastern Europe (CEE), we rec- Finally we present the dynamics of pop- al institutional environment [3]. In our ognised four such cities: 1. Chemnitz in ulation growth in Manchester, Chemnitz, case, such institutional arrangements as Germany, 2. Lodz in Poland, 3. Tampere Tampere, Lodz and Ivanovo, and by us- duties, tax exemptions and other pro-en- in Finland and 4. Ivanovo in Russia. trepreneurial legal regulations were con- ing Walter Rostow’s approach, we iden- sequent adaptations to economic changes The aim of the paper is to recognize and tify the population “take-off” moment to in the 19th century in and also as a result compare the similarities and differenc- compare it with the different turns that of a conscious policy aimed at promoting es in the geographical, institutional and cotton took. The last section concludes. the industrialisation of selected regions. technological factors of these cotton textile centers in CEE. We identify to what Subject of the comparative The subject of our studies are cities spe- extent these cities are similar to the ge- studies cialised in industrial textile production, neric Manchester and to what extent their with Manchester is a city-symbol of the development paths outperformed this We compare the cotton centers mentioned industrial revolution and the develop- benchmark due to their embeddedness with Manchester, and additionally the ment of the textile industry around the in the local context. We also claim that four CEE Cottonopolises with each other.

FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) 17 Table 1. General historical characteristics of the 5 case study cities. Source: Own elaboration based on Eurostat, Destatis, National Land Survey of Finland, National Land Survey of Finland.

Manchester Chemnitz Lodz Tampere Ivanovo Population during industrial revolution 714.000 281.000 450.000 45.500 140.000 (1910) Current population 549.000 246.000 690.000 234.000 406.000 (2017) First symbolic 1771 1790 1821 1820 1871 “take-off” Second “take-off” 1820 1870 1870 1870 1900 Ludwik Geyer, Traugott Carl Samuel Nottbeck, Grigory Butrimov, Ivan Grachev, Leading founders of Richard Arkwright Johann Esche Grohman, Karl Scheibler, Georg Adolf Rauch, Ivan Yamanovsky, Ivan Garelin, the industry Israel K. Poznański James Finlayson Osip Stepanovich Sokov

Referring to Eric Hobsbawm’s statement traordinary development of Manchester. not proceed gradually but by booms and “Whoever says Industrial Revolution, What accelerated the textile industry’s slumps. Metaphorically one might talk says cotton” we find all of the places stud- development was the institutional (legal about two births of the city. The first one ied as pure examples of industrial cities and administrative) arrangements set up was in 1423, when Lodz received the city [4]. Unlike other places, where one indus- at the beginning of the 18th century. First- charter. The second one appeared in the try did not dominate on such an extraor- ly there was economic protectionism, 1820s and was linked with the decision dinary scale, these Cottonopolises were which took the form of tariffs and prohi- of the authorities of the Kingdom of Po- created and developed around industrial bitions on the importation of foreign cot- land (KP) to designate Lodz as a new in- production principles in terms of econom- ton textiles. Secondly the decision of one dustrial centre [7]. ic, social and spatial terms, Figure 1. of the first great inventors of the textile industry, Richard Arkwright, in 1771 to The terrain where Lodz lies is situated Hence we focus on the fundamental con- set up his first manufactory in his home on the watershed of the Vistula and Odra ditions of the development of Manches- village of Chorley, near Manchester, rivers – the two biggest rivers flowing ter and, subsequently, Chemnitz, Lodz, was supportive. Due to the imitation ef- through Poland. In the Middle Ages, it Tampere and Ivanovo. The structure of fect and agglomeration economies, other was an important barrier for agriculture our analysis is concentrated around three factories utilising the same geographical (drainage basins). The town area was axes referring to the geographical, insti- advantages quickly spread nearby. Last crisscrossed only by rivulets and brooks tutional and technological perspectives. but not least, institutional support came that flow into the tributaries of these As far as the methodology is concerned, from the lowering of wheat import tariffs rivers. Also the lack of fertile lands and we use critical content analysis based on by the Manchester authorities, which led valuable natural resources, as well as the the desk research of original scientific to a decline in food prices and wages, long distance from important transpor- and historiographic materials from Great preventing labour from relocating to the tation routes and administrative centres, Britain, Germany, Finland, Poland