The Common Wine Cult of Christ and the Orphic Dionysos: the Wine and Vegetation Saviour Deity Dionysos As Model for the Dying and Rising Christ
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Demeter and Dionysos: Connections in Literature, Cult and Iconography Kathryn Cook April 2011
Demeter and Dionysos: Connections in Literature, Cult and Iconography Kathryn Cook April 2011 Demeter and Dionysos are two gods among the Greek pantheon who are not often paired up by modern scholars; however, evidence from a number of sources alluding to myth, cult and iconography shows that there are similarities and connections observable from our present point of view, that were commented upon by contemporary authors. This paper attempts to examine the similarities and connections between Demeter and Dionysos up through the Classical period. These two deities were not always entwined in myth. Early evidence of gods in the Linear B tablets mention Dionysos as the name of a deity, but Demeter’s name does not appear in the records until later. Over the centuries (up to approximately the 6th century as mentioned in this paper), Demeter and Dionysos seem to have been depicted together in cult and in literature more and more often. In particular, the figure of Iacchos in the Eleusinian cult seems to form a bridging element between the two which grew from being a personification of the procession for Demeter, into being a Dionysos figure who participated in her cult. Literature: Demeter and Dionysos have some interesting parallels in literature. To begin with, they are both rarely mentioned in the Homeric poems, compared to other gods like Hera or Athena. In the Iliad, neither Demeter nor Dionysos plays a role as a main character. Instead they are mentioned in passing, as an example or as an element of an epic simile.1 These two divine figures are present even less often in the Odyssey, though this is perhaps a reflection of the fewer appearances of the gods overall, they are 1 Demeter: 2.696. -
Tradition and Innovation in Olympiodorus' "Orphic" Creation of Mankind Radcliffe .G Edmonds III Bryn Mawr College, [email protected]
Bryn Mawr College Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College Greek, Latin, and Classical Studies Faculty Research Greek, Latin, and Classical Studies and Scholarship 2009 A Curious Concoction: Tradition and Innovation in Olympiodorus' "Orphic" Creation of Mankind Radcliffe .G Edmonds III Bryn Mawr College, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.brynmawr.edu/classics_pubs Part of the Classics Commons Custom Citation Edmonds, Radcliffe .,G III. "A Curious Concoction: Tradition and Innovation in Olympiodorus' 'Orphic' Creation of Mankind." American Journal of Philology 130, no. 4 (2009): 511-532. This paper is posted at Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College. http://repository.brynmawr.edu/classics_pubs/79 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Radcliffe G. Edmonds III “A Curious Concoction: Tradition and Innovation in Olympiodorus' ‘Orphic’ Creation of Mankind” American Journal of Philology 130 (2009), pp. 511–532. A Curious Concoction: Tradition and Innovation in Olympiodorus' Creation of Mankind Olympiodorus' recounting (In Plat. Phaed. I.3-6) of the Titan's dismemberment of Dionysus and the subsequent creation of humankind has served for over a century as the linchpin of the reconstructions of the supposed Orphic doctrine of original sin. From Comparetti's first statement of the idea in his 1879 discussion of the gold tablets from Thurii, Olympiodorus' brief testimony has been the -
The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Flowers in Greek Mythology
Flowers in Greek Mythology Everybody knows how rich and exciting Greek Mythology is. Everybody also knows how rich and exciting Greek Flora is. Find out some of the famous Greek myths flower inspired. Find out how feelings and passions were mixed together with flowers to make wonderful stories still famous in nowadays. Anemone:The name of the plant is directly linked to the well known ancient erotic myth of Adonis and Aphrodite (Venus). It has been inspired great poets like Ovidius or, much later, Shakespeare, to compose hymns dedicated to love. According to this myth, while Adonis was hunting in the forest, the ex- lover of Aphrodite, Ares, disguised himself as a wild boar and attacked Adonis causing him lethal injuries. Aphrodite heard the groans of Adonis and rushed to him, but it was too late. Aphrodite got in her arms the lifeless body of her beloved Adonis and it is said the she used nectar in order to spray the wood. The mixture of the nectar and blood sprang a beautiful flower. However, the life of this 1 beautiful flower doesn’t not last. When the wind blows, makes the buds of the plant to bloom and then drifted away. This flower is called Anemone because the wind helps the flowering and its decline. Adonis:It would be an omission if we do not mention that there is a flower named Adonis, which has medicinal properties. According to the myth, this flower is familiar to us as poppy meadows with the beautiful red colour. (Adonis blood). Iris: The flower got its name from the Greek goddess Iris, goddess of the rainbow. -
