4.3 Heraclius (610-640)
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Byzantine Conquests in the East in the 10 Century
th Byzantine conquests in the East in the 10 century Campaigns of Nikephoros II Phocas and John Tzimiskes as were seen in the Byzantine sources Master thesis Filip Schneider s1006649 15. 6. 2018 Eternal Rome Supervisor: Prof. dr. Maaike van Berkel Master's programme in History Radboud Univerity Front page: Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas entering Constantinople in 963, an illustration from the Madrid Skylitzes. The illuminated manuscript of the work of John Skylitzes was created in the 12th century Sicily. Today it is located in the National Library of Spain in Madrid. Table of contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1 - Byzantine-Arab relations until 963 7 Byzantine-Arab relations in the pre-Islamic era 7 The advance of Islam 8 The Abbasid Caliphate 9 Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty 10 The development of Byzantine Empire under Macedonian dynasty 11 The land aristocracy 12 The Muslim world in the 9th and 10th century 14 The Hamdamids 15 The Fatimid Caliphate 16 Chapter 2 - Historiography 17 Leo the Deacon 18 Historiography in the Macedonian period 18 Leo the Deacon - biography 19 The History 21 John Skylitzes 24 11th century Byzantium 24 Historiography after Basil II 25 John Skylitzes - biography 26 Synopsis of Histories 27 Chapter 3 - Nikephoros II Phocas 29 Domestikos Nikephoros Phocas and the conquest of Crete 29 Conquest of Aleppo 31 Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas and conquest of Cilicia 33 Conquest of Cyprus 34 Bulgarian question 36 Campaign in Syria 37 Conquest of Antioch 39 Conclusion 40 Chapter 4 - John Tzimiskes 42 Bulgarian problem 42 Campaign in the East 43 A Crusade in the Holy Land? 45 The reasons behind Tzimiskes' eastern campaign 47 Conclusion 49 Conclusion 49 Bibliography 51 Introduction In the 10th century, the Byzantine Empire was ruled by emperors coming from the Macedonian dynasty. -
Faithandfortune – Proof Copy 22-11-13
1 Rebecca Darley describes how the Byzantine Empire and its early Islamic neighbours expressed their rivalry by the way in which power temporal and divine was represented on coinage Faith and fortune n AD 613 the east Roman, or of religious and political figures in favour in the Eastern Mediterranean. This transi- Byzantine, emperor Herakleios issued a of words of faith. It bore the inscription, tional period from the Classical or antique silver coin bearing the desperate peti- ‘There is no God but the one God’ and was period of Hellenistic Greek and Roman cul- Ition, ‘God help the Romans’, made used beyond his reign, as in the example of tural ascendancy to the medieval world is at least in part from melted church plate a half dinar of Umar II (2). termed late antiquity. requisitioned from the ecclesiastical build- These two coins form the starting-point It is a period of deep significance as the ings of Constantinople (1). The Byzantine for the Barber Institute of Fine Arts’ cur- Christianisation of the Roman (Byzantine) Empire had been at war with Persia for over rent numismatic exhibition. They express Empire in the 4th to 6th centuries and the a decade and was running out of resources. in microcosm the twin themes of religious rise of Islam and the establishment of a Two generations later the Umayyad expression and economic imperative that Muslim state in the eastern Mediterranean, Caliph Abd al-Malik minted the first ani- determined the course of monetary devel- Middle East and North Africa in the seventh conic Muslim coinage, rejecting depictions opments between the 4th and 8th centuries and eighth are events which have defined much of the shape of subsequent world his- tory. -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq
OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES General Editors Gillian Clark Andrew Louth THE OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES series includes scholarly volumes on the thought and history of the early Christian centuries. Covering a wide range of Greek, Latin, and Oriental sources, the books are of interest to theologians, ancient historians, and specialists in the classical and Jewish worlds. Titles in the series include: Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and the Transformation of Divine Simplicity Andrew Radde-Gallwitz (2009) The Asceticism of Isaac of Nineveh Patrik Hagman (2010) Palladius of Helenopolis The Origenist Advocate Demetrios S. Katos (2011) Origen and Scripture The Contours of the Exegetical Life Peter Martens (2012) Activity and Participation in Late Antique and Early Christian Thought Torstein Theodor Tollefsen (2012) Irenaeus of Lyons and the Theology of the Holy Spirit Anthony Briggman (2012) Apophasis and Pseudonymity in Dionysius the Areopagite “No Longer I” Charles M. Stang (2012) Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology Paige E. Hochschild (2012) Orosius and the Rhetoric of History Peter Van Nuffelen (2012) Drama of the Divine Economy Creator and Creation in Early Christian Theology and Piety Paul M. Blowers (2012) Embodiment and Virtue in Gregory of Nyssa Hans Boersma (2013) The Chronicle of Seert Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq PHILIP WOOD 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries # Philip Wood 2013 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2013 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. -