and Continent and moving from agriculture made Lodz an economically and politi- Russia. As the linking element, we use into industry [5]. cally insignificant settlement. However, a comparative analysis, treating Man- at the beginning of the 19th century, small chester as a role model and the other The last important progress was of and never-freezing water courses proved CEE cities as “followers”. a technological nature. Technological to be a very effective energy source for advances and a rash of inventors who watermills driving textile machines [8]. Comparative analysis results perfected the system of cotton process- The streams provided the high-quality ing led to a reduction in production water necessary for the production of Manchester as a role model costs and an increase in its scale to an woollen, linen and cotton cloth [9]. Also The geographic conditions in Manches- unprecedented level. In the 1730s, a ru- it was not surrounded by heavily used ter were favorable for the development of dimentary spinning jenny was patented agricultural areas but unexploited forests, industry of any kind. However, its loca- which accelerated the difficult task of which facilitated the easy planning of tion and water links predestined these ar- spinning cotton fiber. Subsequently, in new city grids and city plots of a regular eas particularly for the location of textile 1769, Arkwright popularised the water size and shape. More importantly, they enterprises. The city was located midway frame, which drew out and spun threads provided unlimited access to wood as between Liverpool and Sheffield, and its of cotton strong enough to be used as the a cheap fuel and building material [10]. river network of the Irwell, Medlock, Irk warp – the long thread – in weaving cloth and Mersey (including canals) made wa- [6]. In consequence, till the 1830s, cotton Another CEE Cottonopolis, Chemnitz ter power exploitation effective. The cli- products belonged to the most valuable was granted city status in 1165 from mate was also conducive to cotton pro- exported English products, and the Cot- Friedrich Barbarossa. Here textile man- duction. The latter was imported from tonopolis nickname popularised Man- ufacturing became the city’s most im- North America, and here the proximity of chester worldwide. portant industry, along with other spe- Manchester to the port of Liverpool was cialisations: long-distance trade and the crucial, Table 1. Geography of cotton mining industry. A considerable trade in The impact of geographical factors on woolen and linen yarns was attracted to However, these geographical factors the development of Lodz is linked to Chemnitz due to the monopoly of bleach- were not sufficient enough for the- ex its specific history. Its development did ing that was granted to the town [11]. In

18 FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) the case of Chemnitz, the most important 1820s when the Governmental Commis- commodities (by closing their markets to geographical factors for the cotton in- sion on Internal Affairs and Police of the cotton commodities or by imposing high dustry were the streams (e.g. the Chem- KP created a factorial settlement in this duties). Furthermore Poland, an impor- nitz river) as energy sources as well as city. In July 1820, Lodz was pointed as tant market for Saxon traders, was under the neighboring valley meadows, which the future centre of the textile industry. partition between 1772 and 1795, which could serve as bleaching areas [25]. Also On behalf of the government, the chair- significantly hampered business. On the the proximity to many nearby villages man of the Commission of Mazowiecki other hand, many renowned instructors made it possible to find local producers Voivodship (part of KP), Rajmund moved to Saxony due to the Napoleon- willing to cooperate. Rembieliński, made an inspection and ic continental blockade, which excluded prepared a report that listed the advan- English cotton from competing for years Finnish Tampere, founded in 1779 by tages of Lodz [12]. These included fa- in Europe. Swedish king Gustavus III, was located vourable ownership (proximity of a vast on an isthmus between two lakes, the governmental area near the city), the Substantial progress in the development Näsijärvi and the Pyhäjärvi, connected hydrographic conditions – the presence of the textile business was made after by the Tammerkoski rapids, with a fall of of numerous swift streams, ready wood 1834 when Saxony joined the German 18 meters. The rapids were the defining supply, and its convenient location near Zollverein, which meant that a huge do- geographical feature of Tampere as they the main routes [13]. The acceleration mestic market opened up for Chemnitz provided a favorable location for a town. of cotton production came in two stages textile manufacturers. Only then did Before obtaining the town charter, the in the following