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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
1.1.3. Leone II E Lo Scenario Internazionale (Febbraio 474 - Agosto 474)
1.1.3. Leone II e lo scenario internazionale (febbraio 474 - agosto 474) 1.1.3.1 Il testamento di Leone I: una doppia intronizzazione Poco prima di morire, nel gennaio del 474, Leone aveva designato al trono suo nipote, il figlio, cioè, di Zenone e Ariadne: era un bambino di sei anni. Quando l'imperatore morì, il 3 febbraio 474, apparve chiarissimo che il suo testamento era impraticabile politicamente. Qualche giorno dopo la scomparsa di Leone, esattamente il 9 febbraio, la nuova regina madre, Ariadne, dopo che Leone II era stato incoronato imperatore, fece a quello nominare il padre Zenone coimperatore; non era, in effetti, proponibile un imperatore bambino: si sarebbe scatenata una vera e propria guerra per la reggenza giacché i pretendenti a quella erano numerosi. Verina, vedova dell'imperatore appena morto, Basilisco suo fratello, e naturalmente Zenone potevano, giustamente, accampare diritti su quella; Ariadne, così, tagliò il nodo. L'intrapresa di Ariadne è dettata dal più completo buon senso politico, ma è altrettanto sicuro che tale iniziativa andava a frustrare gli interessi senatoriali e clarissimali che dietro una designazione imperiale 'debole' come quella offerta al piccolo Leone II, intendevano procurarsi spazio politico. Inoltre c'erano Verina e Basilisco ad attendere di potersi innalzare su di quella. In ogni caso Leone I, nel suo testamento, pur non rinnegando in maniera risoluta il partito isaurico, al quale, durante il regno, si era abbondantemente appoggiato, invitò, per così dire, il partito greco - romano e tradizionalista a rientrare ampiamente in partita; cercò Leone I, nel suo ultimo atto, di stabilizzare un equilibrio dietro il quale, però, si intravede la rottura e la possibilità della guerra civile. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
On Leontius' Origin and Career up Until the Year 481/482*
Piotrkowskie Zeszyty Historyczne, t. 21 (2020), z. 3, s. 9-18 www.ihpt.pl/pzh DOI: 10.25951/4249 Mirosław J. Leszka https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2643-4520 Uniwersytet Łódzki e-mail: [email protected] On Leontius’ Origin and Career up until the Year 481/482* O pochodzeniu Leoncjusza i jego karierze do roku 482 Abstract This article discusses the usurper Leontius’ origin and career up until the year of 481/482. He was most likely born in a family belonging to the circles of provincial aristocracy, which enabled him to receive a good education. As for his ethnicity, contrary to a rather popular scholarly opinion that he was from Isauria, he might just as well have come from Syria (as Theophanes points out directly). Regarding his position as magister militum per Thracias, it seems that he could have held it in the years 478–482 (there is no certainty that he exer- cised this function in 484). He probably had known Illus before 481/482. Abstrakt Artykuł poświęcony jest pochodzeniu i karierze Leoncjusza (do roku 481/482). Urodził się on zapewne w rodzinie należącej do kręgów prowincjo- nalnej arystokracji, co umożliwiło mu odebranie dobrego wykształcenia. Co do pochodzenia etnicznego, to wbrew dość powszechnej w nauce opinii, że po- chodził z Izaurii, trzeba wskazać, że równie dobrze można uznać, że wywodził się z Syrii (o czym bezpośrednio mówi Teofanes). Co do pełnienia przez niego * The research project financed by the National Science Centre, Poland. Decision number: DEC-2018/31/B/HS3/03038. 10 Mirosław J. Leszka stanowiska magister militum per Thracias, to wydaje się, że mógł je sprawować w latach 478–482 (nie ma pewności, że był nim w 484 r.). -
The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*]