Tensions in the Greek Symposium Julia Burns Submitted in Fulfillment
Conflicting Desires and Unstable Identities: Tensions in the Greek Symposium Julia Burns Submitted in Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in Classical Studies May 2013 ©2013 Julia Burns I. Introduction The Greek symposium, or private drinking party, was a formal context for the consumption of wine, often accompanied by the enactment of ritual activities or other associated forms of entertainment.1 The tradition of symposia seems to have evolved from group feasts in the Archaic period and from the traditional gathering of hetaireiai in the late Archaic period.2 Generally, men would congregate in the andron of a private home and recline on kline for a night of drinking, singing or poetry composition, discussion, or other games.3 While meals that shared aspects of the Archaic symposium were held in public spaces in Athens by the fifth century, symposia remained the preserve of the elites: the aristocracy had a monopoly on sympotic symbolic capital, despite any popularizing elements of polis-wide feasting.4 The term “symposium” is often used synecdochically for the series of ritual activities that takes place over the course of a single gathering; however, it more accurately relates to the time when wine was consumed during a private party. If food was prepared before the drinking began, this meal, the deipnon, was a distinct and separate ritual element of the party.5 After the consumption of food, a hymn was sung in honor of the gods and libations were poured. At this point, the master of ceremonies, called the symposiarch, would decide the proper ratio at which 1 I would like to thank Kate Gilhuly for her support and invaluable comments on drafts of this paper. -
Music and Ritual in Primitive Eleusis
APOSTOLUS Ν. ATHANASSAKIS University of California at Santa Barbara MUSIC AND RITUAL IN PRIMITIVE ELEUSIS To Benjamin Schwartz, my teacher, on his seventieth birthday. The story of Persephone's rape and of Demeter* s arrival in Eleusis is told primarily in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Interestingly enough, once Demeter finds herself inside the palace of Keleos, it is not Metaneira, the queen, but wise old Iambê who knows how to entertain her ( 184—211). Demeter turns down the queen's throne for a humbler seat covered with a sheepskin offered by Iambê. It is Iambê's jests (χλεΰαι) which restore smile and laughter to the grief- stricken guest ( 200—204). Demeter also turns down the customary wine offered by the queen and bids her make a κυκεών, a mixed drink consisting of barley groats (άλφι), water (ΰδωρ), and pennyroyal (γλήχων). The version given in the Orphicorum Fragmenta (Kern 46—53) is rather different.The most articulate ac count is the one given by Clement of Alexandria in Protr. II 20,1—21,2 (Kern 52). According to this account when Demeter reached Eleusis the most important local ruler was Dysaules, and his wife's name was Baubô. The lesser kings or barons were Triptolemos, the cowherd, Eumolpos the shepherd, and Euboulos, the swineherd. Baubô offered Demeter the kykeôn, but the goddess demurred because she was in mourning. Then Baubô resorted to an unusual means of persuasion : ώς ειπούσα πέπλους άνεσύρετο δείξε δε πάντα σώματος ουδέ πρέποντα τύπον παις δ' ήεν "Ιακχος χειρί τέ μιν ρίπτασκε γελών Βαυβοΰς ύπο κόλποις· ή δ' έπεί οδν μείδησε θεά, μείδησ' ένΐ θυμω δέξατο δ* αίόλον άγγος, εν φ κυκεών ενέκειτο. -
Madness in Greek Thought and Custom
