Theophylact Simocatta and the Persians
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Combat Motivation and Cohesion in the Age of Justinian by Conor Whately, University of Winnipeg
Combat Motivation and Cohesion in the Age of Justinian By Conor Whately, University of Winnipeg One topic that regularly recurs in the scholarship on modern warfare is combat cohesion and motivation. Many volumes have been published on these topics, and there is no sign that this interest might abate any time soon. That interest has only rarely filtered down to scholarship of the ancient and late antique worlds, however. 1 The sixth century is well suited to analyses of these issues given the abundance of varied and high quality evidence, despite the lack of attention given the subject by modern scholars. This chapter seeks to remedy this by offering an introduction to combat cohesion and motivation in the sixth century. It forms the second half of a two-part project on the subject, and the core this project is the evidence of Procopius. 2 Procopius describes more than thirty battles or sieges from the age of Justinian,3 and his battle narratives have been the subject of a good deal of research. 4 Yet there is much more work to do on sixth-century combat and our understanding Procopius’ value as a source for military history. By introducing the subject of combat cohesion and motivation in the sixth century, this paper seeks to move the discussion forward. 5 The first part of this paper will be concerned with motivation, and will explore the much discussed “ratio of fire” and its applicability in an ancient context, the presumed bellicosity of some soldiers that many of our sources hint at, and the role of fear in motivating soldiers to fight and to maintain their cohesion. -
Sittas — Wódz Justyniana
ROZPRAWY TERESA WOLIŃSKA Uniwersytet Łódzki Katedra Historii Bizancjum Sittas — wódz Justyniana Jednym z najbardziej zaufanych ludzi Justyniana I w początkowym okresie je go panowania, a zarazem jedną z najważniejszych osobistości w Bizancjum, był bez wątpienia Sittas. Uzdolnienia tego wybitnego wodza porównuje się z talentem Belizariusza, od którego był niewiele starszy i z którym prawie równocześnie rozpo czynał karierę. Niskie pochodzenie nie przeszkodziło mu w osiągnięciu najwyższych zaszczytów, nie tylko na polu wojskowym1. Jako magister militum praesentalis był najwyższym rangą dowódcą wojskowym w państwie2. Dzięki małżeństwu z Komito, starszą siostrą cesarzowej Teodory, spowinowacił się z rodziną cesarską3. Mimo ogromnych zasług i bardzo wysokiej pozycji w państwie, Sittas jest dla nas postacią bardzo tajemniczą. Niewiele wiemy o jego pochodzeniu i początkach kariery. Tak naprawdę nie mamy pewności nawet co do jego imienia. Występuje ono w źródłach w bardzo zróżnicowanych formach: a) S{tta34, b) Zt{tta35, 1 A.A.Czekałow a, Narod i senatorskaja aristokracija Konstantinopola w VI wiekie, „Wi zantijskij Wriemiennik”, t. XXXII, 1971, s. 25. 2 Joannis Malalae Chronographia, Bonnae 1831, s. 465 [dalej: M a l a l a s ], A. D e m a n d t, DieSpätantike.RömischeGeschichtevonDiocletianbisJustinian, München 1989, s. 200; E. S t e i n , HistoireduBasEmpire, przeł. J.–R. P a l a n q u e, t. II: Deladisparitiondel’Empired’Occidentàla mortdeJustinien, Paris–Bruxelles, 1959, cz. 2, s. 291; E. S t e i n, Sittas, [w:] Realencyclopädieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft [dalej: RE], t. -
The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
Medieval Worlds Comparative & Interdisciplinary Studies
medieval worlds comparative & interdisciplinary studies No. 8/2018 medieval worlds comparative & interdisciplinary studies Volume 2018.8 Transcultural Contacts and Literary Exchanges medieval worlds comparative & interdisciplinary studies All rights reserved ISSN 2412-3196 Online Edition Media Owner: Institute for Medieval Research Copyright © 2018 by Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna Cover design, layout: Anneke Gerloff Cover image: A fold out page from the ›Iskandar Horoscope‹, London, Wellcome MS Persian 474 (used under CC BY 4.0 / modified). Austrian Academy of Sciences Press Dr. Ignaz Seipel Platz 2, 1010 Vienna, Austria Tel. +43-1-515 81/DW 3402-3406 Fax +43-1-515 81/DW 3400 hw.oeaw.ac.at, verlag.oeaw.ac.at Editors Walter Pohl, Austrian Academy of Sciences/University of Vienna Andre Gingrich, Austrian Academy of Sciences/University of Vienna Editorial Board Maximilian Diesenberger, Austrian Academy of Sciences Christian Gastgeber, Austrian Academy of Sciences Johann Heiss, Austrian Academy of Sciences Nina Mirnig, Austrian Academy of Sciences Claudia Rapp, Austrian Academy of Sciences/University of Vienna Helmut Reimitz, Princeton University Irene van Renswoude, Huygens Institute for the History of the Netherlands/ Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences Pavlína Rychterová, Austrian Academy of Sciences Celine Wawruschka, Danube University Krems Veronika Wieser, Austrian Academy of Sciences International Advisory Board Glenn Bowman , University of Kent Sabrina Corbellini, University of Groningen Mayke de Jong, Utrecht University -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity. -
4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L
