A Bridge Over Troubled Borders: Europeanising the Balkans
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06-39 Atlas of UB 148X210.Indd
unusual borders: enclaves, exclaves, and other phenomena Borders are scars on the face of the planet... Las fronteras dividen, solo crean cicatrices A B These two lines are taken from the song ‘We Rise Again’ by the American band Gogol Bordello. The second line translates as: Borders divide, and only create scars. Since the beginning of modern civilization, man has sought to claim his territory and defi ne it with borders. These borders divide the land into what is ‘mine’ and what is ‘yours’. They say that you need permission to see his mountain; C that they must ask before watching the sunset on your beach; that this side of the lake is mine, and the opposite side is yours. Borders do not always ‘behave’ in a predictable way. They do not always follow a simple, straight course, with as few twists and turns as possible. Where borders are not clearly defi ned, this creates potential for confl ict. But perhaps the main cause of confl ict is man’s instinct to strive for more. Over many years, confl icts – In this case, C is an exclave of territory B, but at the same time it is an enclave both large and small – have led to the movement of borders, as people have sought within territory A. to make the dream come true that ‘ours’ is greater than ‘theirs’. Apart from enclaves, often known as true enclaves, there are also so-called The political map of the world reveals the results of these border movements, pene-enclaves – territories that are physically separated from the home country the lines giving the impression of scars left by man on the face of our planet, and but which can still be reached without passing through another country. -
Support to Water Resources Management in the Drina River Basin Project Id No
Consulting Services for SUPPORT TO WATER RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN THE DRINA RIVER BASIN PROJECT ID NO. 1099991 SERBIA– INVESTMENT PRIORITISATION FRAMEWORK VOLUME 1 – MAIN REPORT November 2017 Consulting Services for SUPPORT TO WATER RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN THE DRINA RIVER BASIN PROJECT ID NO. 1099991 SERBIA – INVESTMENT PRIORITISATION FRAMEWORK VOLUME 1 – MAIN REPORT November 2017 PROJECT NO. A038803 DOCUMENT NO. 1 VERSION C DATE OF ISSUE November 2017 PREPARED JV COWI-Stucky-JCI team as in Inception Report CHECKED Nadja Zeleznik, REC APPROVED Roar Selmer Solland, COWI Consulting Services for SUPPORT TO WATER RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN THE DRINA RIVER BASIN PROJECT ID NO. 1099991 This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Western Balkans Joint Fund under the Western Balkans Investment Framework. The views expressed herein are those of authors and can therefore in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the Contributors to the European Western Balkans Joint Fund or the EBRD and the EIB, as co‐managers of the European Western Balkans Joint Fund. World Bank Serbia – Investment Prioritisation Framework Support to Water Resources Management in the Drina River Basin i Table of Contents Page No Acronyms and Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................. viii 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... -
Serbia in 2001 Under the Spotlight
1 Human Rights in Transition – Serbia 2001 Introduction The situation of human rights in Serbia was largely influenced by the foregoing circumstances. Although the severe repression characteristic especially of the last two years of Milosevic’s rule was gone, there were no conditions in place for dealing with the problems accumulated during the previous decade. All the mechanisms necessary to ensure the exercise of human rights - from the judiciary to the police, remained unchanged. However, the major concern of citizens is the mere existential survival and personal security. Furthermore, the general atmosphere in the society was just as xenophobic and intolerant as before. The identity crisis of the Serb people and of all minorities living in Serbia continued. If anything, it deepened and the relationship between the state and its citizens became seriously jeopardized by the problem of Serbia’s undefined borders. The crisis was manifest with regard to certain minorities such as Vlachs who were believed to have been successfully assimilated. This false belief was partly due to the fact that neighbouring Romania had been in a far worse situation than Yugoslavia during the past fifty years. In considerably changed situation in Romania and Serbia Vlachs are now undergoing the process of self identification though still unclear whether they would choose to call themselves Vlachs or Romanians-Vlachs. Considering that the international factor has become the main generator of change in Serbia, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia believes that an accurate picture of the situation in Serbia is absolutely necessary. It is essential to establish the differences between Belgrade and the rest of Serbia, taking into account its internal diversities. -