Saint Maximus the Confessor and His Defense of Papal Primacy
Love that unites and vanishes: Saint Maximus the Confessor and his defense of papal primacy Author: Jason C. LaLonde Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108614 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2019 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Love that Unites and Vanishes: Saint Maximus the Confessor and his Defense of Papal Primacy Thesis for the Completion of the Licentiate in Sacred Theology Boston College School of Theology and Ministry Fr. Jason C. LaLonde, S.J. Readers: Fr. Brian Dunkle, S.J., BC-STM Dr. Adrian Walker, Catholic University of America May 3, 2019 2 Introduction 3 Chapter One: Maximus’s Palestinian Provenance: Overcoming the Myth of the Greek Life 10 Chapter Two: From Monoenergism to Monotheletism: The Role of Honorius 32 Chapter Three: Maximus on Roman Primacy and his Defense of Honorius 48 Conclusion 80 Appendix – Translation of Opusculum 20 85 Bibliography 100 3 Introduction The current research project stems from my work in the course “Latin West, Greek East,” taught by Fr. Brian Dunkle, S.J., at the Boston College School of Theology and Ministry in the fall semester of 2016. For that course, I translated a letter of Saint Maximus the Confessor (580- 662) that is found among his works known collectively as the Opuscula theologica et polemica.1 My immediate interest in the text was Maximus’s treatment of the twin heresies of monoenergism and monotheletism. As I made progress -
4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L
4.2-Persecution under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/6/18 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Macedonians seek fellowship with Liberius 4.12.1 But we will have more opportunity to mention 6.10.3 Valens and Eudoxius then directed their both Basil and Gregory again in the course of our history. resentment against the Macedonians, who were more When the maintainers of the homoousian doctrine had been numerous than the above-mentioned Christians in that severely dealt with and put to flight, the persecutors began region, and they persecuted them without measure. The again to harass the Macedonians. Macedonians, in apprehension of further sufferings, sent 4.12.2 Impelled by fear rather than violence, the delegates to various cities, and finally agreed to turn to Macedonians sent messengers to one another from city to Valentinian and to the bishop of Rome rather than share city, declaring the necessity of appealing to the emperor’s in the faith of Eudoxius and Valens and their followers. brother, and to Liberius bishop of Rome, saying that it was far better for them to embrace their faith, than to commune with the party of Eudoxius. 4.12.3 For this purpose they sent Eustathius bishop of 6.10.4 And when it seemed ideal to do this, they Sebastia, who had been deposed several times, Silvanus of selected three of their own number—Eustathius, bishop Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala in the same of Sebaste; Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus; and Theophilus, province, charging them to not to disagree with Liberius in bishop of Castabalis—and sent them to the Emperor anything concerning the faith, but to enter into communion Valentinian. -
Spoliation in Medieval Rome Dale Kinney Bryn Mawr College, [email protected]
Bryn Mawr College Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College History of Art Faculty Research and Scholarship History of Art 2013 Spoliation in Medieval Rome Dale Kinney Bryn Mawr College, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.brynmawr.edu/hart_pubs Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons Custom Citation Kinney, Dale. "Spoliation in Medieval Rome." In Perspektiven der Spolienforschung: Spoliierung und Transposition. Ed. Stefan Altekamp, Carmen Marcks-Jacobs, and Peter Seiler. Boston: De Gruyter, 2013. 261-286. This paper is posted at Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College. http://repository.brynmawr.edu/hart_pubs/70 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Topoi Perspektiven der Spolienforschung 1 Berlin Studies of the Ancient World Spoliierung und Transposition Edited by Excellence Cluster Topoi Volume 15 Herausgegeben von Stefan Altekamp Carmen Marcks-Jacobs Peter Seiler De Gruyter De Gruyter Dale Kinney Spoliation in Medieval Rome i% The study of spoliation, as opposed to spolia, is quite recent. Spoliation marks an endpoint, the termination of a buildlng's original form and purpose, whÿe archaeologists tradition- ally have been concerned with origins and with the reconstruction of ancient buildings in their pristine state. Afterlife was not of interest. Richard Krautheimer's pioneering chapters L.,,,, on the "inheritance" of ancient Rome in the middle ages are illustrated by nineteenth-cen- tury photographs, modem maps, and drawings from the late fifteenth through seventeenth centuries, all of which show spoliation as afalt accomplU Had he written the same work just a generation later, he might have included the brilliant graphics of Studio Inklink, which visualize spoliation not as a past event of indeterminate duration, but as a process with its own history and clearly delineated stages (Fig. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