a a SPICILEGIUM Online Journal of Japan Society for Medieval European Studies, Vol. 1 (2017) * * * * * * a a The Taktika of Leo VI and the Byzantine Eastern Frontier During the Ninth and Tenth Centuries[*] Kosuke Nakada [*] I should like to thank the editors and anon- Abstract ymous reviewers of Spicilegium for comment- ing on an earlier draft of this article. I should also like to thank Dr Koji Murata for revising Recent studies on the political and military history in the reign of Leo VI (r. 886–912) tend to my draft. emphasise his role as a central authoritative figure. However, close scrutiny on the emperor’s At the outset, I would like to mention that I have already published another article on the military treatise called the Taktika and collation with the actual situation offers a different pic- Taktika in Japanese (“The Taktika of Leo VI and ture concerning his view on the warfare in the eastern frontier. In chapter XVIII of the Taktika the Byzantine Eastern Frontier in his Reign,” on the manoeuvres against the raiding Arabs, Leo emphasises the importance of autonomous Mediterraneus: Annual Report of the Collegium Mediterranistarum 36 [2013], pp. 3–24), in regional defence undertaken by local forces. When understood collectively with other sources, which my focus was on the nature of the whole this can be an attestation of Leo’s willingness to delegate power to potentates in order to resist text as a military treatise, and the meaning of the incessant raids more effectively, despite the possible centrifugal effects. This sort of interac- the chapter on the Arabs. -
Persecution and Response in Late Paganism The
Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius Author(s): Polymnia Athanassiadi Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 113 (1993), pp. 1-29 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/632395 . Accessed: 01/12/2013 12:02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 198.105.44.150 on Sun, 1 Dec 2013 12:02:11 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Journal of Hellenic Studies cxiii (1993) pp 1-29 PERSECUTIONAND RESPONSE IN LATE PAGANISM: THE EVIDENCE OF DAMASCIUS* THE theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean,and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and of their adepts in the Roman empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonise its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars in their overwhelming majority were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. -
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Athens between East and West: Athenian Elite Self-Presentation and the Durability of Traditional Cult in Late Antiquity Edward Watts T IS GENERALLY ACCEPTED that the urban centers of the Greek-speaking east more quickly dismantled traditional religious infrastructure and disrupted traditional religious I 1 customs than did cities in the west. The city of Athens, how- ever, has always fit awkwardly in this narrative. Alexandria, long Athens’ rival for cultural supremacy in the Greek world, saw its urban infrastructure violently and effectively Christian- ized in the early 390s by the campaigns and construction projects of the bishop Theophilus.2 Alexandria’s civic and political life arguably followed suit after the violence that accompanied the consolidation of episcopal power by Theo- philus’ successor Cyril and the murder of the philosopher Hypatia in the early 410s.3 Antioch and its hinterland saw its pagan institutions disrupted gradually, first through isolated incidents like the conversion (and ultimate destruction) of the 1 See, among others, C. P. Jones, Between Pagan and Christian (Cambridge [Mass.] 2014) 107–143. 2 J. Hahn, “The Conversion of Cult Statues: The Destruction of the Serapeum 392 A.D. and the Transformation of Alexandria into the ‘Christ- Loving’ City,” in J. Hahn et al. (eds.), From Temple to Church: Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity (Leiden 2008) 335–363. Cf. E. Watts, Riot in Alexandria (Berkeley 2010) 191–205. 3 On Hypatia see C. Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity (Baltimore 1997) 295–316; M. Dzielska, Hypatia of Alexandria (Cambridge [Mass.] 1995) 88– 93; E. Watts, Hypatia: The Life and Legend of an Ancient Philosopher (Oxford 2017). -
What the Hellenism: Did Christianity Cause a Decline of Th Hellenism in 4 -Century Alexandria?
