Word Pictures in the New Testament - 1 Corinthians
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Three Desert Ammas—Theodora, Sarah, and Syncletica
COURAGEOUS WOMEN: THREE DESERT AMMAS-THEODORA, SARAH, AND SYNCLETICA A New Translation from the Greek Alphabetical Apophthegmata Patrum, with Introduction, Notes, and Comments' Tim Vivian INTRODUCTION Something like 90% of classical Greek and Roman literature is lost to us. This realization becomes acute, even heartbreaking, when we think of how very little of the little we have is by women. An exception that proves the rule is Plutarch’s “Sayings of Trojan Women,” in the Moralia.2 A unique manuscript of Catullus’ poems survived in a wine jar discovered in a monastery. How many of us would delight—exult—to have the complete poems of Sappho? This attrition continues into early Christianity: Paul names quite a few women in ministry; we have authentic writings by none of them.1 In the New Testament we also have T permit no woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she is to keep silent.”4 In the decade before or after the turn of the fourth century, Bishop Theophilus of Alexandria ups the ante, even when he, seemingly, has all the chips: Tim Vivian is a retired Episcopal priest and emeritus professor of Religious Studies at California State University, Bakersfield. He is an expert on Coptic monasticism and has published widely on that subject in this and other journals. 1 A different version of this article will appear as part of a 2-volume translation of the Alphabetical Apophthegmata Patrum (The Sayings of the Desert Fathers), with notes and comments, forthcoming from Cistercian Publications. I wish to thank Kathleen Norris for reading a draft of this article, Joseph Trigg for things Origen, and Janet Gonzales and Chris Livingston at the CSU Bakersfield Walter Stiern Library for help with research materials. -
Tensions in the Greek Symposium Julia Burns Submitted in Fulfillment
Conflicting Desires and Unstable Identities: Tensions in the Greek Symposium Julia Burns Submitted in Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in Classical Studies May 2013 ©2013 Julia Burns I. Introduction The Greek symposium, or private drinking party, was a formal context for the consumption of wine, often accompanied by the enactment of ritual activities or other associated forms of entertainment.1 The tradition of symposia seems to have evolved from group feasts in the Archaic period and from the traditional gathering of hetaireiai in the late Archaic period.2 Generally, men would congregate in the andron of a private home and recline on kline for a night of drinking, singing or poetry composition, discussion, or other games.3 While meals that shared aspects of the Archaic symposium were held in public spaces in Athens by the fifth century, symposia remained the preserve of the elites: the aristocracy had a monopoly on sympotic symbolic capital, despite any popularizing elements of polis-wide feasting.4 The term “symposium” is often used synecdochically for the series of ritual activities that takes place over the course of a single gathering; however, it more accurately relates to the time when wine was consumed during a private party. If food was prepared before the drinking began, this meal, the deipnon, was a distinct and separate ritual element of the party.5 After the consumption of food, a hymn was sung in honor of the gods and libations were poured. At this point, the master of ceremonies, called the symposiarch, would decide the proper ratio at which 1 I would like to thank Kate Gilhuly for her support and invaluable comments on drafts of this paper. -
Was Jesus Christ Crucified?
ARTICLE of the MONTH December, 2014 WAS JESUS CHRIST CRUCIFIED? The very title of this month's article might strike the reader as one startling question for a Bible-founded Christian fellowship to pose; after all, did not the Apostle Paul plainly write to the congregation at Corinth that, ªI determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucifiedºÐI Corinthians 2. 2? Still, in the New World Translation of the Christian Greek Scriptures, published continuously by the Jehovah's Witnesses since 1950 (currently in 2013 revision), the above-quoted verse reads, ªFor I decided not to know anything among you except Jesus Christ, and him executed on the stake.º Similarly, that same translation renders Matthew 10. 38, ªAnd whoever does not accept his torture stake and follow after me is not worthy of me.º Indeed, nowhere in the New World Translation will we find the physical instrument of our Lord's death referred to as a ªcrossº, nor the action itself as a ªcrucifixionºÐthe terms recognised throughout the Christian world. Neither do the Jehovah's Witnesses stand alone in their objection; they, simply, are the largest and most prominent Christian group to make this case. In point of fact, conscientious protest against use of the cross, as a symbol for Jesus's sacrificial death, long pre-dates the 1931 nominate founding of the Jehovah's Witnesses religion: in 1896, e.g., an entire book, The Non-Christian Cross, was published in London; and neither was that the first expressed objection to Christendom's cross. -
The Common Wine Cult of Christ and the Orphic Dionysos: the Wine and Vegetation Saviour Deity Dionysos As Model for the Dying and Rising Christ
