On Leontius' Origin and Career up Until the Year 481/482*
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
1.1.3. Leone II E Lo Scenario Internazionale (Febbraio 474 - Agosto 474)
1.1.3. Leone II e lo scenario internazionale (febbraio 474 - agosto 474) 1.1.3.1 Il testamento di Leone I: una doppia intronizzazione Poco prima di morire, nel gennaio del 474, Leone aveva designato al trono suo nipote, il figlio, cioè, di Zenone e Ariadne: era un bambino di sei anni. Quando l'imperatore morì, il 3 febbraio 474, apparve chiarissimo che il suo testamento era impraticabile politicamente. Qualche giorno dopo la scomparsa di Leone, esattamente il 9 febbraio, la nuova regina madre, Ariadne, dopo che Leone II era stato incoronato imperatore, fece a quello nominare il padre Zenone coimperatore; non era, in effetti, proponibile un imperatore bambino: si sarebbe scatenata una vera e propria guerra per la reggenza giacché i pretendenti a quella erano numerosi. Verina, vedova dell'imperatore appena morto, Basilisco suo fratello, e naturalmente Zenone potevano, giustamente, accampare diritti su quella; Ariadne, così, tagliò il nodo. L'intrapresa di Ariadne è dettata dal più completo buon senso politico, ma è altrettanto sicuro che tale iniziativa andava a frustrare gli interessi senatoriali e clarissimali che dietro una designazione imperiale 'debole' come quella offerta al piccolo Leone II, intendevano procurarsi spazio politico. Inoltre c'erano Verina e Basilisco ad attendere di potersi innalzare su di quella. In ogni caso Leone I, nel suo testamento, pur non rinnegando in maniera risoluta il partito isaurico, al quale, durante il regno, si era abbondantemente appoggiato, invitò, per così dire, il partito greco - romano e tradizionalista a rientrare ampiamente in partita; cercò Leone I, nel suo ultimo atto, di stabilizzare un equilibrio dietro il quale, però, si intravede la rottura e la possibilità della guerra civile. -
BOOK 15 the Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios
BOOK 15 The Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios 1. (377) After the reign of Leo the Younger, the most sacred Zeno reigned for 15 years. In the eighth month of his reign, he appointed Peter, the p!JrBmomr.ios of St Euphemia's in Chalkedon, as bishop and patriarch of Antioch the Great and sent him to Antioch. 2. After two years and ten months of his reign, he quarrelled with his mother-in-law, Verina, over a request she had made of him but which he had refused her, and so his mother-in-law, the lady Verina, began to plot against him. Terrified that he would be assassinated by someone in the palace, since his mother-in-law was living in the palace with him, he made a processusto Chalkedon and escaped from there using post-horses, and got away to Isauria even though he was emperor. (378) The empress Ariadne, who had also secretly fled from her mother, caught up with him in Isauria and remained with her husband. 3, After the emperor Zeno and Ariadne had fled, the lady Verina inunediately chose an emperor by crowning her brother Basiliscus. Basiliscus, the brother of Zeno's mother-in-law Verina, reigned for two years. When Verina had made Basiliscus emperor, she also named him as consul, together with Armatus who had been appointed by Basiliscus as AD476 senior lllc1q.ister mii1"tum prBesentalis. These two held the consulship. As soon as Basiliscus began to reign, he crowned his son, named Marcus, as emperor. -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
Coins from the Early Islamic-Period Residential Quarter Northwest of Tel Lod
‘Atiqot 98, 2020 COINS FROM THE EARLY ISLAMIC-PERIOD RESIDENTIAL QUARTER NORTHWEST OF TEL LOD GABRIELA BIJOVSKY A hundred and sixty-three coins were discovered during excavations northwest of Tel Lod (see Haddad, this volume), 85 of them are described in the catalogue below.1 All the coins are bronze, with the exception of two billon dirhams (Nos. 75 and 77), three silver dirhams (Nos. 78, 79 and 81) and a lead Fatimid coin (No. 76). Figure 1 shows the breakdown of the identifiable coins by period. Most of the archaeological remains excavated at the site are dated to the Early Islamic period. Seemingly, the coins dating from the transitional Arab- Byzantine period to the Early Islamic period (Umayyad and Abbasid) constitute the bulk of the numismatic evidence at the site (about 47% of the identifiable coins). Fig. 1. Breakdown of the coins according to periods. 1 The coins were cleaned in the IAA laboratories, under the direction of Lena Kupperschmidt, and were photographed by Clara Amit of the IAA. The Islamic coins were identified by Ariel Berman and Robert Kool. 158 GABRIELA BIJOVSKY Twenty-three coins, 34% of the total identifiable coins, are dated to the fourth and fifth centuries CE. These, together with coin Nos. 1–6, which date from the Seleucid to the Roman periods, are residual and therefore, are not related to any archaeological stratum at the site. Worthy of mention among the early coins is coin No. 5, of Antoninus Pius, minted in Gaza in 154/155 CE. The Late Roman coin types are quite conventional and do not deserve further discussion. -