9629582* A/51/563 S/1996/884 English Page 2
UNITED NATIONS AS General Assembly Distr. Security Council GENERAL A/51/563* S/1996/884* 14 November 1996 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Fifty-first session Fifty-first year Agenda item 81 REVIEW OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE STRENGTHENING OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY Letter dated 28 October 1996 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Yugoslavia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to transmit, enclosed herewith, the aide-mémoire of the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia concerning the Prevlaka issue. I should be grateful if you would have the text of the present letter and its annex circulated as an official document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 81, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Vladislav JOVANOVIC Chargé d’affaires, a.i. * Reissued for technical reasons. 96-32383 (E) 191196 /... *9629582* A/51/563 S/1996/884 English Page 2 ANNEX Aide-mémoire issued at Belgrade in October 1996 by the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia concerning the Prevlaka issue 1. Between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely between the Republic of Montenegro and the Republic of Croatia, there is a territorial dispute over the Prevlaka peninsula (Cape Ostri and a part of its natural hinterland) in the Boka Kotorska bay. This has been clearly noted in the first sentence of article 4 of the Agreement on Normalization of Relations between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia of 23 August 1996 (A/51/351-S/1996/744, annex). -
Potentials and Possibilities for the Commercial Use Of
Potentials and possibilities for the commercial use of woody biomass for the production of energy and economic development of the municipalities of Nova Varoš, Priboj and Prijepolje UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF FORESTRY In cooperation with Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management, Directorate for Forests and Country Office Serbia Project Name: Promoting Renewable Energy Sources at Local Level Study: Potentials and possibilities for the commercial use of woody biomass for the production energy and economic development of the municipalities of Nova Varoš, Priboj and Prijepolje Project Manager Head of Institute for Wood Processing Prof. Dr Branko Glavonjić Prof. Dr Branko Glavonjić DEAN OF THE FACULTY OF FORESTRY ___________________________ Prof. Dr Milan Medarević Belgrade, December 2009 -- 1 -- Potentials and possibilities for the commercial use of woody biomass for the production of energy and economic development of the municipalities of Nova Varoš, Priboj and Prijepolje C O N T E N T 1. INTRODUCTION, OBJECTIVE AND GOALS OF THE STUDY .......................................................... 7 1.1. Methodology used ................................................................................................................................ 8 2. GEOGRAPHIC POSITION AND GENERAL INDICATORS OF THE MUNICIPALITIES OF NOVA VAROŠ, PRIBOJ I PRIJEPOLJE ................................................................................................................... 9 3. CONDITION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GROWING STOCK IN -
3. Multilateral Peace Missions
3. Multilateral peace missions SHARON WIHARTA I. Peace missions in 2002 The trend towards smaller, short-term and mandate-specific peace missions continued in 2002. Several long-standing missions were closed: the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), the United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka (UNMOP) in Croatia, the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Assistance Group to Chechnya, NATO’s Task Force Fox (TFF)1 in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Mace- donia (FYROM), and the Australian-led International Peace Monitoring Team for the Solomon Islands (IPMT). In the case of two of the closed UN missions, smaller missions were set up with clear, credible and achievable mandates. After seven years in operation, UNMIBH ended its tenure at the end of 2002, and the mandate to oversee the development and strengthening of police forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina was handed over to the European Union Police Mission (EUPM).2 UNTAET was succeeded by the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET). The two other new UN missions—the United Nations Mission in Angola (UNMA) and the United Nations Assis- tance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA)––were of a more political and peace- building nature, acting as adviser to the host governments. Events in both Angola and Afghanistan prompted the reactivation of dormant UN missions. In East Timor, the largely smooth transition to the independent state of Timor- Leste in May 2002 allowed for an appropriately reduced UN engagement there. Several other missions—particularly in the Balkans—were restructured because of the growing political and security stability in these countries and the successful completion of mission mandates. -
