Prof. Tony Martin Dis-Invite by Ken Livingstone & Lee Jasper
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Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections
Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections David Hirsh Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK The Working Papers Series is intended to initiate discussion, debate and discourse on a wide variety of issues as it pertains to the analysis of antisemitism, and to further the study of this subject matter. Please feel free to submit papers to the ISGAP working paper series. Contact the ISGAP Coordinator or the Editor of the Working Paper Series, Charles Asher Small. Working Paper Hirsh 2007 ISSN: 1940-610X © Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy ISGAP 165 East 56th Street, Second floor New York, NY 10022 United States Office Telephone: 212-230-1840 www.isgap.org ABSTRACT This paper aims to disentangle the difficult relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. On one side, antisemitism appears as a pressing contemporary problem, intimately connected to an intensification of hostility to Israel. Opposing accounts downplay the fact of antisemitism and tend to treat the charge as an instrumental attempt to de-legitimize criticism of Israel. I address the central relationship both conceptually and through a number of empirical case studies which lie in the disputed territory between criticism and demonization. The paper focuses on current debates in the British public sphere and in particular on the campaign to boycott Israeli academia. Sociologically the paper seeks to develop a cosmopolitan framework to confront the methodological nationalism of both Zionism and anti-Zionism. It does not assume that exaggerated hostility to Israel is caused by underlying antisemitism but it explores the possibility that antisemitism may be an effect even of some antiracist forms of anti- Zionism. -
Barthé, Darryl G. Jr.Pdf
A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Becoming American in Creole New Orleans: Family, Community, Labor and Schooling, 1896-1949 Darryl G. Barthé, Jr. Doctorate of Philosophy in History University of Sussex Submitted May 2015 University of Sussex Darryl G. Barthé, Jr. (Doctorate of Philosophy in History) Becoming American in Creole New Orleans: Family, Community, Labor and Schooling, 1896-1949 Summary: The Louisiana Creole community in New Orleans went through profound changes in the first half of the 20th-century. This work examines Creole ethnic identity, focusing particularly on the transition from Creole to American. In "becoming American," Creoles adapted to a binary, racialized caste system prevalent in the Jim Crow American South (and transformed from a primarily Francophone/Creolophone community (where a tripartite although permissive caste system long existed) to a primarily Anglophone community (marked by stricter black-white binaries). These adaptations and transformations were facilitated through Creole participation in fraternal societies, the organized labor movement and public and parochial schools that provided English-only instruction. -
1 Rebels As Local Leaders?
Rebels as local leaders? The Mayoralties of Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson Compared Ben Worthy Mark Bennister The Mayoralty of London offers a powerful electoral platform but weak powers to lead a city regarded as ‘ungovernable’ (Travers 2004). This paper adapts the criteria of Hambleton and Sweeting (2004) to look at the first two Mayors’ mandate and vision, style of leadership and policies. Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson were both party rebels, mavericks and skilled media operators. However, their differences are key. As mayor, Livingstone had a powerful vision that translated into a set of clear policy aims while Johnson had a weaker more cautious approach shaped by his desire for higher office. Livingstone built coalitions but proved divisive whereas Johnson was remarkably popular. While Livingstone bought experience and skill, Johnson delegated detail to others. Both their mayoralties courted controversy and faced charges of corruption and cronyism. Both mayors used publicity to make up for weak powers. They also found themselves pushed by their powers towards transport and planning while struggling with deeper issues such as housing. In policy terms Livingstone pushed ahead with the radical congestion charge and a series of symbolic policies. Johnson was far more modest, championing cycling and revelling in the 2012 Olympics while avoiding difficult decisions. The two mayors used their office to negotiate but also challenge central government. Livingstone’s Mayoralty was a platform for personalised change-Johnson’s one for personal ambition. Directly Elected Mayors were introduced to provide local leadership, accountability and vision to UK local government. Beginning under New Labour and continued under the Coalition and Conservatives, directly elected mayors were offered initially by referendum, and later imposed, up and down the country beginning with London 2000 and then in 16 cities and towns including Bristol and Liverpool. -
Mayor's Report to the Assembly