Aspects of St Anna's Cult in Byzantium
ASPECTS OF ST ANNA’S CULT IN BYZANTIUM by EIRINI PANOU A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 Acknowledgments It is said that a PhD is a lonely work. However, this thesis, like any other one, would not have become reality without the contribution of a number of individuals and institutions. First of all of my academical mother, Leslie Brubaker, whose constant support, guidance and encouragement accompanied me through all the years of research. Of the National Scholarship Foundation of Greece ( I.K.Y.) with its financial help for the greatest part of my postgraduate studies. Of my father George, my mother Angeliki and my bother Nick for their psychological and financial support, and of my friends in Greece (Lily Athanatou, Maria Sourlatzi, Kanela Oikonomaki, Maria Lemoni) for being by my side in all my years of absence. Special thanks should also be addressed to Mary Cunningham for her comments on an early draft of this thesis and for providing me with unpublished material of her work. I would like also to express my gratitude to Marka Tomic Djuric who allowed me to use unpublished photographic material from her doctoral thesis. Special thanks should also be addressed to Kanela Oikonomaki whose expertise in Medieval Greek smoothened the translation of a number of texts, my brother Nick Panou for polishing my English, and to my colleagues (Polyvios Konis, Frouke Schrijver and Vera Andriopoulou) and my friends in Birmingham (especially Jane Myhre Trejo and Ola Pawlik) for the wonderful time we have had all these years. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*]
a a SPICILEGIUM Online Journal of Japan Society for Medieval European Studies, Vol. 1 (2017) * * * * * * a a The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*] Kosuke Nakada [*] I should like to thank the editors and anon- Abstract ymous reviewers of Spicilegium for comment- ing on an earlier draft of this article. I should also like to thank Dr Koji Murata for revising Recent studies on the political and military history in the reign of Leo VI (r. 886–912) tend to my draft. emphasise his role as a central authoritative figure. However, close scrutiny on the emperor’s At the outset, I would like to mention that I have already published another article on the military treatise called the Taktika and collation with the actual situation offers a different pic- Taktika in Japanese (“The Taktika of Leo VI and ture concerning his view on the warfare in the eastern frontier. In chapter XVIII of the Taktika the Byzantine Eastern Frontier in his Reign,” on the manoeuvres against the raiding Arabs, Leo emphasises the importance of autonomous Mediterraneus: Annual Report of the Collegium Mediterranistarum 36 [2013], pp. 3–24), in regional defence undertaken by local forces. When understood collectively with other sources, which my focus was on the nature of the whole this can be an attestation of Leo’s willingness to delegate power to potentates in order to resist text as a military treatise, and the meaning of the incessant raids more effectively, despite the possible centrifugal effects. This sort of interac- the chapter on the Arabs. -
Working Paper No. 8
working paper no. 8 Gyburg Uhlmann The Noise of the Books Practices of Knowledge Transfer in Damascius’ Vita Isidori Sonderforschungsbereich 980 Episteme in Bewegung. Wissenstransfer von der Alten Welt bis in die Frühe Neuzeit Collaborative Research Center Episteme in Motion. Transfer of Knowledge from the Ancient World Berlin 2016 to the Early Modern Period ISSN 2199-2878 SFB Episteme – Working Papers Die Working Papers werden herausgegeben von dem an der Freien Universität Berlin angesiedelten Sonderforschungsbereich 980 Episteme in Bewegung. Wissenstransfer von der Alten Welt bis in die Frühe Neuzeit und sind auf der Website des SFB sowie dem Dokumentenserver der Freien Universität Berlin kostenfrei abrufbar: www.sfb‐episteme.de und http://edocs.fu‐berlin.de Die Veröffentlichung erfolgt nach