War in the Balkans, 1991-2002
WAR IN THE BALKANS, 1991-2002 R. Craig Nation August 2003 ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave., Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications Office by calling (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or be e-mail at [email protected] ***** Most 1993, 1994, and all later Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/ ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-134-2 ii CONTENTS Foreword . v Preface . vii Map of the Balkan Region. viii 1. The Balkan Region in World Politics . 1 2. The Balkans in the Short 20th Century . 43 3. The State of War: Slovenia and Croatia, 1991-92. -
Plemena U CG | Prezimena U CG Vabić, Baošići, Herceg-Novi
Program | Uprava | O nama | Reagovanja, pisma... | Plemena u CG | Prezimena u CG V Vabić, Baošići, Herceg-Novi; u Nikšiću Vavis, Podgorica Vavić, u Kruševicama, Herceg-Novi; u Nikšiću Vaga, Herceg-Novi Vagas, i, Kotor 1350. god. Vagner, Herceg-Novi Vadić, Herceg-Novi, po nahočetu Vadotić, Podgorica Vadjon, Berane i Budva Vajat, Nikšić Vajdić, Herceg-Novi Vajzović, Pljevlja 1854. god. Vajmeš, u Šekularima (Vasojevići) Vajmeši u Šekularima (Gornji Vasojevići) su Drobnjaci! Vajmeši i Babići su Ćetkovi potomci. Vajmeši su: Pantovići sa ogrankom Aleksići (prezime), Markovići, Ivovići, Milunovići, Devići, Miloševići sa Nedovićima, Radoševići i Đorđijevići. Vajmeši su i Stijovići (Brunčevići, Brunci) koji su ranije živjeli u Budimlji. Babići su: Babići, Đorovići, Tomovići i Mlađenovići. Slave Đurđevdan, a prislužuju sv. Iliju. Ovim bratstvima su rod Asovići iz Donje Ržanice i Šekularci iz Gornjih Sela. Izvor/ prenijeto iz knjiga: Blaža Ralevića – Kaludra 1676 – 1976, Beograd 1976, i Mirka Raičevića – Gornja sela, naselja i stanovništvo, Beograd 1994. Vajner, Kotor Vakleš, u Kotoru Vaknituki, Kotor Vala, Herceg-Novi Valac Gornjevuk, predak bratstva Gornjevuka u Dobrskom Selu Valengino, Herceg-Novi Valentin, Ulcinj Valentinović, Kotor 1534. god. Valentinčić, Kotor Valenčić, Kotor Valeri, Budva Valetić, Herceg-Novi Vales, Kotor Valijero, Kotor Valosenjori, u Šasu (Ulcinj) Valčić, Kotor; Budva Valšić, Kotor Valjato, u Baošićima, Herceg-Novi Valjari, rod u selu Bioskoj u Užičkoj Crnoj Gori Vamović, Bes, uz Skadarsko jezero, porijeklom su iz Bratonožića Vanacek, Kotor Vandup, kod Mojkovca Vanđević, u Kotoru iz Crne Gore Vanid, Herceg-Novi Vanis, vidi: Vano Vano = Vanis, Bar Vancek, Kotor Vaporić, Kotor Varaga, u Potarju (Mojkovac), potomci su saskih rudara iz 13. v. Varagić = Verović, iz limske doline preselili se oko 1700. -
Yugoslav Foreign Policy: Continuity and Changes
YUGOSLAV FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGES PREDRAG SIMIC Predrag Simic is the Director of the Institute of International Politics and Economics, Belgrade. INTRODUCTION Changes in Yugoslav foreign policy began towards the end of the eighties under the influence of numerous external and internal factors which called for a profound revision of the country’s foreign policy agenda in order to meet the new realities in Europe and the world. Yugoslavia emerged from World War II as a socialist country, but after conflict with the Soviet Union in 1948, it solicited the support of the West, and, finally, in the mid-fifties, it found a comfortable position as a strategic buffer between the East and West, whilst at the beginning of the sixties she likewise became one of the leading countries of the Non-Aligned Movement. The end of the Cold War changed this international position: the changes in Eastern Europe made her lose her position as a strategic buffer and marginalized the significance of the Non-Aligned Movement in international relations. The drastic internal crisis that incited centrifugal aspirations among the Yugoslav republics likewise had its effect, necessitating an immediate revision of her foreign policy towards European integration. Yugoslavia thus cautiously began approaching the European Community, but this process was suddenly shattered when civil war broke out in June 1991 and soon resulted in the secession of four Yugoslav republics and the creation of a new Federal Republic of Yugoslav (FRY) comprised only of Serbia and Montenegro. The events in Slovenia, Croatia (the Krayina) and Bosnia and the international sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council in May 1992 on the new Yugoslavia, condemning her for alleged interference in the war in Bosnia, likewise dictated changes in her foreign political agenda. -
Financing for Hydropower in Protected Areas in Southeast Europe: 2018 Update