he niversi of Mic t u ty higan Madne ss in G re e k Tho ught and C usto m AGNES CARR VAU GH AN A ssis tan t Profeuor of Greek in Wells College A D IS S E RT A T IO N S IN AR AL FU LFILLME N U D P T m M R BME “ “ FO ITT TI Q IN U NIVERSIT"OF MICH IGA N B A M LT I O RE MPA N " 1 . H . FU RST C O 1 9 1 9 PREFACE Before presenting the material of this di ssertation I wish to take the opportunity to express my deep appreciation of the assistance and encouragement given me in my work by the G an d M reek Latin faculties of the University of ichigan and of B C ryn Mawr ollege . I wish to thank especially P rofessor Campbell Bonner of th e University of Michigan for his direction and supervision dur ing the entire period of preparation of this dissertation and to the express my gratitude to Professo r Francis W. Kelsey of University of Michigan for his interest in the work and for his t many valuable sugges ions . M f G m o I . o th e am also indebted to Mr . F o re of depart ent Classical Philology of Columbia University for his courtesy in extending to me th e privileges of the Columbia Library . N v m 1 91 9. o e ber , TABLE OF CONTENT S H n u t n C AP R I. -
The Appeal to Easiness in Aristotle's Protrepticus
THE APPEAL TO EASINESS IN ARISTOTLE’S PROTREPTICUS Matthew D. Walker [Uncorrected draft. To be published in Ancient Philosophy 39 (2019). Please cite only the final published version.] Aristotle’s Protrepticus sought to exhort its audience to engage in philosophy (filosofi&a), i.e., the “acquisition and use of wisdom” (kth~si&v te kai_ xrh~siv sofi&av: 6, 40.2-3/B53; cf. 6, 37.7-9/B8).1 The Protrepticus is now lost. But work by D.S. Hutchinson and Monte Ransome Johnson (2005) has confirmed earlier speculation – initiated by Ingram Bywater (1869) – that Iamblichus preserves large passages of the work in his own Protrepticus. Hutchinson and Johnson 2018 argue that significant portions of the Protrepticus also appear in Iamblichus’ De Communi Mathematica Scientia (DCMS), and that the Protrepticus was originally a dialogue. In passages preserved in Chapter 6 of Iamblichus’ Protrepticus (at 40.15-41.2/B55- 56), Aristotle offers three linked arguments for the claim that philosophy is easy. (I number the arguments in the translation that follows.) [1] For, with no pay coming from people to those who philosophize, on account of which [the latter] would have labored strenuously in this way, and with a great lead extended to the other arts, nevertheless their passing [the other arts] in exactness despite running a short time seems to me to be a sign of the easiness about philosophy. [2] And further, everybody’s feeling at home in it and wishing to occupy leisure with it, leaving aside all else, is no small sign that the close attention comes with pleasure; for no one is willing to labor for a long time. -
BIBLIOGRAPHY for a New Edition of ARISTOTLE's PROTREPTICUS
1 PROVISIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY for a new edition of ARISTOTLE'S PROTREPTICUS compiled by D. S. Hutchinson and Monte Ransome Johnson version of 2013 February 25 A. Primary Sources 1. Aristotle a. Collections of fragments of Aristotle's lost works, including his Protrepticus b. Editions and translations of fragments of Aristotle’s Protrepticus c. Editions and translations of papyri attributable to Aristotle's Protrepticus d. Editions and translations of the Aristotle Corpus e. Editions and translations of other lost works of Aristotle 2. Isocrates 3. Plato 4. Archytas of Tarentum 5. Heraclides of Pontus 6. Anonymous Iamblichi 7. Cicero 8. Clement of Alexandria (AD II-III) 9. Lactantius (AD III-IV) 10. Iamblichus of Chalcis (AD III-IV) a. Manuscripts of the Protrepticus b. Printed editions and translations of the Protrepticus c. Editions and translations of other works of Iamblichus 11. Ancient Commentators a. Aristocles of Messene (AD I) b. Alexander of Aphrodisias (AD II) c. Ammonius (AD V) d. Proclus (AD V) e. Olympiodorus the younger (AD V-VI) f. Philoponus (AD VI) g. Asclepius of Tralles (AD VI) h. Elias (AD VI-VII) i. David the Invincible Philosopher (AD VI-VII) j. Anonymous Scholion on Cod.Par.Gr.2064 12. Boethius (AD V-VI) 13. Stobaeus (AD VI) B. Secondary Sources (arranged alphabetically) 2 A. Primary Sources 1. Aristotle a. Collections of fragments of Aristotle's lost works, including his Protrepticus Flashar, H. Aristoteles: Fragmente zu Philosophie, Rhetorik, Poetik, Dictung. Darmstadt, 2006. Gigon, O. Librorum deperditorum fragmenta = vol. iii of Aristoteles Opera. Berlin, 1987. Gohlke, P. Aristoteles Fragmente. Paderborn, 1959. -
An Examination of Isaiah 66:17
