4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L
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Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery. -
Chapter 1 Barbarian Agency and Imperial Withdrawal: the Causes And
Chapter 1 Barbarian agency and imperial withdrawal: the causes and consequences of political change in fourth- and fifth-century Trier and Cologne Introduction Snapshots from the years 310, 410, and 510 reveal that the political landscape of the Rhineland changed almost beyond recognition over the course of three centuries. In 310 AD, Trier was one of the foremost cities of the Roman Empire, acting as a main residence of the Emperor Constantine and the seat of the Gallic praetorian prefecture. In Cologne, meanwhile, the completion of the fortress of Divitia just across the Rhine reinforced the city’s significance in the context of imperial defensive strategy. By 410 AD, however, both the imperial residence and the praetorian prefecture had been removed from Trier, and many frontier troops who had been stationed near Cologne were gone. The Rhineland had suffered an apparently devastating barbarian invasion, that of the Vandals, Alans, and Sueves in 406, and was to face many more attacks in the coming half-century. After the invasion, the legitimate emperors were never to re- establish their firm control in the region, and the reign of the usurper Constantine III (407 - 411) marked the last period of effective imperial rule. Around 510 AD, the last vestiges of imperial political power had vanished, and both Trier and Cologne were part of the Frankish kingdom of Clovis. The speed and extent of this change must have dramatically affected many aspects of life within the cities, and, as such, it is crucial that we seek to understand what brought it about. In so doing, we must consider the fundamental question of whether responsibility for the collapse of imperial power in the Rhineland ultimately lies with the imperial authorities themselves, who withdrew from the region, or with the 11 various barbarian groups, who launched attacks on the frontier provinces and undermined the Empire’s control. -
Diocletian's New Empire
1 Diocletian's New Empire Eutropius, Brevarium, 9.18-27.2 (Eutr. 9.18-27.2) 18. After the death of Probus, CARUS was created emperor, a native of Narbo in Gaul, who immediately made his sons, Carinus and Numerianus, Caesars, and reigned, in conjunction with them, two years. News being brought, while he was engaged in a war with the Sarmatians, of an insurrection among the Persians, he set out for the east, and achieved some noble exploits against that people; he routed them in the field, and took Seleucia and Ctesiphon, their noblest cities, but, while he was encamped on the Tigris, he was killed by lightning. His son NUMERIANUS, too, whom he had taken with him to Persia, a young man of very great ability, while, from being affected with a disease in his eyes, he was carried in a litter, was cut off by a plot of which Aper, his father-in-law, was the promoter; and his death, though attempted craftily to be concealed until Aper could seize the throne, was made known by the odour of his dead body; for the soldiers, who attended him, being struck by the smell, and opening the curtains of his litter, discovered his death some days after it had taken place. 19. 1. In the meantime CARINUS, whom Carus, when he set out to the war with Parthia, had left, with the authority of Caesar, to command in Illyricum, Gaul, and Italy, disgraced himself by all manner of crimes; he put to death many innocent persons on false accusations, formed illicit connexions with the wives of noblemen, and wrought the ruin of several of his school-fellows, who happened to have offended him at school by some slight provocation. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
Name Reign Succession Died
Name Reign Succession Died March 20, 235 CE - Proclaimed emperor by German legions April 238 CE; Assasinated by Praetorian Maximinus I April 238 CE after the murder of Severus Alexander Guard Proclaimed emperor, whilst Pro-consul in Africa, during a revolt against Maximinus. Ruled jointly with his son Gordian II, and in opposition to Maximinus. Technically a usurper, but March 22, 238 CE - retrospectively legitimised by the April 238 CE; Committed suicide upon Gordian I April 12, 238 CE accession of Gordian III hearing of the death of Gordian II. Proclaimed emperor, alongside father March 22, 238 CE - Gordian I, in opposition to Maximinus by April 238 CE; Killed during the Battle of Gordian II April 12, 238 CE act of the Senate Carthage fighting a pro-Maximinus army Proclaimed joint emperor with Balbinus by the Senate in opposition to April 22, 238 AD – Maximinus; later co-emperor with July 29, 238 CE; Assassinated by the Pupienus July 29, 238 AD Balbinus. Praetorian Guard Proclaimed joint emperor with Pupienus by the Senate after death of Gordian I & April 22, 238 AD – II, in opposition to Maximinus; later co- July 29, 238 CE; Assassinated by the Balbinus July 29, 238 AD emperor with Pupienus and Gordian III Praetorian Guard Proclaimed emperor by supporters of April 22, 238 AD – Gordian I & II, then by the Senate; joint February 11, 244 emperor with Pupienus and Balbinus February 11, 244 CE; Unknown, possibly Gordian III AD until July 238 AD. murdered on orders of Philip I February 244 AD – Praetorian Prefect to Gordian III, took September/October -
The Rescripts of the Emperor Probus (276-282 A.D.)
