Probing Change in Racial Self-Identification

SREXXX10.1177/2332649215611685Sociology of Race and EthnicityMowen and Stansfield research-article6116852015

Family Processes and Belonging in a Racist Society

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2016, Vol. 2(3) 323–337 Probing Change in Racial © American Sociological Association 2015 DOI: 10.1177/2332649215611685 Self-identification: A Focus sre.sagepub.com on Children of Immigrants

Thomas J. Mowen1 and Richard Stansfield2

Abstract Recent studies have shown that racial identification varies across context and time. Although sociologists recognize many contextual factors associated with racial group membership, relatively little attention has been given to understanding the specific factors—such as self-perceptions, socioeconomic incentives, and family pressures—that relate to changes in racial self-identification, especially among children of immigrants individuals who may have a relatively high propensity for inconsistency in racial identification. Using two waves of data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study and guided by social identity theory, the authors seek to (1) explore the prevalence of changes in racial self-identification over time within this sample and (2) understand the mechanisms that may contribute to changes in self-identification. The results indicate that self-esteem, self-worth, and family cohesion are related to an individual’s reporting a change in racial identification between waves. Socioeconomic status and depression are not related to changes in racial identification.

Keywords race, ethnicity, children of immigrants, racial identification, identity theory

Introduction Saperstein and Penner 2012; Wilkinson 2010). Yet the incorporation of children of immigrants into the Recent sociological inquiry into the fluid nature of study of change in racial self-identification has been racial self-identification has revealed that some slower coming, despite the rapidly growing size of individuals change their racial categories over time this population and numerous contextual influences (Doyle and Kao 2007; Saperstein and Penner 2010; that uniquely influence the racial identification pro- Wilkinson 2010). For example, a recent study using cess for children of immigrants. internal Census Bureau data from the 2000 and How children of immigrants self-identify 2010 censuses revealed that individuals who change racially often reflects how they view themselves their racial and ethnic survey responses over time are doing so in a variety of ways, for example, reporting multiple races in 2000 but a single race in 2010, 1Department of Criminal Justice, University of changing from a single race to multiple races, or Wyoming, Laramie, WY, USA adding or dropping Hispanic group membership 2Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal altogether (Liebler et al. 2014). Consistent with prior Justice, Rutgers University, Camden, NJ, USA research, the analysis of census data linking individu- Corresponding Author: als over time revealed that fluidity in identification is Thomas J. Mowen, University of Wyoming, Department particularly common for multiracial individuals and of Criminal Justice, Department 3197 A&S Building, individuals with mixed ancestries, including Latinos Room 222, Laramie, WY 82071, USA. and some Asian groups (Doyle and Kao 2007; Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 324 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3) within the United States’ racial hierarchy. Penner (2012, 2014) suggested, as one possibility, Identification may be highly variable among chil- that a more complete understanding of racial cate- dren of immigrants in part because of their age, as gory switching should incorporate theories of self- the transition from adolescence to early adulthood directed racial selection, whereby racial or ethnic is often characterized by a plethora of changes self-identification changes when individuals alter related to psychosocial development, identity for- their presentation of self and conform to the behav- mation, and interaction with the external environ- ior of other, often more advantaged groups, in order ment (Carter 2006). Susceptibility to peer pressure to claim membership in a higher-status population. and the stresses of social and academic perfor- Although this process has often been thought to be mance further increase pressures on children seek- motivated by potential economic or political gains ing to carve out identities (Erikson 1968). The (Espiritu 1992), racial fluidity could also be driven self-identification of children of immigrants in the by self-protective strategies and the management United States is also shaped by larger contexts, of self-esteem (Crandall et al. 2000) and, poten- including a national racial structure quite distinct tially, avoidance of stigma (Goffman 1963). from central and southern America; transnational Our study offers an in-depth examination of experiences that influence knowledge of, and expe- multiple factors that could explain racial fluidity rience in, another society; and shared experiences among children of immigrants, adding to existing with co-ethnics in the United States (Tovar and studies of this topic, which have largely focused on Feliciano 2009). Finally, it has been suggested that the identification of black or black-white multira- children of Hispanic and Asian immigrant families cial individuals (see Davis 1991; Harris and Sim have relatively high propensities for racial identifi- 2002). Historically high levels of immigration cation change, given that their physical characteris- from Asia and central and southern America have tics are often unclear indicators of their race and challenged existing racial boundaries in the United ethnicity. (Saperstein and Penner 2012). States (Bonilla-Silva and Dietrich 2009), necessi- Although racial fluidity continues to garner sig- tating an exploration of factors that might drive nificant interest in the literature, and some recent changes in racial identification among more scholarship has explored the extent of ethnic iden- recently arrived groups. To date, we are aware of a tification fluidity among children of immigrants very limited body of literature that has explicitly (Feliciano 2009; Tovar and Feliciano 2009), factors investigated how self-perceptions, depression, and that might drive racial self-identification inconsis- other factors such as socioeconomic status and tency are relatively understudied (Kramer, Burke, family cohesion might drive children of immi- and Charles 2015; Telles and Paschel 2014), espe- grants to move between racial categories over cially among children of immigrants. Indeed, aca- extended periods of time. As a result, we investi- demic debate continues as to whether change in gate the nature and extent of changes within racial self-identification is a result of real changes individual-level racial group identification using a in people’s life experiences or simply an effect of multi-racial sample from the Children of changes in survey measurement. Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS). Although we note that these debates are important, scholars have long recognized that racial identities are an “acquired and used feature of human Theoretical Orientation: Social identity . . . and subject to presentation, inhibition, Identity Theory manipulation, and exploitation” (Lyman and Recent sociological research indicates that racial Douglass 1973:351).1 Cooley’s (1902) “looking- identification inconsistency is not uncommon glass self” has been the dominant theoretical per- (Telles and Paschel 2014; see also Korgen 1998). spective from which scholars have suggested that Racial category change has been particularly well racial category switching might occur. From this documented among individuals with multiple perspective, racial switching—or inconsistent known racial or ethnic origins, including members racial identification—may be motivated by a need of some Hispanic and Asian groups in America to conform to others’ expectations; thus racial flu- (Liebler et al. 2014). The propensity for racial self- idity occurs in accordance with how people are per- identification fluidity is relatively high among indi- ceived. Yet a recent study by Saperstein and Penner viduals who identify as Hispanic and Asian (2014) found that a substantial proportion of (Saperstein and Penner 2012), especially as their changes in racial identification could not be understanding of race and racial boundaries is not explained by this perspective alone. Saperstein and derived from the legacy of slavery and