Mayor’s Report to the Assembly, 15th November 2006 Background Document – List of Decisions recorded between 5th October 2006 to 1st November 2006 Ref Decision Date Approved by Policy Director/ Financial Implications Comments Mayoral Adviser MA 2773 Approved the Air Quality Progress 30/10/06 Ken Livingstone MMB There are no direct costs to Report and its publication on the the GLA arising from this GLA website. decision. MA 2783 Agreed: 12/10/06 Ken Livingstone Anni Marjoram The estimated gross cost of this conference is £170,455 1. The seventh Capitalwoman and the net cost to the GLA conference and supporting is £50,000. The balance of conference publications on 3 £120,455 will be met from March 2007. grant income from the LDA (£60,000) and sponsorship 2. To waive the GLA’s contracts income (£60,455). code of practice to enable the conference to be held at the QEII The GLA’s net cost of Conference Centre and Central £50,000 will be met from Hall Westminster. the 2006/07 Stakeholders Programme budget. MA 2798 Approved: 05/10/06 Ken Livingstone Redmond O’Neill The gross and net cost of the additional work required 1. An amendment to the contract for this contract to the GLA approved in MA1832 for a is £5,000 and will be met by consultant to provide services in a virement from the Moscow to the International 2006/07 Strategic Projects Affairs Team to pay for & Policy Evaluation additional services to be Programme budget to the provided, with immediate effect. 2006/07 International & European Relations 2. -
Boris Johnson Making London’S Mayor More Accountable
Making London’s Mayor Accountable Boris Johnson Making London’s Mayor More Accountable I believe Londoners should have a greater say on how their city is run, more information on how decisions are made and details on how City Hall money is spent. Ken Livingstone presides over a budget of more than £10billion and demands £311 per year from the average taxpaying household in London. Yet Londoners have little confidence in the Mayor spending their money with care and prudence. Mayor Livingstone’s extravagant spending on publicity, his jaunts to Cuba and Venezuela at taxpayers’ expense, and the recent reports of his close advisers using their influence to manipulate the expenditure of public money have all confirmed that Ken Livingstone’s Mayoralty is unaccountable and disdainful of scrutiny. If elected, I will aim to create a different style of government at City Hall by introducing a series of measures designed to make my Mayoralty more accountable, and spending more transparent. The first of these will be the reform of People’s Question Times, open public forums where ordinary residents are able to question the Mayor and London Assembly members. Under my plans, not only will we hold these events more frequently, but we will establish question sessions that focus on myself and perhaps my Deputy too, giving Londoners the chance to question their Mayor more directly. By exercising the Mayor’s right to chair the Metropolitan Police Authority, I will take direct responsibility for tackling crime, and will be fully accountable for police performance. Local Borough Commanders will be required to hold monthly open public meetings so that local people can regularly hold their police to account. -
Mayor's Report to the Assembly, \(Date of Meeting\)
APPENDIX A Mayor’s Report to the Assembly, 17th May 2006 Background Document – List of Decisions recorded between 9th March 2006 to 19 April 2006 Ref Decision Date Approved by Policy Director/ Financial Implications Comments Mayoral Adviser MA 2287 Agreed: 07/03/06 Ken Livingstone N/A The total contract value over three years to the GLA 1. To extend retrospectively the is £282,000 (£94,000 per existing Porterage contract from annum). the 1st November 2005 until 28th February 2006 to allow for the The Porterage service at tender period over the holiday City Hall is provided by a season. mixture of in-house staff and contracted services. 2. To appoint the successful The cost of the contracted tenderer OCS to supply services are contained Porterage services for a period of within the staffing budget three years commencing 1st for the approved staffing March 2006, with an option to establishment of 69 FTE for extend for a further two years. Facilities Management staff The value of the contract over providing porterage, three years will be £282,000. security and call centre services. Given the demands on the Security and Porterage services at City Hall it has not proved possible to contain staffing and contracted services costs APPENDIX A within the approved staffing budget which assumes the ability to maintain a 4.5% vacancy allowance based on natural turnover and makes no allowance for the level of overtime, which has proved necessary. In recognition of the pressures on the porterage service a growth bid of £85,000 was submitted and approved for the 2006/07 budget to help meet costs of this new contract. -
A Mayor and Assembly for London. Report