Digital Commons @ Georgia Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 6-1-1974 The Rescripts of the Emperor Probus (276-282 A.D.) Alan Watson University of Georgia School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation Alan Watson, The Rescripts of the Emperor Probus (276-282 A.D.) (1974), Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/fac_artchop/265 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. Please share how you have benefited from this access For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RESCRIPTS OF THE EMPEROR PROBUS (276-282 A.D.) ALAN WATSON* Scholars tend to date the onset of the "post-classical period" of Roman law to 235 A.D., the year when the Emperor Alexander Severus was murdered by his troops. The line of great jurists had just about come to an end-Ulpian had been murdered by the mutinous Praetorians in 223-and for the next fifty years, until the accession of Diocletian, the Empire was in a state of chaos. The post-classical period itself divides neatly into eras: early post-classical (or epiclassic as F. Wieacker suggests1 ), Diocletianic, Constantinian, and so on, right up to the time of Justinian. One thing these eras have in common is relative neglect by modern legal historians. Yet, they have a charm and fascination of their own. The charm is that, for the first time in Roman law, we have primarily to study texts that we know concerned real people and 2 real situations; the sources, almost entirely imperial rescripts, reflect the immediate practical concerns of the addressees, not the interests of the jurists. -
Niketas Choniates Versus Manuel I Komnenos: Disputes Concernig Islam in the Context of the Byzantine Tradition
Списание ЕПОХИ Издание на Историческия факултет на ВТУ „Св. св. Кирил и Методий” Том / Volume XXIV (2016), Journal EPOHI [EPOCHS] Книжка / Issue 2 Edition of the Department of History of St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Turnovo NIKETAS CHONIATES VERSUS MANUEL I KOMNENOS: DISPUTES CONCERNIG ISLAM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BYZANTINE TRADITION Dimitar Y. DIMITROV НИКИТА ХОНИАТ СРЕЩУ МАНУИЛ I КОМНИН: ПОЛЕМИКА, СВЪРЗАНА С ИСЛЯМА, В КОНТЕКСТА НА ВИЗАНТИЙСКАТА ТРАДИЦИЯ Димитър Й. ДИМИТРОВ Abstract: Byzantine society had very complex relations with the Islamic Eastern neighbors. Islam, to be sure, started and continued to be menace for Byzantium for the all long eighth centuries they used to coexist. However, Byzantine society needed a certain period of time to accept Islam as another religion, standing against Christianity in the East. After the first Byzantine revenge acts against Judaism a long tradition was formed with two main streams. The first of them envisaged Islam as a demoniac pseudo-religion (or anti-religion), the second being milder and ready to accept the Islamic neighbors not as a whole, but rather as different states, culturally not so different from Byzantium, with diplomacy playing role for keeping balance in the East. Thus, the Byzantine Realpolitik appeared as a phenomenon, what provoked crusaders to accuse Byzantium as being traitor to the Christian cause in the East. In that context should we pose the interesting incident at the end of Manuel I Komnenos’ reign (1143 – 1180). Both Church and society were provoked by the decision of the Emperor to lift up the anathemas against Allah from the trivial ritual of denouncing Islam. -
Walter E. Kaegi ——————————
oi.uchicago.edu/oi/AR/03-04/03-04_AR_TOC.html INDIVIDUAL RESEARCH Walter E. Kaegi Walter E. Kaegi continued to investigate, expand, and polish the embryo of his book manu- script The Dynamics of Muslim Invasions and Byzantine Resistance in North Africa. His book Heraclius Emperor of Byzantium, which Cambridge University Press published in 2003, contin- ues to sell well, his editor informs him. He published the following papers: “The Earliest Muslim Penetrations of Anatolia,” in Byzantine State and Society in Memory of Nikos Oikonomides, ed- ited by A. Avramea, A. Laiou, E. Chrysos (Athens, 2003), pp. 269–82; and “Les défaites de Byzance en Orient” and “Expansion musulmane. La conquête de l’Ouest” [French translations of “Religious Elements in Muslim Conquests” and “North Africa”] in Le Monde de la Bible (No. 154, November 2003): 14–19, 36–41. Kaegi also published some book reviews: “Review of Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, Volume 2, Part 1,” by Irfan Shahid, in Journal of the American Oriental Society 123 (2003): 