REL 4990, MA thesis. Culture and Ideas, History of Religion. Autumn 2010. Maritha E. Gebhardt. Page: 1 The common wine cult of Christ and the Orphic Dionysos: the wine and vegetation saviour deity Dionysos as model for the dying and rising Christ. MA Thesis, Master's Programme in Culture and Ideas, History of Religion, Department of Culture and Oriental Languages, Autumn 2010, by Maritha Elin Gebhardt. Synopsis: In 2005 the Hebrew University Excavation Project unearthed a small incense burner from the fourth century C.E. in the Jewish capital of the Galilee, Sepphoris, depicting a crucified figure, Bacchic satyrs and maenads, and the Christian representation of the sacrifice of Isaac in symbolic form as a ram caught in the thicket of a bush. Five years later the book Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, by Herrero de Jáuregui, refers to two large funerary cloths, one depicts a Dionysiac scene similar to the murals from the Villa dei Misteri and the other one show scenes from the life of Jesus and Mary, both found in the same tomb in Egypt. Both of these depictions testify to the continued syncretism of the Orphic and the Christian symbols and that people in the Hellenistic era found the figure of Christ similar to the Bacchic Orpheus. In my thesis I claim that the dying and rising saviour deity of Dionysos is the forerunner to the dying and rising saviour deity of Christ. I claim that I will prove this by showing that the cult of Christ is a wine cult. The epiphany of Jesus was as a human guest at a party, turning water into wine at the wedding-feast at Cana in John 2:1-11, likewise the epiphany of the wine-god Dionysos is in a similar scene as the Cana-miracle, where he turns water into wine (Achilleus Tatius' De Leucippes et Clitophontis amoribus 2.2:1-2.3:1). -
{DOWNLOAD} Cross
CROSS PDF, EPUB, EBOOK James Patterson | 464 pages | 29 Apr 2010 | Headline Publishing Group | 9780755349401 | English | London, United Kingdom Cross Pens for Discount & Sales | Last Chance to Buy | Cross The Christian cross , seen as a representation of the instrument of the crucifixion of Jesus , is the best-known symbol of Christianity. For a few centuries the emblem of Christ was a headless T-shaped Tau cross rather than a Latin cross. Elworthy considered this to originate from Pagan Druids who made Tau crosses of oak trees stripped of their branches, with two large limbs fastened at the top to represent a man's arm; this was Thau, or god. John Pearson, Bishop of Chester c. In which there was not only a straight and erected piece of Wood fixed in the Earth, but also a transverse Beam fastened unto that towards the top thereof". There are few extant examples of the cross in 2nd century Christian iconography. It has been argued that Christians were reluctant to use it as it depicts a purposely painful and gruesome method of public execution. The oldest extant depiction of the execution of Jesus in any medium seems to be the second-century or early third-century relief on a jasper gemstone meant for use as an amulet, which is now in the British Museum in London. It portrays a naked bearded man whose arms are tied at the wrists by short strips to the transom of a T-shaped cross. An inscription in Greek on the obverse contains an invocation of the redeeming crucified Christ. -
Justin Martyr, Irenaeus of Lyons, and Cyprian of Carthage on Suffering: A
LIBERTY UNIVERSITY JUSTIN MARTYR, IRENAEUS OF LYONS, AND CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE ON SUFFERING: A COMPARATIVE AND CRITICAL STUDY OF THEIR WORKS THAT CONCERN THE APOLOGETIC USES OF SUFFERING IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE RAWLINGS SCHOOL OF DIVINITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THEOLOGY AND APOLOGETICS BY AARON GLENN KILBOURN LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA AUGUST 2017 Copyright © 2017 by Aaron Glenn Kilbourn All Rights Reserved ii APPROVAL SHEET JUSTIN MARTYR, IRENAEUS OF LYONS, AND CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE ON SUFFERING: A COMPARATIVE AND CRITICAL STUDY OF THEIR WORKS THA CONCERN THE APOLOGETIC USES OF SUFFERING IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY Aaron Glenn Kilbourn Read and approved by: Chairperson: _____________________________ Reader: _____________________________ Reader: _____________________________ Date: _____________________________ iii To my wife, Michelle, my children, Aubrey and Zack, as well as the congregation of First Baptist Church of Parker, SD. I thank our God that by His grace, your love, faithfulness, and prayers have all helped sustain each of my efforts for His glory. iv CONTENTS Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………ix Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….x CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………..1 Personal Interest………………………………………………………………………8 The Need for the Study……………………………………………………………….9 Methodological Design……………………………………………………………….10 Limitations……………………………………………………………………………12 CHAPTER 2: THE CONCEPT OF SUFFERING IN THE BIBLE AND EARLY APOLOGISTS........................................................................................................................14 -
Euripides and Gender: the Difference the Fragments Make
Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Ruby Blondell, Chair Deborah Kamen Olga Levaniouk Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2013 Melissa Karen Anne Funke University of Washington Abstract Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Ruby Blondell Department of Classics Research on gender in Greek tragedy has traditionally focused on the extant plays, with only sporadic recourse to discussion of the many fragmentary plays for which we have evidence. This project aims to perform an extensive study of the sixty-two fragmentary plays of Euripides in order to provide a picture of his presentation of gender that is as full as possible. Beginning with an overview of the history of the collection and transmission of the fragments and an introduction to the study of gender in tragedy and Euripides’ extant plays, this project takes up the contexts in which the fragments are found and the supplementary information on plot and character (known as testimonia) as a guide in its analysis of the fragments themselves. These contexts include the fifth- century CE anthology of Stobaeus, who preserved over one third of Euripides’ fragments, and other late antique sources such as Clement’s Miscellanies, Plutarch’s Moralia, and Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae. The sections on testimonia investigate sources ranging from the mythographers Hyginus and Apollodorus to Apulian pottery to a group of papyrus hypotheses known as the “Tales from Euripides”, with a special focus on plot-type, especially the rape-and-recognition and Potiphar’s wife storylines. -
Crucifixion in Antiquity: an Inquiry Into the Background and Significance of the New Testament Terminology of Crucifixion
GUNNAR SAMUELSSON Crucifixion in Antiquity Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2. Reihe 310 Mohr Siebeck Gunnar Samuelsson questions the textual basis for our knowledge about the death of Jesus. As a matter of fact, the New Testament texts offer only a brief description of the punishment that has influenced a whole world. ISBN 978-3-16-150694-9 Mohr Siebeck Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament · 2. Reihe Herausgeber / Editor Jörg Frey (Zürich) Mitherausgeber / Associate Editors Friedrich Avemarie (Marburg) Markus Bockmuehl (Oxford) James A. Kelhoffer (Uppsala) Hans-Josef Klauck (Chicago, IL) 310 Gunnar Samuelsson Crucifixion in Antiquity An Inquiry into the Background and Significance of the New Testament Terminology of Crucifixion Mohr Siebeck GUNNAR SAMUELSSON, born 1966; 1992 Pastor and Missionary Degree; 1997 B.A. and M.Th. at the University of Gothenburg; 2000 Μ. Α.; 2010 ThD; Senior Lecturer in New Testament Studies at the Department of Literature, History of Ideas and Religion, University of Gothenburg. ISBN 978-3-16-150694-9 ISSN 0340-9570 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 2. Reihe) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbiblio graphie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ©2011 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Laupp & Göbel in Nehren on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Nadele in Nehren. -
Biblical Perspectives on Torture: War Crime, the Limits of Retaliation, And
The Asbury Journal 64/2:4-11 © 2009 Asbury Theological Seminary BILL T. ARNOLD Biblical Perspectives on Torture: War the Lzmzts of RetaliatIOn, and the Roman Cross Our concept of "torture" has a narrow and generally accepted definition as the "infliction of severe bodily pain, as punishment or a means of persuasion."1 The Bible has no exact equivalent, and if we limit our discussion to this definition, we might too quickly conclude the Bible has little if anything to say directly about torture. This is so because the Bible's lexical specifics have broader connotations. Words translated "oppress" or "torment" have semantic domains close to our meaning of "torture," but not precisely equivalent.2 Thus the standard Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias are more likely to have entries on "crime and punishment" than "torture," and these have quite different themes to cover. On the other hand, ifwe define "torture" as the use of excessive physical or mental pain against one's enemy combatant or against innocent victims of armed conflict - what we might today call "war crimes" - then the Bible has plenty to say about this topic. Although the Old Testament does not contain large numbers of texts for us to consider, it has important passages in Deuteronomy and Amos pertinent to this theme, as well as scattered texts in the legal corpora. The New Testament, of course, presents the most vivid symbol of torture in human history in the form of the Roman crosS. The Old Testament contains passages that reflect the horrors of wartime torture, especially by prohibiting Israel from engaging in such inhumane acts or in condemning such actions in Israel's neighbors.3 The most important of these texts comes from the book of Deuteronomy, which establishes (1) rules for conducting the war of conquest, when Israel entered the Promised Land and defeated the seven nations (sometimes six are listed) inhabiting the land (Deut 7: 1-26), as well as (2) rules for ordinary warfare conducted after the settlement against enemies outside the Promised Land (Deut 20: 1-20; 21: 10- 14, and cf. -
What Is a Non-Chronological Report?