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 325 institutionalized patterns of discrimination that identity cannot simply be relegated to the internal- have often shaped the black-white color divide ization of institutional messages and meanings. (Lee and Bean 2004). As a result, children of immi- Storrs (1999:208) concluded, “While institutional grants may be more predisposed to changes in forces constrain and shape individual identities . . . racial identification over time, with multiple con- [it is] misleading to characterize identity formation textual factors influencing their identification as simply a process of external categorization and (Tovar and Feliciano 2009; Vasquez 2011). constraint.” A recent study by Saperstein and Psychologists and sociologists alike have noted Penner (2014) showed that a substantial proportion that, in general, there are multiple selves, and the of changes in self-reported race could not be adoption of a specific identity is often dependent explained by this perspective alone. Furthermore, it on specific contextual factors individuals encoun- remains unclear whether or not this perspective ter (Burke 2003; Winnick and Bodkin 2009). Social could explain trends in racial self-identification identities emerge from identification with cultural among children of Hispanic immigrants. In this and social categories, including ethnicity, national- vein, Hannon and DeFina (2015) analyzed data ity, and religion (Tajfel 1982). As individuals come from the General Social Survey and found that to see characteristics of such groups inherent in more than 40 percent of Hispanics changed their themselves, a social identity forms. When an indi- racial categories (among white, black, and other) at vidual is able to positively identify with others, a least once within just a four-year period. sense of belonging and likeness is developed. Not Subsequently they argued that because this level of surprisingly, racial group membership has been change occurred within such a short time period, shown to have protective effects for an individual’s meaningful identity shifts were less likely to be a sense of self (Crandall et al. 2000). result of changes in social status. The theory of identity development has been used to help explain the formation, and reforma- Self-perceptual Causes of Racial tion, of a racial identity. This includes research on the process of identity formation among individu- Identity Changes als with one black parent and one white parent Although social identity theory provides the broader (Doyle and Kao 2007; Khanna and Johnson 2010; framework in which to understand how racial iden- Waters 1990, 1994). These studies have highlighted tities are developed, adopted, and changed, it does how blackness and attendant stereotypes are not provide the means with which to understand the ingrained within the American collective con- motivations by which an individual might choose to sciousness and provide dimensions of social iden- do so. To understand the mechanism by which tity. As race creates a set of expectations by which change may be triggered, we draw from stigma people are judged through everyday interactions theory, part of the broader social identity theory (Saperstein and Penner 2012), individuals who can framework. Stigma refers to “an attribute that is plausibly claim membership in multiple groups deeply discrediting within a particular social inter- may emphasize a particular identity over another action” (Goffman 1963:3). Prior work has sug- on the basis of their lived experience. As an exam- gested that racial categorization can present a ple, Doyle and Kao (2007) analyzed longitudinal stigma given particular social circumstances (Harris data from the National Longitudinal Study of 1976; Storrs 1999; Tapia 2010). Howard (2006) Adolescent Health data set to ascertain the determi- argued that racial categorization is inherently dehu- nants and directions of change in racial self- manizing, tied to unequal access to resources and identification among multiracial and monoracial structural inequality, and, in general, externally adolescents. The authors found strong evidence imposed on the individual, all of which circum- that socioeconomic status and physical appearance stances qualify race as a stigmatizing condition shape the direction of change. Similar findings under Goffman’s (1963) outline of stigma. have also been mirrored in other work assessing Prior work has demonstrated how race can be a racial identity in multiracial individuals (for a stigmatizing condition, whereby one’s social iden- review, see Brown, Hitlin, and Elder 2006; Harris tity, or the way one is viewed by others, is in some and Sim 2002). way spoiled (Goffman 1963). For example, black From this perspective, racial switching may be youth are often stigmatized as criminals, which motivated by a need to conform to others’ expecta- some research has shown often results in harsher tions, so racial fluidity occurs in accordance with penalties for black offenders by law enforcement how people are perceived by others. Yet racial (Tapia 2010). In addition, prior work has shown

