G8 Labour Ministers' Meeting
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Turmoil in the Middle East
Turmoil in the Middle East Standard Note: SN/IA/5902 Last updated: 28 March 2011 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section This note looks at the instability in the Middle East and North Africa since the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. Source: worldmap.org This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Tunisia and Egypt 3 2 Algeria 4 2.1 Background 4 2.2 Unrest in 2011 5 2.3 Algeria basic information 5 3 Bahrain 6 3.1 Increasing repression 7 3.2 Unrest in 2011 8 3.3 Saudi forces move in 9 3.4 Bahrain- Basic information 9 4 Iran 10 4.1 Unrest in 2011 10 4.2 Iran- basic information 11 5 Jordan 11 5.1 Unrest in 2011 11 5.2 Jordan- basic information 12 6 Libya 13 6.1 Unrest in 2011 14 6.2 International reaction 15 6.3 Refugees 17 6.4 Libya- basic information 17 7 Morocco 18 7.1 Morocco- basic information -
African Union Addressed • S/2002/979 (29 August 2002) Was Peace and Security in Africa
SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT 2011 No. 2 10 May 2011 SPECIAL RESEARCH REPORT This report and links to all of the relevant documents are available on our website at www.securitycouncilreport.org Working TogeTher for Peace and SecuriTy in africa: The Security council and the AU Peace and Security council TABLE OF CONTENTS 9. The AU PSC-UN Security This Special Research Report 1. Introduction .................................1 Council Relationship ................23 responds to a growing interest in 2. Historical Context .......................3 10. Trying to Put Things in how to improve the joint efforts of 2.1 UN Chapter VIII Relationships ......3 Perspective .................................26 both the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council 2.2 The AU Comes into Being ............4 11. Council and Wider Dynamics ...28 to prevent and end violent conflicts 3. The AU Structural Design ..........5 11.1 Political Perspectives from in Africa. For almost six years SCR 4. The AU’s Peace and Security the Past ........................................28 has been analysing these efforts in System ..........................................6 11.2 Current Political Dynamics .........30 country-specific situations and at 4.1 The PSC’s Structure and 12. The Way Ahead ......................... 32 the thematic level. But with the tenth Working Methods..........................6 13. UN Documents ......................... 33 anniversary of the AU inauguration 4.2 The Continental Early 14. AU Documents.......................... 37 just over a year away it seemed Warning System ............................7 Appendix ................................... 38 clear that the relationship still had 4.3 The Panel of the Wise ...................7 many problems and was very far 4.4 The African Standby Force away from realising its potential for being an effective partnership. -
School of Arts and Social Sciences
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE CODE: INR 462 2 CREDIT UNITS COURSE TITLE: AFRICA IN REGIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY 1 COURSE GUIDE INR 462 AFRICA IN REGIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY Course Developer/Writer Dr. John Tor Tsuwa Department of Political Science Benue State University Makurdi, Benue State. Course Editor: Prof. Hakeem I. Tijani Director Study Center National Open University of Nigeria Abuja, FCT. Course Coordinator: Dr. Ebele A. Udeoji Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria Team Leader: Dr. Aminu Umar Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria 2 NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA National Open University of Nigeria, Headquarters, 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way, Victoria Island, Lagos. Abuja Office, 5 Dar es Salaam Street, Off Aminu Kano Crescent, Wuse II, Abuja. e-mail: [email protected] URL: www.nou.edu.ng Published by: National Open University of Nigeria Printed 2018 ISBN: 978-058-951-1 All Rights Reserved 3 CONTENTS Introduction ………………………………………………….........................................................v Course Aims …………………………………………………........................................................v Course Objectives ……………………………………………........................................................v Working through the Course ………………………………….......................................................vi The Course Materials ……………………………………………….............................................vi Study Units …………………………………………………….....................................................vi -
United Nations Private Sector Forum on the Millennium Development Goals