461–62; “Review of A Cumulative Bibliography of Medieval and Early Modern Military History and Technology, by K. DeVries,” for De Re Militari (2004): http://www.deremilitari.org/RESOURCES/REVIEWS/devries_cb.htm; and “Review of Armies of the Caliphs, by H. Kennedy, in International History Review 16 (2004): 105–07. Regarding publications now at press, Kaegi completed two articles that will appear in Byzantinische Forschungen 28 (2004): “The Interrelationship of Seventh-Century Muslim Raids into Anatolia with the Struggle for North Africa” and “Byzantine Studies Present and Future.” He also completed the following paper, “The Early Muslim Raids into Anatolia and Byzantine Reactions under Emperor Constans II,” which was accepted and will appear in the proceedings of the University of Erfurt (Germany) International Workshop on “The Encounter of Oriental Christianity with Islam in the 7th and 8th Centuries,” under the editorship of Emmanouela Grypeou. -
An Interesting Family: Carus and His Sons by Peter E
An interesting Family: Carus and his Sons by Peter E. Lewis The Ctesiphon Arch, Iraq by S.A. Svoboda, 1826-96. (Wikimedia Commons) ARUS and his sons, Carinus and pro claimed Carus emperor. At the time means they were probably limited in CNumerian, were Roman emperors in Carus was at Sirmium and Probus sent number. Carus had no reservations abo ut the 3 rd century AD. They were military part of his army to defeat the rebels, but using this inscription and it appears on men, very capable and successful in what when they joined forces with Carus, the a double antoninianus minted at Siscia in they did, but all ultimately destroyed by soldiers remaining with Probus murdered 282 ( Figure 3 ) and for the first time on an treachery. Although generally forgotten him not far from Sirmium. aureus ( Figure 4 ). The double antonini - today, coin collectors can follow their car- When he became emperor Carus ass- anus shows Carus with the sun-god, Sol eers because large numbers of coins were umed the name Marcus Aurelius Carus. Invictus. The emperor Aurelian (270-275) minted during their reigns. His two sons also added ‘Marcus Aurelius’ had promoted the worship of Sol Invictus Carus was born in about 224 AD at to their names, as had Probus when he Narbo in Gaul. ( Figure 1 – map ) Narbo became emperor in 276. Marcus Aurelius had been a Roman colony since 118 BC. had been a successful and popular Roman Carus rose through the ranks eventually emperor in the 2 nd century AD and by becoming the commander of the Praetor- assuming his name Carus intended to ian Guard, a powerful position in the signify a similar career. -
Hispania As Part of Constantine III's Usurpation = Un
ISSN: 0213-2052 - eISSN: 2530-4100 DOI: https://doi.org/10.14201/shha202038217243 A FIFTH-CENTURY «GALLIC EMPIRE»: HISPANIA AS PART OF CONSTANTINE III’S USURPATION1 Un «Imperium Galliarum» en el siglo V: Hispania y la usurpación de Constantino III María FERNÁNDEZ PORTAENCASA Universidad Carlos III de Madrid [email protected] Fecha de recepción: 23-09-2019; aceptación definitiva: 21-2-2020 ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7649-5834 ABSTRACT: This paper follows the route of the usurper Constantine III since he was made emperor by the troops in Britain in 407 A. D., until his defeat under the magister militum Constantius. Conceived as a whole – and not, as it usually is, in a fragmentary and marginal way –, and pro- viding for the first time a precise chronology, this episode contributes to a better understanding of the developement of political, social and military structures in the western part of the Empire during the first years of the 1. This paper is, to a large extent, the result of my master’s thesis, supervised by Prof. R. Sanz, whose patient teaching, support, corrections, and guiding through countless office hours are responsible for almost everything of value that can be read here. The remaining mistakes are my sole responsibility. More than sixty years ago, Oxford professor and occasional member of the Inklings C. E. Stevens, published ‘Marcus, Gratian, Constantine’ in number 35 of Athenaeum, back in 1957, of whose lecture I have greatly benefited in regard to unravelling the fascinating story of Constantine III. The last words on his paper are still relevant today and that is why, in gratitude, I am borrowing them and making them my own, for, like him, ‘I should like to hope that the efforts which I have made to unravel the story are not unworthy of the story itself’.