years: the first thanks to Chemnitz cotton spinners enjoy a mini- main occupation of the nearby rural peo- the removal of the customs border with mum tariff protection (charges based on ple was salmon fishing. Russia in 1851, and the second after the weight). It is significant that earlier there resources crisis in the mid-1860s caused was virtually no protection policy for Finally, Ivanovo was a small village by the Civil War in the USA. Saxon manufacturers, while their rivals till the beginning of the 19th century. enjoyed some state support (especial- The town formally received city rights One of the most important institution- ly after 1815). The rapid industrialisa- in 1871. It was located on both banks of al factors decisive for Lodz’s long-term tion in the 19th century was supported the Uvod River, encompassing two vil- growth in the nineteenth century was by the early construction of railways. lages – southern Ivanovo and northern the role of the German and Jewish mi- In 1852, tracks between Chemnitz and Voznesensk. The amount of wood and norities. A settlement decision made in the Elbe port at Riesa were laid, which the convenient water links were very the 1820s allowed the cities to designate was a crucial connection, as from then important geographical factors condu- certain districts for Jewish populations. on commodities were able to reach the cive to the development of this type of Lodz imposed such a rule in 1825 and, world market, sent down the river, via industry. Ivanovo was relatively close to as a result of this, this minority group Hamburg’s port. It also enabled traders to Moscow, and at the same time, it quickly was forced to move to a designated urban reach two important Saxon cities: Dres- area. In 1862 Tsar Alexander II signed den and Leipzig. developed connections to eastern Rus- a bill that gave equal civil rights to all sia, where potential internal and exter- residents, and this decree gave mem- The institutional track record of Tampere nal markets were located. The climatic bers of the Jewish community the right resembles that of Lodz. In particular, conditions were similar to Tampere. All to vote and stand for elections to munic- they enjoyed a relatively longer span of environmental features were good for ipal and county government positions. freedom than other parts of the Russian building new cotton mills. As with the prior Prussian regulations of Empire. In 1779, Tampere was founded a half-century earlier, closed areas were as a “free city”. That meant that every Institutions for cotton no longer closed, and access to corporate man was free to move in and start an The opportunities of Lodz grew in 1815 trade and crafts was open to all. Subse- enterprise. Among the many chartered after the creation of the Kingdom of Po- quent laws abolished the additional taxes privileges (such as lowered taxation), land (KP), which was the outcome of the and allowed Jewish people access to new the most important one liberated the end of the Napoleonic wars and the de- professions [14]. Before the abolishment city from guild regulations. The towns- cisions made at the Congress of Vienna. of the discriminatory legislation, the people were completely forbidden from It meant that the Lodz region, which had Germans were the most active economic taking part in agricultural activities [15]. formerly belonged to Prussia, became agents. Once the playing field was -lev The crown hoped to make Tampere pri- a part of the KP – dependent on Russia elled, the Jewish contribution to techno- marily a center of iron production. Iron but with autonomy in many matters, in- logical change was as large or even larger ore was expected to be found in the lakes cluding some economic policy aspects. than that of the Germans (not to mention and be smelted in furnaces fueled by the Changes of frontiers resulted in cutting the other ethnic groups). charcoal available in the surrounding for- economic connections with German ests. Luckily for the future development Prussia, and the textile industry in the Chemnitz’s history does not have such of the city, the “iron direction” failed. KP had not been developed well enough spectacular institutional milestones as to quickly increase its capacity so as to Lodz does. In terms of the political econ- Finland moved to Imperial Russia from benefit from the unsatisfied demand. It omy, one should realize that from the the Kingdom of Sweden. Although Fin- created a necessity to provide a supply mid-1780s onwards, Saxon textile man- land became a Grand Duchy after the of textiles’ on the eastern side of the new ufacturers had to challenge the tendency Finnish War of 1808-1809, Swedish leg- border. The decisive moment for Lodz’s of the governments of France, Austria islation stayed in force. Tsar Alexander history took place at the beginning of the and Russia to limit the import of Saxon I even reinforced the privileges of the

FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) 19 Table 2. Largest textile enterprises in Lodz (1857). Source: [29]. equipped the so-called White Factory with selfactors – the most advanced mule No. Production No. Engine power Enterprise spinning machines in Europe at that time. of workers in roubles of engines in total (HP) The development of the new industry in L. Geyer spinning mill 546 297.900 3 120 Lodz, cotton spinning, attracted crafts- K. Scheibler spinning mill 115 206.100 1 60 men who were searching for work after J. Peters wool spinning mill 145 154.320 1 12 small woollen mills went bankrupt in L. Fesser printing and dying plant 100 98800 1 10 several small villages nearby. At the D. Lande cotton spinning plant 162 94995 1 30 same time, the demand for cheaper T. Grohman cotton spinning plant 103 81665 1 18 products was rising among the poorer groups in society. The cotton manufacturers, in particular, were able to meet city (Privilegium Tammerfors), and it who were accumulating capital by trad- this demand, as technical progress in was possible to export and import indus- ing in materials and fabrics. These “cap- cotton production was faster than in the trial raw materials without state customs italistic peasants,” as they were called, other branches of the textile industry. duties. Initially there were no capitalists opened the first textile handcraft factories The first wave of the technical -revolu in Tampere who could take advantage of (e.g., Grigory Butrimov in 1742, Ivan tion in Lodz took place in the 1840s and these benefits – until Scottish engineer Grachev in 1748, and later Ivan Yamano- 1850s. As a result 867 textile factories James Finlayson came to city in 1820. vsky and Ivan Garelin, as well as Osip employed 6901 workers in 1860, which In this way, the industrialisation of Tam- Stepanovich Sokov after 1780) [20]. accounted for 21% of the total Lodz pere depended on foreign businessmen The most prosperous “capitalistic peas- population. The cotton sector was the [16]. Finlayson formulated a petition to ants” in the first decades of the 19th cen- primary one, while the woollen industry the tsar in which he asked for the im- tury began to buy their freedom from the was of a lesser importance. Table 2. plementation of his plans for industrial- nobility on which they depended. This ization. The plan included a foundry for form of capitalist class creation is distin- New investors became active next to Gey- er’s factory. They invested a great deal manufacturing different types of machin- guishable from the Western way, where and modernised their factories in order to ery and a license to set up a dye works, future factory owners emerged mainly keep up with the competition, thanks to a calico printing works, a cloth factory, from merchant families. which, cotton spinning in Lodz was able factories for fine iron, steel and metal to advance as a fully mechanised produc- work, as well as “other useful factory The rapid industrial growth of the city tion department from the very beginning. and manufacturing undertakings.” [17] was accelerated in the second half of the Within only 10 years, Geyer’s local com- Without these concessions, the develop- 19th century, which was possible due to petitors grew in number to at least 5 great ment of Tampere, located 100 km from the efforts of the above-mentioned facto- manufacturers: Traugott Grohman, Daw- the nearest port in Pori, would not have ry owners, who also started cooperating id Lande, Jakub Peters, Karol Moess, with foreign capitalists and engineers. It been feasible at all [18]. and especially Karol Schebiler, who resulted in the transfer of know-how to combined spinning with cotton weaving the local economy. Also, in 1861, serf- A Tampere historian, Pertti Haapala, un- and who actuated 30 mechanical looms dom was abolished in the Russian Em- derlines that “without the conditions that in 1844. From then on, smaller producers pire, which freed huge amounts of the benefited Finlayson & Company, most began to have problems with sales, while workforce for industry. importantly the institutional position Scheibler’s products began to succeed, After the Revolution, the era of capitalist of Finland as a Grand Duchy of Russia, even outside the local market. Tampere would not have industrialized Ivanovo-Voznesensk was replaced by so- cialism’s socio-economic system. All the as early or as quickly or in the way it Cotton weaving and printing dynamical- did” [19]. According to Haapala, Tam- factories were nationalised, and the city ly expanded in Saxony as early as 1770, pere did not seem to be an ideal place was governed by the communist party’s although stocking items from cotton had for large-scale industries. There were local representatives. In such conditions, been produced even as far back as 1728. rivers and rapids (but Finland was full the city developed a monofunctional eco- Primarily