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 326 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3) that Mexican Americans have been considered a self-esteem and self-worth and higher levels of stigmatized racial group, whereby greater contact depression will be more likely to report changes in with whites has led to greater experiences with dis- racial identification compared with individuals with crimination and stereotyping (Ortiz and Telles higher levels of self-esteem and self-worth and 2012). Perhaps unsurprisingly, racial stigma can lower levels of depression. In this manner, changing thus result in a significant negative impact on the racial self-identification over time could represent a individual, including lower self-esteem, increased form of protective strategy in order to maintain a rates of depression, and a lower sense of self-worth positive racial identity. (Gilbert and Walker 2010; Lichtenstein, Laska, and Clair 2002; Murphy, Austin, and Greenwell 2007). Although identity research has explored how race Family and Socioeconomic Causes of may present stigma to some individuals, particu- Racial Identity Change larly mixed-race individuals, and how this may Although our conceptual focus is on how self- relate to changes in racial identification (e.g., Storrs perceptions are associated with shifts in racial 1999), to date, no research has explored how identification, invalidation or pressure, such as stigma theory may be related to changes in racial family pressure or socioeconomic incentives, has identification among children of immigrants. This the potential to undermine the psychological well- omission is surprising in light of prior work dem- being and sense of self that one can gain by group onstrating the high propensity for racial identifica- identification. Using two decades of data from the tion switching among children of immigrants National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, Saperstein (Feliciano 2009; Saperstein and Penner 2012) and and Penner (2012) found that an individual’s racial experiences of race-based stigma some immigrants self-identification, as well as his or her classifica- undergo (Ortiz and Telles 2012). tion by others, changes in response to a number of Another aspect central to identity theory and changes in social position. As an example, stigma is that individuals actively work to shape Americans who lost their jobs were more likely to their identities (see Schroeder and Mowen 2014) be seen, and to self-identify, as black. People who and are not simply passive recipients of stigmas got married were more likely to be seen as and to (Howard 2006; Marzano and Romano 2007). For identify as white. Interestingly, these effects on example, individuals can engage in coping strate- changes in self-identification were strengthened gies, such as devaluing stereotypical comments when multiple changes in social position occurred about race or neutralizing negative comments or simultaneously, such as when marriage and beliefs about race by attributing them to racism (see employment accompanied a growth in household Crocker and Major 1989). Although some prior income. One of the important implications of research has found that these and other coping strat- Saperstein and Penner’s (2012) study is that racial egies may aid in avoiding stigmatization on the self-identification change is not limited to macro- basis of race (Crandall et al. 2000), it is possible that level boundary changes (i.e., the whitening of some individuals are simply unable to avoid stigma- southern European populations in America). As tization and the corresponding negative conse- Saperstein and Penner (2012) demonstrated, fac- quences, including decreased self-esteem or tors other than an individual’s self-perceptions may depression. More specifically to considering immi- drive racial identification changes. Highlighting grants, to the extent that some children of immi- this further, the idea that a change in racial identifi- grants are considered nonwhite, they may be more cation can produce rewards in society, and the stigmatized and subject to greater stereotyping. labor market specifically, has strong empirical Some children of immigrants, however, might carry grounding in prior work (Goldsmith, Hamilton, many indicators of whiteness relative to their par- and Darity 2006). Scholars who have argued that ents, including non-Spanish names and other cul- racism is institutional have also documented how tural or social resources (Ortiz and Telles 2012). Yet groups that successfully define themselves as white in the context in which the stigma is presented by have marshaled considerably more economic racial identity and accompanied by depression or power (Feagin 2010). In this way, a change in racial changes in self-esteem and self-worth, we suggest identification may occur because of economic that individuals may shift their racial identification incentives (see Storrs 1999 for a study on racial (e.g., Storrs 1999) to reflect their treatment in soci- identification maintenance in the workplace). ety. Therefore, we hypothesize (hypothesis 1) that In addition to economic incentives, we know that children of immigrants with lower levels of the family is a primary agent of identity development