A Mayor and Assembly for London: 10 years on Report of Conference at LSE 2 nd July 2010 Opening remarks of Chairman, Emeritus Professor George Jones, Chairman of the Greater London Group [GLG] This conference follows one of May 2007 held at City Hall, which had looked at the performance and demise of the Greater London Council [GLC]. Notable speakers at that event were the then Mayor, Ken Livingstone, and Lord (Desmond) Plummer, a former Conservative Leader of the GLC, who had since died. That earlier event was timed to mark the 40-year anniversary of the date when Plummer had become leader. Earlier this year L.J. [Jim] Sharpe died. He had been a research officer with the GLG in the early 1960s and had helped prepare evidence leading to the establishment of the GLC. He went on to write two pioneering GLG papers about the 1961 London County Council (LCC) Elections called A Metropolis Votes (1962) and about Research in Local Government (1965) . He remained a frequent visitor to the Group and writer about London government. I would like to dedicate this conference to Jim’s memory. The Group also lost a few days ago William Plowden who sat with me at GLG Monday afternoon meetings under the chairmanship of William Robson when I first joined the Group in 1966. Today’s conference is timely since the vesting day of the Greater London Authority [GLA], when it came into being, is ten years ago tomorrow. The objective of the conference is to assess the performance of the Mayor and Assembly that make up the GLA, looking at why and how it came into being, its achievements and disappointments. -
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157 The Black Power Movement in Trinidad and Tobago Jerome Teelucksingh ABSTRACT The article examines the impact of Black Power in Trinidad and Tobago during the 1960s and 1970s. Black Power appealed to a wide cross-section of the public, including academics, trade unionists, and the underprivileged. There is emphasis on the global and regional linkages, including the Sir George Williams Affair in Canada and the Black Power Movement in the United States. Furthermore, Black Power participants in Trinidad and Tobago maintained contacts with their counterparts in other Caribbean countries. The article also provides evidence that the Black Power Movement highlighted the economic problems, racism, and social crisis facing Trinidad and Tobago. This included removal of restrictions from certain jobs and reduction of the racial tension between Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-Trinidadians. Mention is made of individuals and groups who provided leadership, guidance, and ideological input within the movement. Origins of Black Power Black Power in Trinidad and Tobago, during the 1960s and 1970s, was strongly influenced by the ideology of Pan-Africanism, which emerged during the nineteenth century and continued into the early twentieth century when Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican based in the United Black Diaspora Review 4(1) Winter 2014 158 States, promoted race consciousness during the 1920s and 1930s.1 Race consciousness, African identity, and pride were important components of Pan-Africanism and Garveyism, which comprised the foundation of Black Power. The emergence of Black Power during the 1960s signified a struggle to reclaim authority, power, identity, and respect. Black Power in the United States was a response to many years of racism faced by African Americans and that turbulent era was marked by discontent with the “establishment” and rejection of conventional politics. -
Optimizing the Functional Utility of Afrocentric Intellectual Production
I OPTIMIZING THE FUNCTIONAL UTILITY OF AFROCENTRIC INTELLECTUAL PRODUCTION: THE SIGNIFIGANCE OF SYSTEMIC RACE CONSCIOUSNESS & NECESSITY OF A SEPARETIST EPISTEMOLOGICAL STANDPOINT A Thesis Submitted to The Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts By Zachary Brooks May 2018 II ABSTRACT This research aims to reinforce the functional aspect of the Afrocentric paradigm by coupling the development of Afrocentric consciousness with a systemic race consciousness so that the intellectual production coming out of the discipline of Africology can more practically address the needs of Afrikan people under the contemporary system of white supremacy. By examining strengths and limitations of some existing theories and concepts within Black Studies, the goal of this examination becomes to more effectively address the problems of the epistemic convergence Eurocentrism structurally imposes on Afrikan people seeking liberation. Through an examination of how the cultural logic of racism/white supremacy has determined the shape and character of institutions within the United States, this work will argue that the most constructive political disposition for an Afrocentrist to take is one of separatist nationalism. The argument being made is that this ideological component is a necessary catalyst to produce Afrocentric scholarship that has optimal functional utility toward the goal of achieving sustainable liberation for Afrikan people from the Maafa. Keywords: Afrocentricity, Separatism, Race -
Jewish-Muslim Relations in History