Sometimes the Center is the Wrong Place to Be: An Examination of Isaiah 66:17 Kevin Malarkey Theology Given the Hebrew Bible as our only historical source, the period of the Israelites’ return to Judah and restoration of Jerusalem seems to be one of religious, social, and political anarchy; the Biblical record is wrought with historical lacunae and contradictions which ultimately leave us in the proverbial dark concerning the epoch.1 Historical-Biblical scholarship must, it appears, be content to do without a coherent and comprehensive narrative fully describing the repatriated Israelites’ situation. But, this is not to say that our knowledge of the period is wholly deficient; from a more studious examination of the texts we might be able to glean more than just isolated minutiae floating through the void. We can certainly assert that a portion of the exiled Israelites, the ones most interested in preserving their identity as specially chosen by God,2 would have adopted conservative attitudes regarding authentic religious worship. While some of the exiles may have made forays into religious syncretism and cultural assimilation (and most likely did, given the fact that some elected not to return to Palestine after Cyrus’ liberation), others refused acquiescence to such syncretism and assimilation on the grounds that authentic God-worship could not be genuinely undertaken in Babylon and should not be sullied by the taint of other gods. Indeed, a group of exiles did return to Jerusalem, intent on reestablishing authentic God- worship in the land and rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem as the locale of this worship. -
By Winifred Milius Lubell, Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville, Tennessee, 37235, 1994
BOOK REVIEWS The Metamorphosis of Baubo ■ '' Alehwjorphusisof \ Myths of Woman's Sexual Energy by Winifred Milius Lubell, Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville, Tennessee, 37235, 1994. I X ■ ■ ' Reviewed By Luz Martinez ; ^ ■ oon Blood She bled and would not die and Ml. Olympus, and sets out to Ritual' a if she Slopped bleeding for 10 search for her, She lives among 'Miceremony consecutive lunar months, a humans hoping to leant L U BEL'' of women squatting new life sprang forth from the something of her daughter's over land allowing magical vulva. Palaeolithic man whereabouts. Disguised as an their menstrual was in awe of her powers. old poor woman, she is hired blood to flow in Women were so closely linked by a wealthy family to take order to bring life to to the almighty heavens, the care of their infant son. A the harvest, is one heavens which could bring rain, servant girl known as lambc is of the book's 74 black and ice, sunlight, thunder and part of this household and takes white drawings. Several are lightning were aligned with it upon herself to cheer up this original pieces by the author woman! No wonder early man and others are her drawings of old woman. She eventually realized that the female was accomplishes this by lifting her ancient art depicting the magic sacred. skirts and dancing for the of the vulva. goddess. The goddess is so Baubo has been called many The Meeamornhnt^.; pf charmed by her that even after things and has been associated she finds her daughter and l^tiubo is a complex historical with good, evil, mythical and journey through time when returns to Ml Olympus, she comical aspects of woman but women's sexuality was takes lambc with her and lambe she is always powerful. -
Euripides and Gender: the Difference the Fragments Make
Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Ruby Blondell, Chair Deborah Kamen Olga Levaniouk Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2013 Melissa Karen Anne Funke University of Washington Abstract Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Ruby Blondell Department of Classics Research on gender in Greek tragedy has traditionally focused on the extant plays, with only sporadic recourse to discussion of the many fragmentary plays for which we have evidence. This project aims to perform an extensive study of the sixty-two fragmentary plays of Euripides in order to provide a picture of his presentation of gender that is as full as possible. Beginning with an overview of the history of the collection and transmission of the fragments and an introduction to the study of gender in tragedy and Euripides’ extant plays, this project takes up the contexts in which the fragments are found and the supplementary information on plot and character (known as testimonia) as a guide in its analysis of the fragments themselves. These contexts include the fifth- century CE anthology of Stobaeus, who preserved over one third of Euripides’ fragments, and other late antique sources such as Clement’s Miscellanies, Plutarch’s Moralia, and Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae. The sections on testimonia investigate sources ranging from the mythographers Hyginus and Apollodorus to Apulian pottery to a group of papyrus hypotheses known as the “Tales from Euripides”, with a special focus on plot-type, especially the rape-and-recognition and Potiphar’s wife storylines.