Chemnitz’s manufacturers of them), but nothing else: no raw ma- nomic profile dominated by the textile in- concentrated on high-quality goods, like terials, no specialists, no skilled labour dustry. The city started to be called “the piquées, but from 1790 Chemnitz became force and poor transportation. The city Red Manchester” [20]. a center of calico printing, with weavers was, however, favored by the powers of from small towns and the surrounding Sweden and Russia, which made Tam- Technology for cotton rural areas delivering raw cotton cloth pere – using a present term – a special One of the first mechanised cotton mills to the printing works. The products were economic zone. in Poland was founded in 1825 by Krys- usually copies of fashionable articles tian Wendisch in Lodz. In 1839, Lud- made in England and France. This shift One of the interesting phenomena pav- wik Geyer opened mechanised cotton gave the producers an edge when com- ing Ivanovo’s way to becoming a textile mills with steam engines and the first peting with British cottons. It is impor- center was already observed at the end of steam mill in the KP. He imported over tant to note that the textile industry in the 18th century. This time, unlike in the 7.500 spindles, a large steam engine Chemnitz was able to utilise new raw original Manchester or in the other “East- and ancillary equipment from a factory cotton material from Macedonia, which ern Europe Manchester”, Lodz, we can in Belgium. At the same time, he made was cheaper than the American equiva- observe the active role of rich peasants, other investments, and in the 1840s he lent, within the production process. It ap-

20 FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) parently gave rise to the textile machine Table 3. Ivanovo-Voznesensk Factories’ potential at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuiesy. industry. At the turn of the 18th/19th cen- Source: [30]. turies, there were around 13,000 weaving Enterprise No. of workers Machinery looms in Chemnitz and nearby villages [21]. The most recognised manufacturer Factory potential 4 steam engines, of that period was by far Johann Esche, 5 printing machines the founder of the West-Saxon knitwear N.Garelin: 5 engraving machines industry. He was the leading German Print 330 18,664 spindles Weave 1,027 468 weaving looms stocking manufacturer, with his design of I. Garelin: the first functional stocking maker’s stool Print 270 8 steam, 1,141 looms in Germany [22]. In 1799, the first spin- Weave 1,400 ning mill was installed in Harthau, on the Ia. Garelin 426 14 steam, 6 printing, 3 engraving outskirts of Chemnitz [23]. The construc- Burylin 350 6 steam tion of this English-made machine marks Kuvaev 1000 31 steam the technological acceleration of Saxony, Zubkov 900 – which was speeded up by the transfer of Polushin 275 14 steam technological advancements brought by Fokin 337 8 steam, 6 printing, 2 engraving numerous English and French instructors (e.g., the Jacquard spinning loom). Vitov 276 9 steam, 5 printing, 3 engraving In order to compete with state-supported P. Derbenev 228 6 steam, 3 printing, 2 engraving competitors, the Chemnitz calico print- A.M. Gandurin: Print 172 ers abstained from investing in costly Weave 450 340 looms machinery but instead switched to cloths Ivanovo-Voznesensk: with complicated patterns and high- Weave 2,434 1,882 looms er-quality cloths. They aimed at finding Kokushkin and Marakushev: handprinted articles often designed for Print 78 3 steam, 1 printing, 1 engraving Weave 457 649 looms regional tastes [24]. Non-German mar- N. Derbenev: kets remained important for the sophisti- Print 245 cated fabrics that the handloom weavers Weave 1,000 806 looms of the Chemnitz area had increasingly turned to after 1815. It was also charac- teristic of Saxon producers to concentrate unqualified workforce in Tampere. Due factory’s commodities had been dyed in on selected textile materials. Chemnitz to the lack of skilled domestic workers, St Petersburg, but later it was done in together with Glachau specialised in cot- in Finlayson’s factories the engineers, its own dye works. The enterprise was ton weaving and spinning. foremen, and skilled workers came on a truly international scale. It was ini- mainly from England. The selection of tially credited by the state of Russia and In 1864 there were 64 machine factories the final commodity and the technology some British investors, while machines (with 57 steam engines) in Chemnitz, which went into making it was a crucial for the new cotton mill were imported employing ca. 6500 workers. It was then point in Tampere`s successful path, and from Belgium and Germany. Cotton was that the city was first called the “Saxon after experimenting with the manufacture imported from the American South, via Manchester.” In Saxony itself, the cotton of woolen cloth, the core of the business Britain, and then using