4.2-Persecution under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/6/18 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Macedonians seek fellowship with Liberius 4.12.1 But we will have more opportunity to mention 6.10.3 Valens and Eudoxius then directed their both Basil and Gregory again in the course of our history. resentment against the Macedonians, who were more When the maintainers of the homoousian doctrine had been numerous than the above-mentioned Christians in that severely dealt with and put to flight, the persecutors began region, and they persecuted them without measure. The again to harass the Macedonians. Macedonians, in apprehension of further sufferings, sent 4.12.2 Impelled by fear rather than violence, the delegates to various cities, and finally agreed to turn to Macedonians sent messengers to one another from city to Valentinian and to the bishop of Rome rather than share city, declaring the necessity of appealing to the emperor’s in the faith of Eudoxius and Valens and their followers. brother, and to Liberius bishop of Rome, saying that it was far better for them to embrace their faith, than to commune with the party of Eudoxius. 4.12.3 For this purpose they sent Eustathius bishop of 6.10.4 And when it seemed ideal to do this, they Sebastia, who had been deposed several times, Silvanus of selected three of their own number—Eustathius, bishop Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala in the same of Sebaste; Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus; and Theophilus, province, charging them to not to disagree with Liberius in bishop of Castabalis—and sent them to the Emperor anything concerning the faith, but to enter into communion Valentinian. -
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Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
The Apostolic Succession of the Right Rev. James Michael St. George
The Apostolic Succession of The Right Rev. James Michael St. George © Copyright 2014-2015, The International Old Catholic Churches, Inc. 1 Table of Contents Certificates ....................................................................................................................................................4 ......................................................................................................................................................................5 Photos ...........................................................................................................................................................6 Lines of Succession........................................................................................................................................7 Succession from the Chaldean Catholic Church .......................................................................................7 Succession from the Syrian-Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch..............................................................10 The Coptic Orthodox Succession ............................................................................................................16 Succession from the Russian Orthodox Church......................................................................................20 Succession from the Melkite-Greek Patriarchate of Antioch and all East..............................................27 Duarte Costa Succession – Roman Catholic Succession .........................................................................34 -
CYCLOPEDIA of BIBLICAL, THEOLOGICAL and ECCLESIASTICAL LITERATURE God- Gyrovagi by James Strong & John Mcclintock
THE AGES DIGITAL LIBRARY REFERENCE CYCLOPEDIA of BIBLICAL, THEOLOGICAL and ECCLESIASTICAL LITERATURE God- Gyrovagi by James Strong & John McClintock To the Students of the Words, Works and Ways of God: Welcome to the AGES Digital Library. We trust your experience with this and other volumes in the Library fulfills our motto and vision which is our commitment to you: MAKING THE WORDS OF THE WISE AVAILABLE TO ALL — INEXPENSIVELY. AGES Software Rio, WI USA Version 1.0 © 2000 2 God from the same Saxon root as good, thus beautifully expressing the divine benignity as the leading attribute of the most general term for the Deity, and corresponding almost invariably to two Hebrew words, both from a common root (lWa, au, to be strong). Hengstenberg, however, regards the simpler of these words (lae, El) as a primitive (Auth. of Pent. 1:251), while some consider the extended form (H/leEa, Elo'dh) as derived from a different root (the obsolete Hl;a;, found in Arabic = to worship). The corresponding Shemitic terms are: Arabic, Al or Allah (q.v.); Syriac, Ilo or Eloho; Samar. El or Chilah (= powerful; Castell, in Walton's Polyglot Bible, 6, s.v.); Phoenician El (hjl or ijl), as in En-el (&Enulov, lany[), Gag-el (Gagilus, lagg), Ejloei>m (Sanchon.). SEE ALMIGHTY. The only other Hebrew word generally employed in naming the Supreme Being is Jehovah, h/;hy], which some (so Havernick, Historische-critsche Einleitung ins alte Testament, Berlin, 1839) propose to point hw,h]yi, Jahveh, meaning "the Existing One," holding that Elohim is used merely to indicate the abundance and super-richness contained in the Divine Being.