Question: What is a non-chronological report? A non-chronological report is used to describe something factual. It is similar to a fact file. Question: What might be some of the features of a non- chronological report? • Conclusion • Eye-catching heading • Conjunctions • Relative pronouns • Facts • Sub-headings • Third person • Subordinate clauses • Parenthesis Non-chronological report planner- Introduction: • What is the report about? • A brief overview of the Greek gods- • What did the Greeks believe? • Who are they? • Where did they live? Paragraph 1: Paragraph 2: • Create a headline for this section. Something that relates to the This should be a God that contrasts one of your 12 Olympians in gods of Mount Olympus. paragraph 1. • Choose one of the first 3 gods from the ‘Greek gods fact sheet’ to • Create a headline for this section. humans. write about. • Choose one of the second 3 gods from the ‘Greek gods fact sheet’ to • What they were the god or goddess of and their power or skill. write about. • Describe what they look like (you might want to use the pictures • What they were the god or goddess of and their power or skill. on the information cards to you with this) and something they • Describe what they look like (you might want to use the pictures on might carry or have (this might be a weapon, tool or pet). the information cards to you with this) and something they might • Who are they related to? Who are their children? carry or have (this might be a weapon, tool or pet). • Any similarities to one of the Viking gods? How/why are they • Who are they related to? Who are their children? similar? • Any similarities to one of the Viking gods? How/why are they • Any other interesting facts. -
A God Why Is Hermes Hungry?1
CHAPTER FOUR A GOD WHY IS HERMES HUNGRY?1 Ἀλλὰ ξύνοικον, πρὸς θεῶν, δέξασθέ με. (But by the gods, accept me as house-mate) Ar. Plut 1147 1. Hungry Hermes and Greedy Interpreters In the evening of the first day of his life baby Hermes felt hungry, or, more precisely, as the Homeric Hymn to Hermes in which the god’s earliest exploits are recorded, says, “he was hankering after flesh” (κρειῶν ἐρατίζων, 64). This expression reveals only the first of a long series of riddles that will haunt the interpreter on his slippery journey through the hymn. After all, craving for flesh carries overtly negative connotations.2 In the Homeric idiom, for instance, the expression is exclusively used as a predicate of unpleasant lions.3 Nor does it 1 This chapter had been completed and was in the course of preparation for the press when I first set eyes on the important and innovative study of theHymn to Hermes by D. Jaillard, Configurations d’Hermès. Une “théogonie hermaïque”(Kernos Suppl. 17, Liège 2007). Despite many points of agreement, both the objectives and the results of my study widely diverge from those of Jaillard. The basic difference between our views on the sacrificial scene in the Hymn (which regards only a section of my present chapter on Hermes) is that in the view of Jaillard Hermes is a god “who sac- rifices as a god” (“un dieu qui sacrifie en tant que dieu,” p. 161; “Le dieu n’est donc, à aucun moment de l’Hymne, réellement assimilable à un sacrificateur humain,” p. -
Universidade De São Paulo
UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA, LETRAS E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS DEPARTAMENTO DE LETRAS CLÁSSICAS E VERNÁCULAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM LETRAS CLÁSSICAS Fragmentos de Aristófanes: estudo e tradução Versão corrigida Karen Amaral Sacconi Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em Letras Clássicas do Departamento de Letras Clássicas e Vernáculas da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, para a obtenção do título de doutora em Letras. Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Adriane da Silva Duarte São Paulo 2018 Autorizo a reprodução e divulgação total ou parcial deste trabalho, por qualquer meio convencional ou eletrônico, para fins de estudo e pesquisa, desde que citada a fonte. Catalogação na Publicação Serviço de Biblioteca e Documentação Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo Sacconi, Karen S119f Fragmentos de Aristófanes: estudo e tradução (versão corrigida) / Karen Sacconi ; orientadora Adriane Duarte. - São Paulo, 2018. 260 f. Tese (Doutorado)- Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. Departamento de Letras Clássicas e Vernáculas. Área de concentração: Letras Clássicas. 1. Aristófanes. 2. comédia. 3. fragmentos. 4. Geritades. 5. Convivas. I. Duarte, Adriane, orient. II. Título. Ao Martim e à Catarina. Resumo Esta tese apresenta uma tradução dos fragmentos de Aristófanes e três estudos relativos a eles. O capítulo I, mais geral, é dedicado às fontes. Trata do contexto em que esses fragmentos surgiram, no período helenístico, e da sua transmissão, sobretudo através de escoliastas e lexicógrafos. O segundo e terceiro capítulos tratam de duas comédias em particular, Geritades (Geritadēs) e Convivas (Daitalēs). Nesses dois capítulos, a análise dos fragmentos está conjugada a um paralelo com comédias preservadas: no caso de Geritades, que tem por tema a crítica literária, Rãs; e Nuvens, no caso de Convivas, cujo assunto é o embate entre a nova e a velha educação.