horses in Fin- spinning industry was by far the biggest was changed to cotton spinning in 1828 land, with the finished products finding of all German states in the 1850s. At the [25]. Abandoning the working prepara- a market in Saint Petersburg. same time, Chemnitz was aptly called the tion of linen in favor of cotton in that year cradle of industrialisation: steam engines is regarded as marking the point at which Ivanovo did not distinguish itself in terms and imported mechanical looms proved Finnish industry was born. In 1830, Fin- of know-how import or utilising extraor- its reputation as an economic center. layson abandoned the manufacture of dinary cotton production techniques. The productivity of power looms had woolen yarn, which meant that cotton Some similarities with Lodz can be iden- been greatly enhanced since the 1840s, was the only textile remaining. tified in terms of its development path, where old wooden weaving and knitting however. Economic problems deriving looms had been replaced by durable iron Finlayson left for Scotland in 1835, from the supply of raw material as an ef- machinery. selling the company to Carl Samuel fect of the civil war in the USA resulted Nottbeck and Georg Adolf Rauch (from in a change of suppliers in both cities. The machines imported to Tampere by then on, the enterprise was called Fin- In the case of Ivanovo, a switch towards Finlayson were not subject to any duty, layson & Company), two Baltic-Ger- Turkmenistan was mainly observed which was a clear emanation of the man businessmen from St Petersburg. [27]. The crisis also led to the changing Tsar’s will to import foreign technology. In fact, they purchased the privileges of the production structure in the city. It was also expected that the know-how of the company (and in return received The smallest enterprises were closed would be disseminated across Finland the freedom of religious expression down while the corporatisation of cotton and other regions. In order to achieve and exemption from taxes for foreign enterprises took place through mergers or it, craftsmen from England and Saxony specialists). In 1843, the mill premises takeovers (a list of the largest textile en- brought to start up the machines were consisted of 12 separate buildings, but terprises in Ivanovo-Voznesensk is given obliged to share their knowledge with the the business expanded. Before 1852 the in Table 3).

FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) 21 ton industry in the cities analysed. Cotton 700 specialisation in all the Manchesters was 650 crucial for the growth of the labour mar- 600 550 ket, the optimism of entrepreneurs, and 500 for the final decisions of the new invest- 450 ments. 400 350 300 In terms of the long-term demographic 250 aspects, it is worth emphasising that the 200 150 development of the cities during the in- 100 dustrial revolution kept all Cottonopo- 50 lises as economic and political centers, 0 1790 1815 1820 1831 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 although the role of cotton as the main Manchester 75 150 161 270 300 330 338 350 420 500 600 714 textile started to decline. The slow (in the Lodz 0.2 0.6 0.8 4.2 12 16 30 48 59 130 283 450 case of Manchester and Tampere) and Chemnitz 9 14.5 14.5 15.7 23.5 35 45 68 95 139 207 281 sudden (Lodz, Chemnitz and Ivanovo) Tampere 0.2 0.4 0.5 1.3 1.8 3.2 5.5 7 13.6 20 36 45.5 decline of the role of the textile indus- Ivanovo 4 9 20 60 140 try did not cause an automatic decrease in population. The real decline started to Figure 2. Comparison of the population of the 5 Cottonopolises during the industrial become visible from the beginning of the revolution. 1790-1910. Source: Own graph based on the following data collected [31-36]. 1990s (compare the current population size in Table 1 with the historical data in Figure 2). In consequence, in 1913, all cotton-paper ing geography, institutions and technol- enterprises were in the hands of 16 joint- ogy for cotton. However, the analysis of stock companies [26]. The technical population data is still crucial to point to Conclusions and further growth of the cotton industry of the city the moment or moments of “take-off” studies during the period of industrial capitalism of all the Manchesters. At the end of the We focused on the 3 driving factors de- can be illustrated by the following data: 18th century, there was one quite big city cisive for the development of cotton pro- In 1868 there were 25 steam engines (Manchester), two cities (Chemnitz and duction as well as the elements which among a 482 workforce, 1176 weaving Ivanovo) and two villages (Lodz and brought about the general economic looms, and 12 printing machines in the Tampere). As a result of the geograph- development of the cities. The geogra- enterprises of Ivanovo-Voznesensk. In ical and institutional factors connected phy and wider environmental factors 1913, the equipment consisted