Financing for hydropower in protected areas in Southeast Europe: 2018 update March 2018 ! Research and writing Igor Vejnović, CEE Bankwatch Network Pippa Gallop, CEE Bankwatch Network with additional research by Lyubomir Kostadinov and Andrey Ralev Acknowledgements Viktor Berishaj, Kosovo Viktor Bjelić, Center for Environment, Bosnia and Herzegovina Aleksandra Bujaroska, Front 21/42, Macedonia Milija Čabarkapa, Green Home, Montenegro Ana Colovic-Lesoska, Eco-sense - Center for environmental research and information Ulrich Eichelmann, Riverwatch, Austria Denis Frančišković, Eko-pan, Croatia Ellen Frank-Lajqi, ERA, Kosovo Jelena Ivanić, Center for Environment, Bosnia and Herzegovina Nataša Milivojević, Ekološko Udruženje RZAV, Serbia Olsi Nika, EcoAlbania, Albania Robert Oroz, Eko-Gotuša, Bosnia-Herzegovina Irma Popović Dujmović, WWF Adria, Croatia Ivan Posinjak, web/database developer, Croatia Theresa Schiller, EuroNatur Stiftung, Germany Dr Ulrich Schwarz, Fluvius consultancy, Austria Editing Pippa Gallop, CEE Bankwatch Network Layout Meher Badia, David Hoffman, CEE Bankwatch Network Photographs Cover image: Matic Oblak: Construction of the Medna Sana hydropower plant near the source of the river Sana, Bosnia-Herzegovina, June 2017 This publication is a part of the "Save the Blue Heart of Europe" campaign organised by EuroNatur – European Nature Heritage Foundation (www.euronatur.org) and Riverwatch – Society for the Protection of rivers (www.riverwatch.eu/en/). Supported by MAVA Foundation and Manfred-Hermsen-Stiftung. 1 Contents Glossary of key concepts Executive summary 1. Introduction 2. Overview of results 2.1 The companies behind the projects 2.2 The projects’ financiers 3. Country profiles 3.1 Albania 3.2 Bosnia and Herzegovina 3.3 Bulgaria 3.4 Croatia 3.5 Kosovo 3.6 Macedonia 3.7 Montenegro 3.8 Serbia 3.9 Slovenia 4. -
Serbia and Montenegro Is to Reap the Full Benefits of Stabilisation and Association
COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Brussels, 26.3.2003 SEC(2003) 343 &200,66,2167$)):25.,1*3$3(5 6HUELDDQG0RQWHQHJUR 6WDELOLVDWLRQDQG$VVRFLDWLRQ5HSRUW >&20 ILQDO@ 6HUELDDQG0RQWHQHJUR 6WDELOLVDWLRQDQG$VVRFLDWLRQ5HSRUW 7$%/(2)&217(176 (;(&87,9(6800$5< 32/,7,&$/6,78$7,21 2.1 Democracy and rule of law......................................................................................................3 2.2. Human rights and protection of minorities............................................................................14 2.3. Regional co-operation............................................................................................................19 2.4. Priority areas needing attention in the next 12 months..........................................................25 (&2120,&6,78$7,21 3.1. Current Economic Situation ..................................................................................................26 3.2. Existence of a Free Market Economy and Structural Reform ...............................................30 3.3. Management of Public Finances............................................................................................32 3.4 Priority areas needing attention in the next 12 months..........................................................34 ,03/(0(17$7,212)7+(67$%,/,6$7,21$1'$662&,$7,21352&(66 4.1. General Evaluation ................................................................................................................34 4.2. Internal market and trade.......................................................................................................36 -
The Case for Montenegro's Independence
Talking Points THE CASE FOR MONTENEGRO'S INDEPENDENCE 20 July 2001 Janusz Bugajski Director, East European Project Montenegro cannot afford to be a passive bystander toward dynamic developments in South East Europe. A stagnant status quo, through the indefinite postponement of its decision on independence, may heighten the republic's susceptibility to potentially destabilizing pressures from the federal structures in Belgrade. Indeed, the recent conflicts within the federal government, and between the Yugoslav administration and the Serbian republican government over the extradition of Slobodan Miloševic to The Hague, indicates the inherently volatile and unstable nature of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). A renewed Yugoslav federation would be difficult to construct between the Serbian and Montenegrin governments. The administration of Yugoslav President Vojislav Koštunica in Belgrade is not considered legitimate by Montenegro: 75% of the republic's citizens abstained from the last federal elections following illegitimate and unilateral constitutional changes by the former Miloševic regime that have not been revised. The Montenegrin authorities therefore support the alternative option of a bilateral and equal alliance with Serbia following the restoration of Montenegro's independence. An alliance or loose confederation will require two legitimate states agreeing to share some government functions, an arrangement that is the sovereign decision of any state. Any more intensive bi-republican union between two such demographically unequal countries may result in domination by the larger member. A loose association coordinating some aspects of defense, foreign, and economic policy may engender fruitful bilateral cooperation between Belgrade and Podgorica and contribute to security in the Balkans. With the new government in Podgorica, formed in July 2001, committed to holding a referendum on independence by March 2002, it is worthwhile to consider the case for Montenegro's statehood and avoid any hasty opposition to the demise of the FRY.