MEETING REPORT UNITED NATIONS PRIVATE SECTOR FORum on the Millennium Development Goals 22 SEPTEMBER 2010, NEW YORK 2 UN Private Sector Forum Organizing Committee Members: Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), International Finance Corporation (IFC), International Fund for Agricultural Develop- ment (IFAD), International Labour Organization (ILO), Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM, part of UN Women), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), United Nations Foundation (UNF), United Nations Global Compact Office, United Nations Office for Partnerships (UNOP), United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), World Bank, World Food Programme (WFP). Photos: © UN Global Compact/Michael Dames 3 Table of Contents Executive Summary 6 Commitments to Development 8 2010 Commitments 8 Tracking 2008 Commitments 9 Welcome and Opening Addresses 12 Luncheon Keynote Remarks 15 Thematic Discussions – Advancing Solutions through Business Innovation 16 Poverty and Hunger 18 Maternal and Child Health and HIV/AIDS 20 Access to Education through Innovative Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) 22 Innovations for Financial Inclusion 24 Empowering Women and Achieving Equality 26 Green Economy 28 Closing Addresses 30 Appendices 31 Accelerating Private Sector Action to Help Close MDG Gaps – Key Messages 31 Bilateral Donors’ Statement in Support of Private Sector Partnerships for Development 33 Agenda 35 Participant List 39 4 “ An investment in the MDGs is an investment in growth, prosperity and the markets of the future — a win-win proposition.” – H.E. -
Zerohack Zer0pwn Youranonnews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men
Zerohack Zer0Pwn YourAnonNews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men YamaTough Xtreme x-Leader xenu xen0nymous www.oem.com.mx www.nytimes.com/pages/world/asia/index.html www.informador.com.mx www.futuregov.asia www.cronica.com.mx www.asiapacificsecuritymagazine.com Worm Wolfy Withdrawal* WillyFoReal Wikileaks IRC 88.80.16.13/9999 IRC Channel WikiLeaks WiiSpellWhy whitekidney Wells Fargo weed WallRoad w0rmware Vulnerability Vladislav Khorokhorin Visa Inc. Virus Virgin Islands "Viewpointe Archive Services, LLC" Versability Verizon Venezuela Vegas Vatican City USB US Trust US Bankcorp Uruguay Uran0n unusedcrayon United Kingdom UnicormCr3w unfittoprint unelected.org UndisclosedAnon Ukraine UGNazi ua_musti_1905 U.S. Bankcorp TYLER Turkey trosec113 Trojan Horse Trojan Trivette TriCk Tribalzer0 Transnistria transaction Traitor traffic court Tradecraft Trade Secrets "Total System Services, Inc." Topiary Top Secret Tom Stracener TibitXimer Thumb Drive Thomson Reuters TheWikiBoat thepeoplescause the_infecti0n The Unknowns The UnderTaker The Syrian electronic army The Jokerhack Thailand ThaCosmo th3j35t3r testeux1 TEST Telecomix TehWongZ Teddy Bigglesworth TeaMp0isoN TeamHav0k Team Ghost Shell Team Digi7al tdl4 taxes TARP tango down Tampa Tammy Shapiro Taiwan Tabu T0x1c t0wN T.A.R.P. Syrian Electronic Army syndiv Symantec Corporation Switzerland Swingers Club SWIFT Sweden Swan SwaggSec Swagg Security "SunGard Data Systems, Inc." Stuxnet Stringer Streamroller Stole* Sterlok SteelAnne st0rm SQLi Spyware Spying Spydevilz Spy Camera Sposed Spook Spoofing Splendide -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
Permanent Missions to the United Nations
Permanent Missions to the United Nations ST/SG/SER.A/300 Executive Office of the Secretary-General Protocol and Liaison Service Permanent Missions to the United Nations Nº 300 March 2010 United Nations, New York Note: This publication is prepared by the Protocol and Liaison Service for information purposes only. The listings relating to the permanent missions are based on information communicated to the Protocol and Liaison Service by the permanent missions, and their publication is intended for the use of delegations and the Secretariat. They do not include all diplomatic and administrative staff exercising official functions in connection with the United Nations. Further information concerning names of members of permanent missions entitled to diplomatic privileges and immunities and other mission members registered with the United Nations can be obtained from: Protocol and Liaison Service Room NL-2058 United Nations New York, N.Y., 10017 Telephone: (212) 963-7174 Telefax: (212) 963-1921 website: http://www.un.int/protocol All changes and additions to this publication should be communicated to the above Service. Contents I. Member States maintaining permanent missions at Headquarters Afghanistan.......... 2 Czech Republic..... 71 Kenya ............. 144 Albania .............. 3 Democratic People’s Kuwait ............ 146 Algeria .............. 4 Republic Kyrgyzstan ........ 148 Andorra ............. 6 of Korea ......... 73 Lao People’s Angola .............. 7 Democratic Republic Democratic Antigua of the Congo ..... 74 Republic ........ 149 and Barbuda ...... 9 Denmark ........... 75 Latvia ............. 150 Argentina ........... 10 Djibouti ............ 77 Lebanon........... 151 Armenia ............ 12 Dominica ........... 78 Lesotho ........... 152 Australia............ 13 Dominican Liberia ............ 153 Austria ............. 15 Republic ......... 79 Libyan Arab Azerbaijan.......... 18 Ecuador ............ 81 Jamahiriya ...... 154 Bahamas............ 19 Egypt.............. -