APPENDIX I JEWISH-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN HISTORY JEWS PROSPERED IN THE ENORMOUS ARAB EMPIRE, participated in its “commer- cial revolution,” and were transformed by the “bourgeois revolution,” that socioeco- nomic transformation by which they ceased being what they always had been, a fundamentally rural people of farmers and craftsmen, and earned their livelihood as ur- banites in commerce and finance as well as crafts. The huge Geniza collection of docu- ments from 700 to 1100—found in Fustat, Old Cairo, Egypt at the end of the nineteenth century—shows that the mass of the Jewish population was involved in trade, the characteristic unit being small, the family firm or partnerships, and that they had plenty of competition from Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, and others, that these very small commercial fry operated on a shoestring of capital but with much support by coreligionists in the Diaspora. Jews were also artisans. No less than 265 crafts have been identified as being practiced by Jews, which is a suggestive index of how extensive Jewish participation in crafts and industry was and how advanced and specialized indus- try was in the Islamic world; the Geniza material indicates an astonishing total of about 450 professions and callings among Jews. That material also dispels the long-dominant “idea that banking during the Middle Ages consisted mainly of money lending and that the Jews were the Rothschilds of the Islamic world.”1 This myth owed much to the French scholar Louis Massignon, who unfortunately followed Werner Sombart in con- cluding that “the prohibition of usury caused the trade in money to be monopolized in the Muslim world, first by Christians, then by the Jews.”2 In contrast to medieval Christianity, Islam was very accepting of commerce and the merchant; after all, Muhammad was a merchant. -
The Mayoralties of Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Birkbeck Institutional Research Online Rebels Leading London: The Mayoralties of Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson Compared This article compares the mayoralties of the first two directly elected Mayors of London, Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson. The position offers a commanding electoral platform, but weak powers to lead a city regarded as ‘ungovernable’ (Travers 2004).The two mayors had some obvious points of comparison: both were party rebels, mavericks and skilled media operators. Both also used publicity to make up for weak powers, but courted controversy and faced charges of corruption and cronyism. Utilising Hambleton and Sweeting (2004), this article compares their mayoralties in terms of vision, leadership style and policies. Livingstone had a powerful vision that translated into clear policy aims while Johnson was more cautious, shaped by a desire for higher office. In terms of style, Livingstone built coalitions but proved divisive whereas Johnson retained remarkable levels of popularity. Where Livingstone bought experience and skill, Johnson delegated. In policy terms, the two mayors found themselves pushed by their institutional powers towards transport and planning while struggling with deeper issues such as housing. Livingstone introduced the radical congestion charge and a series of symbolic policies. Johnson was far more modest – championing cycling, the 2012 Olympics and avoiding difficult decisions. The two used their office to negotiate, but also challenge, central government. Livingstone’s rebel mayoralty was a platform for personalised change, Johnson’s one for personal ambition. Keywords: Mayors, political leadership, London, comparative, Boris Johnson, Ken Livingstone 1 Directly-elected mayors were introduced to bring new leadership, accountability and vision to English local government. -
Download the African American History Readings List
In the Age of Social Media and national chaos, almost everyone holds and shares passionate opinions on race and politics in America. However, as technology-driven platforms routinely encourage sound bites and abridged nuggets of communication as standard forms of information sharing, people often accept and pass along headlines and briefs as the primary informants to their perspectives and miss out on deep reading. This does not mean people do not want or have an interest in more comprehensive insight. In fact, this list was compiled in response to common requests for reading recommendations in Black history. The nation is transforming and all kinds of people are seeking to make sense of the world in which they find themselves. There is also an ever-growing movement to build a new one. But, how? The first step medical doctors usually take in determining a route toward healing and general wellness is to reference an individual’s medical history. Perhaps, then, a serious, honest and deep study of Africans in United States and world history will be one of our society’s most decisive steps toward general wellness. So much of this list is comprised of writings from Ancestors, activists, historians, scholars, creatives and others who, with time-consuming effort and minimal compensation, recorded major epochs, events and issues within the Black experience. To ignore their work is to ensure our demise. Semi-understanding race and the making of America will lead to futile opinions without solutions and more cycles of the same. Remember, a valuable doctor is an intensely informed one, and we must all serve as surgeons operating for a new day with a new heartbeat.