of 680 en- with cotton specialisation, we can ob- were convenient for cotton process- gines among a 34,509 workforce, 11,106 serve a more dynamic growth from the ing. The climate, but especially access spinning spindles, 11,344 weaving looms 1840s in the case of Lodz, Chemnitz and to water, was supportive. There were and 150 printing machines [27]. Tampere. The population of all the Man- chesters accelerated from the 1870s, and not very big rivers flowing through the Final measure: the population boom another wave of growth is visible from cities. Instead, there were small rivers, and the moments of “take-off” the beginning of the 20th century. mostly streams or lakes. However, there was permanent exploitation of this cru- Due to the fact that full data covering cial resource for cotton. The geography the 100 years of production, especially Thus the first “take-off” was closely of these cities was crucial, but it was the cotton production, in industrial centers linked with the reorientation of the cities institutional factors that pushed forward mentioned are not available, we decided from having a general textile profile into to collect more reliable population data a specialisation in cotton. The second their growth, affecting technological [28]. These data are strictly linked with “take-off” could be partly explained by progress as well. In the history of the 5 the volume of production, although they the results of turbulences in the Europe- cities, we can identify the important role do not show a direct correlation with the an-American cotton trade after the Civil of the entrepreneurs and politicians who cotton specialisation that we wanted to War. In the late 1860s and in the 1870s, engaged in the economic development. underline in the qualitative description we can observe the establishment of new Their engagement was the result of good in the previous three subsections cover- factories and the development of the cot- institutional circumstances connected with changes of borders, the appearance of a new country’s government, and Table 4. Gradation of the factors decisive for the development of the cotton industry in the new local management. The crucial in- 5 cities analysed. Source: Own study. Note: + low; ++ high; +++ very high. stitutional factor was strictly linked with changes in customs policy or extraordi- Geography (climate, Technology (availability Institutions (law, resources, location) of local and foreign capital) administrative incentives) nary international situations (on the one Manchester +++ +++ +++ hand, the Civil War, which destabilised cotton production and imports from the Lodz +++ ++ +++ US, and on the other, new markets in Chemnitz ++ ++ +++ deep Russia and the Far East appeared). Tampere ++ ++ +++ Finally there is the aspect of technolo- Ivanovo ++ + +++ gy, which was delayed compared with

22 FIBRES & TEXTILES in Eastern Europe 2018, Vol. 26, 6(132) Western Europe, especially with the 6. Rallis D. Why cotton? [cited 2018 March 23. Turnock D. The Economy of East Cen- UK; but the new machines were superb- 15]; 2009. Available from: http://region�- tral Europe, 1815-1989: Stages of ly adapted to the advantageous institu- algeography.org/101blog/?p=529. Transformation in a Peripheral Region, tional conditions, Table 4. 7. Dzionek-Kozłowska J, Kowalski K, Mate- London:Routledge; 2006: 15. To sum up, all 3 factors played an impor- ra R. Geography Matters. Environmen�- 24. Schafer M. Global Markets and Region- tant role in each of the cities researched tal Factors that Affected the “Take-Off” al Industrialization: The Emergence of of Lodz. Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych the Saxon Textile Industry, 1790-1914. during the period of the industrial revolu- i Gospodarczych. 2017; 78: 223-248. In: Czierpka J, Oerters K, Thorade N, tion. To conclude, we support the opinion 8. Koter M. 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Dinter HS. Dzieje wielkiej kariery 1332- the Example of Ivanovo-Voznesensk)]. in Pakistan. Geographical, institutional 1860. Łódź: Wydawnictwo Łódzkie; Лабиринт. Журнал социально-гума- and technological tools could be very 1965, p. 86. нитарных исследований, 2014; no. 1., useful to check the reasons for growth, 13. Lorenz Z, editor. Trzy raporty Rajmunda 18. not forgetting the role of cotton. Rembielińskiego, prezesa Komisji Wo- 28. Voigt S. How (Not) to Measure Institu- jewództwa Mazowieckiego z objazdu tions, Journal of Institutional Economics. łęczyckiego w roku 1820. Rocznik Odd- 2013; 9(1): 18. ziału Łódzkiego Towarzystw Historycz- 29. Bajer K. Przemysł włókienniczy na Editorial note: nego. 1928; 1(1): 51-70. ziemiach polskich od początku XIX w. do 14. Puś W. Żydzi w Łodzi w latach zaborów According to Stefan Voigt “The time period 1939 r. Łódź: Zakład Narodowy im. Os- chosen can also have an impact on the num- 1793-1914. 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