Amnesty International Report 2010: the State of the World's Human
AMNesty INterNAtIoNAl rePort 2010 the stAte of the world’s huMAN rIghts A-Z COUNTRY ENTRIES This document was downloaded from thereport.amnesty.org/en/download Please visit thereport.amnesty.org for the complete website and other downloads. Support Amnesty International’s work, buy your copy of the Report or other publications at shop.amnesty.org Amnesty International Report 2010 Amnesty International Report © Amnesty International 2010 Index: POL 10/001/2010 ISBN: 978-0-86210-455-9 ISSN: 0309-068X This report covers the period January to December 2009.10 The Afghan government and its international AFGHANISTAN supporters failed to institute proper human rights protection mechanisms ahead of the August ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN elections. The elections were marred by violence and Head of state and government: Hamid Karzai allegations of widespread electoral fraud, including Death penalty: retentionist ballot box stuffing, premature closure of polling Population: 28.2 million stations, opening unauthorized polling stations and Life expectancy: 43.6 years Under-5 mortality (m/f): 233/238 per 1,000 multiple voting. Adult literacy: 28 per cent Despite a public outcry, President Karzai’s post re-election cabinet included several figures facing credible and public allegations of war crimes Afghan people continued to suffer widespread and serious human rights violations committed human rights violations and violations of international during Afghanistan’s civil war, as well as after the A humanitarian law more than seven years after the USA fall of the Taleban. and its allies ousted the Taleban. Access to health care, education and humanitarian aid deteriorated, Armed conflict particularly in the south and south-east of the country, Abuses by armed groups due to escalating armed conflict between Afghan Civilian casualties caused by the Taleban and other and international forces and the Taleban and other insurgent groups increased. -
Demobilization in Morocco: the Case of the February 20 Movement by © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran
Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement By © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Dr. Gary M. Reich Dr. Nazli Avdan Dr. Alesha E. Doan Date Defended: 31 May 2018 ii The dissertation committee for Sammy Zeyad Badran certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Date Approved: 31 May 2018 iii Abstract This dissertation aims to understand why protests lessen when they do by investigating how and why social movements demobilize. I do this by questioning the causal link between consistent state polices (concessions or repression) and social movement demobilization. My interviews with the February 20 Movement, the main organizer of mass protests in Morocco during the Arab Spring, reveals how ideological differences between leftist and Islamist participants led to the group’s eventual halt of protests. During my fieldwork, I conducted 46 semi-structured elite interviews with civil society activists, political party leaders, MPs, and independent activists throughout Morocco. My interviews demonstrate that the February 20 Movement was initially united, but that this incrementally changed following the King’s mixed-policy of concessions and repression. The King’s concessionary policies convinced society that demands were being met and therefore led to the perception that the February 20 Movement was no longer needed, while repression highlighted internal divides. -
Gustavocarbonarorodri
UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO ESCOLA DE COMUNICAÇÕES E ARTES GUSTAVO CARBONARO RODRIGUES Narrativas brasileiras: identidade e discurso diplomático no governo Lula São Paulo 2015 GUSTAVO CARBONARO RODRIGUES Narrativas brasileiras: identidade e discurso diplomático no governo Lula Dissertação apresentada à Escola de Comunicações e Artes da Universidade de São Paulo para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências da Comunicação. Área de Concentração: Interfaces Sociais da Comunicação Linha de Pesquisa: Políticas e Estratégias de Comunicação Orientador: Prof. Dr. Paulo Roberto Nassar de Oliveira São Paulo 2015 Autorizo a reprodução e divulgação total ou parcial deste trabalho, por qualquer meio convencional ou eletrônico, para fins de estudo e pesquisa, desde que citada a fonte. Catalogação na publicação Serviço de Biblioteca e Documentação Escola de Comunicações e Artes da Universidade de São Paulo Dados fornecidos pelo autor Rodrigues, Gustavo Carbonaro. Narrativas brasileiras: Identidade e discurso diplomático no governo Lula / Gustavo Carbonaro Rodrigues. -- São Paulo: G. C. Rodrigues, 2015. 283p. Dissertação (Mestrado) - Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências da Comunicação - Escola de Comunicações e Artes / Universidade de São Paulo. Orientador: Paulo Roberto Nassar de Oliveira Bibliografia 1. Discurso diplomático. 2. Identidade nacional. 3. Mito Nacional. 4. Narrativa de país. 5. Novas narrativas. 6. Política Externa. I. Nassar, Paulo II. Título III. Título. Nome: RODRIGUES, Gustavo Carbonaro Título: Narrativas brasileiras: identidade e discurso diplomático no governo Lula Dissertação apresentada à Escola de Comunicações e Artes da Universidade de São Paulo para obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências da Comunicação. Aprovado em: _____/_____/ 2015 Banca Examinadora Prof. Dr.: __________________________________________________________________ Instituição: __________________________________________________________________ Julgamento: _________________________ Assinatura: _____________________________ Prof. -
Chapter 3 Parties and Party Systems Change
Chapter 3 Parties and Party Systems Change Lise Storm 1. Introduction This chapter examines parties and party system change across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the eruption of the Arab Spring in December 2010. Hence, the discussion begins with an overview of the parties and party systems in the region on the eve of the Arab Spring, thereby providing a quick introduction to the cases as well as a benchmark against which to measure change, while also anchoring the analysis in the theoretical framework outlined previously in chapter 1. The units of analysis are the region’s parties and party systems and, more specifically, change to these units. That is, change within countries, the MENA as a region as well as MENA sub-regions and, finally, within groups of regimes. In short, the analysis is concerned with variance among and within countries, and the extent to which change has occurred, whether positive or negative. Given the focus on change, it is, of course, necessary to define how change is understood and measured here. In line with the so-called classic studies of parties and party systems, such as Sartori (1976) and Mair (1989; 1997), party system change is determined via indicators such as the effective number of parties, electoral volatility and the entry of new parties into the system. The analysis of the indicators of party system change is coupled with a discussion about empirical data on the political environment at election time and in the 1 immediate aftermath of the elections, including issues such as regime classification, rotation of power, coalition structures, prohibited parties, and societal cleavages.1 Hence, the emphasis is on (in)stability and on the structure and nature of competition in 2015 compared to that of 2010. -
Authoritarian Resilience and Democratic Representation in Morocco: Royal Interference and Political Parties’ Leaderships Since the 2016 Elections
Mediterranean Politics ISSN: 1362-9395 (Print) 1743-9418 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmed20 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues To cite this article: Thierry Desrues (2020) Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections, Mediterranean Politics, 25:2, 254-262, DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Published online: 05 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 219 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmed20 MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS 2020, VOL. 25, NO. 2, 254–262 https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues Institute of Advanced Social Studies, Spanish National Research Council (IESA-CSIC, JdA), Cordoba, Spain. ABSTRACT After the ‘Arab Spring’ and the second electoral victory of the Islamist party of Justice and Development in 2016, Moroccan King Mohammed VI had to find new ways to reduce the uncertainty of transparent elections and, as a result, his loss of control over the winner of the House of Representatives elections and the choice of the Head of Government. This profile will analyse a few of the paradoxical implications of the 2011 constitutional reform and the royal narra- tive for democratic transition, and how these have impacted the political practice of the relevant actors.