What the Hellenism: Did Christianity cause a decline of th Hellenism in 4 -century Alexandria? Classics Dissertation Exam Number B051946 B051946 2 Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 2 List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. 2 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 Problems with Evidence ......................................................................................................... 8 Pagan Topography and Demography......................................................................................... 9 Christian Topography .............................................................................................................. 19 Civic Power Structures ............................................................................................................ 29 Intellectualism .......................................................................................................................... 38 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 47 Bibliography of Primary Sources in Translation ..................................................................... 52 Figure Bibliography ................................................................................................................ -
Divine Man of Cynicism in Late Antiquity
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Jagiellonian Univeristy Repository Divine Men and Women in the History and Society of Late Hellenism Cracow 2013 Andrzej Iwo Szoka Jagiellonian University SALUSTIOS — Divine Man of CYNICISM IN LATE ANTIQUITY In the reconstructed Philosophical History of Damacius, which is our main source of repainting the circle of late platonic philosophers and their world in the 5th and early 6th century, the author mentioned Salustios of Emesa. In a few places Damas‑ cius gave this person the name of Cynic. He said: “His [Salustios’] philosophy was along the lines of Cynicism” (kunikèteron dќ ™filosТfei), and in another passage: “As a Cynic philosopher Salustios (Ὁ Saloύstioj kun…zwn) did not follow the well ‑trodden path of philosophy, but the one made jagged through criticism and abuse and especially through toil in the service of virtue1. According to his opinion, in the modern historiography Salustios is called the last Cynic philosopher of the antiquity, the last heir of philosophy and spiritual movement which was founded by the famous Diogenes of Sinope in the fourth century BC. He was not only the last one, but also the only Cynic philosopher known by name after 4th century who is described by sources. In the times of the Roman Empire cynicism was a vital philosophy, but also it be‑ came the widespread social movement which Giovanni Reale named the Phenomena of the Masses2. On the one hand, we have the Cynicism of well ‑educated philosophers like Demetrius — a friend of Seneca, or Dio of Prusa. -
Proclus and Damascius on Φιλοτιμία: the Neoplatonic Psychology of a Political Emotion
Philosophie antique Problèmes, Renaissances, Usages 17 | 2017 Platon et la politique Proclus and Damascius on φιλοτιμία: The Neoplatonic Psychology of a Political Emotion Robbert M. Van den Berg Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/philosant/289 DOI: 10.4000/philosant.289 ISSN: 2648-2789 Publisher Presses universitaires du Septentrion Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2017 Number of pages: 149-165 ISBN: 978-2-7574-1807-9 ISSN: 1634-4561 Electronic reference Robbert M. Van den Berg, « Proclus and Damascius on φιλοτιμία: The Neoplatonic Psychology of a Political Emotion », Philosophie antique [Online], 17 | 2017, Online since 01 November 2018, connection on 19 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/philosant/289 ; DOI : 10.4000/philosant.289 La revue Philosophie antique est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. PROCLUS AND DAMASCIUS ON ΦΙΛΟΤΙΜΙΑ he Neoplatonic Psychology of a Political Emotion Robbert M. van den Berg Leiden University Résumé. Cet article examine les opinions des néoplatoniciens tardifs sur le phénomène social de la philotimia (« amour des honneurs » ; « ambition »). Sur la base du Commentaire de l’Alcibiade de Proclus, on montre que la philo- timia est une émotion qui résulte d’une compréhension imparfaite de la véritable nature de l’honneur et du pouvoir. La mauvaise philotimia pousse les ambitieux à poursuivre une carrière politique en quête de pouvoir mondain et de prestige, au prix de l’étude de la philosophie. La bonne philotimia, au contraire, peut les pousser à rechercher ce qui est véritablement bien et donc les mettre sur la voie de la philosophie. -
1 the Chronicle of John of Nikiu: Historical Writing in Post-Roman
The Chronicle of John of Nikiu: Historical Writing in Post-Roman Egypt Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Felege-Selam Solomon Yirga Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2020 Dissertation Committee David Bernhard Brakke, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Marie Sessa 1 Copyrighted by Felege-Selam Solomon Yirga 2020 2 Abstract While there has been a great deal of work on the late seventh-century Chronicle of John, the anti-Chalcedonian Bishop of Nikiu, since its 1883 publication and French translation by Hermann Zotenberg, there have been few modern studies devoted exclusively to the author and his work. What is more, these modern studies primarily engage with the text as a source of data for the reign of Emperor Herakleios, and the Arab conquest of Egypt, meaning that modern historians often read past the author to a layer of sources beneath them. This positivist utilitarian view of the Chornicle often involves reducing John’s worldview to that of a monophysite historian and a Coptic proto-nationalist, and as such interprets the relevant data through this framework. Modern scholarship has further transposed this world view onto the author’s world, creating the impression that the Chronicle presents a narrative which reflects the development of a Coptic identity characterized primarily by hostility towards the Chalcedonian church, and the Roman state which had previously supported it. Anything in the text which challenges this view is dismissed as the product of John of Nikiu’s method of compiling sources and inverting pro-Chalcedonian and pro-Roman sentiments where they appear.