Coins from the Early Islamic-Period Residential Quarter Northwest of Tel Lod
‘Atiqot 98, 2020 COINS FROM THE EARLY ISLAMIC-PERIOD RESIDENTIAL QUARTER NORTHWEST OF TEL LOD GABRIELA BIJOVSKY A hundred and sixty-three coins were discovered during excavations northwest of Tel Lod (see Haddad, this volume), 85 of them are described in the catalogue below.1 All the coins are bronze, with the exception of two billon dirhams (Nos. 75 and 77), three silver dirhams (Nos. 78, 79 and 81) and a lead Fatimid coin (No. 76). Figure 1 shows the breakdown of the identifiable coins by period. Most of the archaeological remains excavated at the site are dated to the Early Islamic period. Seemingly, the coins dating from the transitional Arab- Byzantine period to the Early Islamic period (Umayyad and Abbasid) constitute the bulk of the numismatic evidence at the site (about 47% of the identifiable coins). Fig. 1. Breakdown of the coins according to periods. 1 The coins were cleaned in the IAA laboratories, under the direction of Lena Kupperschmidt, and were photographed by Clara Amit of the IAA. The Islamic coins were identified by Ariel Berman and Robert Kool. 158 GABRIELA BIJOVSKY Twenty-three coins, 34% of the total identifiable coins, are dated to the fourth and fifth centuries CE. These, together with coin Nos. 1–6, which date from the Seleucid to the Roman periods, are residual and therefore, are not related to any archaeological stratum at the site. Worthy of mention among the early coins is coin No. 5, of Antoninus Pius, minted in Gaza in 154/155 CE. The Late Roman coin types are quite conventional and do not deserve further discussion. -
On Leontius' Origin and Career up Until the Year 481/482*
Piotrkowskie Zeszyty Historyczne, t. 21 (2020), z. 3, s. 9-18 www.ihpt.pl/pzh DOI: 10.25951/4249 Mirosław J. Leszka https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2643-4520 Uniwersytet Łódzki e-mail: [email protected] On Leontius’ Origin and Career up until the Year 481/482* O pochodzeniu Leoncjusza i jego karierze do roku 482 Abstract This article discusses the usurper Leontius’ origin and career up until the year of 481/482. He was most likely born in a family belonging to the circles of provincial aristocracy, which enabled him to receive a good education. As for his ethnicity, contrary to a rather popular scholarly opinion that he was from Isauria, he might just as well have come from Syria (as Theophanes points out directly). Regarding his position as magister militum per Thracias, it seems that he could have held it in the years 478–482 (there is no certainty that he exer- cised this function in 484). He probably had known Illus before 481/482. Abstrakt Artykuł poświęcony jest pochodzeniu i karierze Leoncjusza (do roku 481/482). Urodził się on zapewne w rodzinie należącej do kręgów prowincjo- nalnej arystokracji, co umożliwiło mu odebranie dobrego wykształcenia. Co do pochodzenia etnicznego, to wbrew dość powszechnej w nauce opinii, że po- chodził z Izaurii, trzeba wskazać, że równie dobrze można uznać, że wywodził się z Syrii (o czym bezpośrednio mówi Teofanes). Co do pełnienia przez niego * The research project financed by the National Science Centre, Poland. Decision number: DEC-2018/31/B/HS3/03038. 10 Mirosław J. Leszka stanowiska magister militum per Thracias, to wydaje się, że mógł je sprawować w latach 478–482 (nie ma pewności, że był nim w 484 r.). -
Who Was St Maximus?
You are a guide of Orthodoxy, a teacher of piety and modes ty, a lum inary of the world, the Go d-iidinspired pride of monastics. O wise Maximus, you have enlightened everyone by your teachings. You are the harppp of the Spirit. Intercede to Christ our God for the salvation of our souls. Apolytikion for Feast of St Maximus (January 21) Dr Nick Trakakis www.goyouth.org.au WhSi?ho was St Maximus? • born 580, Constantinople • died 13 August 662, Lazica • the greatest of Byzantine theologians: “Max imus the Conf essor stands out as the most producti ve and significant theological figure in either eastern or western Christendom during the seventh century.” (Neil & Allen) Maximus “in many respects, may be regarded as the real Father of Byygzantine theologyy.” ((yMeyendorff) • a bridging figure between the churches of East and West • title of “Con fessor ” www.goyouth.org.au Background to Maximus’ life and work • Transitional period between early and medieval Christianity • Age of Justinian: emperor 527–565 o Souggpht to restore the Roman Empire to its former glory o Building program: Hagia Sophia o War with Persia: 50 years’ truce o Church – State relations: battle with Monophysitism www.goyouth.org.au Justinian I: mosaic in the Church of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy BiByzantine EiEmpire at the death of Justinian: 565 AD www.goyouth.org.au Byzantine Empire 668 AD www.goyouth.org.au Monophysites • Christ has only one nature (physis, φύσις) a divine nature • Christ’s humanity is engulfed by his divine nature • rejected the Council of Chalcedon -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.