Begutachtung durch den SFB‐Vorstand. Mit Zusendung des Typoskripts überträgt die Autorin/der Autor dem Sonderforschungsbereich ein nichtexklusives Nutzungsrecht zur dauerhaften Hinterlegung des Dokuments auf der Website des SFB 980 sowie dem Dokumentenserver der Freien Universität. Die Wahrung von Sperrfristen sowie von Urheber‐ und Verwertungsrechten Dritter obliegt den Autorinnen und Autoren. Die Veröffentlichung eines Beitrages als Preprint in den Working Papers ist kein Ausschlussgrund für eine anschließende Publikation in einem anderen Format. Das Urheberrecht verbleibt grundsätzlich bei den Autor/innen. Zitationsangabe für diesen Beitrag: Uhlmann, Gyburg: The noise of the books – Practices of Knowledge Transfer in Damascius’ Vita Isidori, -
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee. -
Kamila Twardowska the Church Foundations of Empress Pulcheria in Constantinople According to Theodore Lector’S ‘Church History’ and Other Contemporary Sources
Kamila Twardowska The Church Foundations of Empress Pulcheria in Constantinople According to Theodore Lector’s ‘Church History’ and Other Contemporary Sources Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne 5, 83-94 2017 RES GESTAE. CZASOPISMO HISTORYCZNE 2017 (5) ISSN 2450-4475 DOI 10.24917/24504475.5.6 Kamilla Twardowska Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie The Church Foundations of Empress Pulcheria in Constantinople According to Theodore Lector’s Church History and Other Contemporary Sources1 Abstract: This article aims to confirm the account from Theodore Lector with the other extant sources and the answer the question if the four churches in Constantinople (The Blachernae Church, Chalkoprateia, Hodegon, Church of St. Laurence, attributed to the empress Pulcheria in Theodore Lector’s work may be credited to her. Key words: Marian Churches, foundations, Pulcheria, Constantinople In a reference to the Notitia Dignitatum, Cyril Mango2 stated that there were 14 church buildings in the city of Constantinople in the year 425. Before long, however, the number of the churches would increase significantly, but it is not possible to determine the precise count and the specific founders because of the insufficient evidence in the sources. Nonetheless, it is obvious, as the author pointed out, that many of those, including such illustrious temples as the Church of the Virgin Mary at the Blachernae, the Chalkoprateia church, as well as the churches dedicated to St. Theodore, St. Laurence, St. Stephen, 1 The present article has been based on the paper delivered at the national academic confer- ence “The Church History by Theodore Lector – genre, tradition, text,” Kraków 1–2 June 2017, as part of the realization of the NCN grant “The preparation of the bilingual (in two versions: Greek-English and Greek-Polish) edition of the works Church History by John Diakronomenes and Theodore Lector, with introduction and historical commentary” (agreement no. -
Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 24:1 (1983:Spring) P.81
CROKE, BRIAN, Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 24:1 (1983:Spring) p.81 Basiliscus the Boy-Emperor Brian Croke OR THE FIFTH AND SIXTH centuries the Chronicle of Victor of F Tunnuna is a valuable source that deserves close inspection. What may not always be sufficiently appreciated, because Victor is most frequently referred to as an African bishop and because he wrote in Latin, is that he spent a good deal of his later life in Con stantinople. His Chronicle, which covers the years 444-567, was in fact written in Constantinople and is a generally well-informed source for events in the East during this period.1 Like so many other African bishops, Victor fell foul of his sover eign Justinian by defending the works condemned by the emperor in 543 in the so-called Three Chapters edict. This resulted in a trying period of internment for Victor in the Mandracion monastery near Carthage, then on the Balearic Islands, then Algimuritana, and finally with his episcopal colleague Theodore of Cebaruscitana in the prison of the Diocletianic fortress behind the governor's palace in Alexan dria (Chron. s.a. 555.2, p.204). In 556 after a twelve-day trial in the praetorium Victor and Theodore were transferred to the Tabennesiote monastery near Canopus, twelve miles east of Alexandria (556.2, p.204). Nine years later, at the request of Justinian himself, Victor and Theodore were summoned from Egypt. At the imperial court they stood their ground in the argument over the 'Three Chapters' with both Justinian and the patriarch Eutychius.