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 327

(Steinberg 2008), as early development is often when The Current Project identity is first formed. Family dynamics and tradi- We have outlined the literature on changes in racial tions play an important role in racial identification. A identification above (e.g., Doyle and Kao 2007; cohesive family may support, change, or create Kramer et al. 2015; Saperstein and Penner 2010), expectations for racial consistency. Although the but the mechanisms that cause change are still results of prior work are mixed, Vasquez (2011), for debated. Drawing on identity theory suggesting example, showed that there may be pressures to that racial stigma may relate to changes in self- change or maintain particular racial self-identifica- esteem, lowered sense of self-worth, and depres- tion even within the same family. Likewise, in sion, in addition to previous work on the importance exploring identity formation among young adults, of economic and familial pressures in identity for- Mullis, Brailsford, and Mullis (2003) showed that mation and change, the goal of the current research greater levels of family cohesion were significantly project is to explore the underlying mechanisms by related to expectations of identity commitment. Yet which racial identification changes occur within a in understanding the moderating effect of race, sample of children of immigrants. Mullis et al. found that black youth were more likely to explore interpersonal identity than white respondents when family cohesion was low (see also Soliz, Methods Thorson, and Rittenour 2009). Although some of these findings are mixed, what is clear is that Data families, and family pressures or expectations, often Data used for this project come from the CILS, an coincide with racial inconsistency or identity investigation conducted by Alejandro Portes and maintenance. Rubén Rumbaut into the educational performance Evidence from the CILS also demonstrates the and social, cultural, and psychological adaptation important role of family in racial identification. of children of immigrants (Portes and Rumbaut CILS data have shown that the children of some 2001). The CILS data are longitudinal and were immigrants report that they feel high levels of dis- collected in three waves between 1991 and 2003. crimination, irrespective of economic attainment Wave 1 data were collected from second-generation (Portes and Rumbaut 2001). As a result, on the immigrant children in eighth and ninth grade basis of the reported experiences of discrimina- schools in 1991 and 1992. The sample comprised a tion by teenage youth and being treated as a mem- total of 2,503 individuals from Miami, Florida, 339 ber of a particular racial or ethnic group, a from Fort Lauderdale, Florida, and 2,420 from San potential group of Hispanics who originally iden- Diego, California, for a total sample size of 5,262 tified as white or Hispanic-white multiracial may individuals. Three years later (1994 and 1995), 82 shift toward Hispanic identification over time. percent of the original respondents were reinter- Overall, these studies offer empirical support to viewed to ascertain changes over time in their fam- the idea that identification with a particular racial ily situations, school achievement, educational and group may be selected for economic gain or to occupational aspirations, language use, ethnic strengthen a sense of belonging (Espiritu 1992). identification, experiences of discrimination, and In line with these findings, we hypothesize psychosocial adjustment. Slightly more than 10 (hypothesis 2) that family cohesion and economic years after the initial sample (2002 and 2003), a incentives will positively relate to a change in follow-up survey was conducted with a total of racial self-identification, given the broader find- 3,613, or 68.9 percent, of the original sample. As in ings on the importance of economic incentives all large-scale surveys, the sample sizes decreased and family on individual identification. In short, over time. Attrition in the CILS data may have we know that some individuals switch racial iden- been caused by respondents’ moving without tification across contexts (Saperstein and Penner updating their contact information. However, the 2010, 2012) and time (Liebler et al. 2014), often CILS research team suggested that it is more likely to maintain a prosocial identity (Crandall et al. that attrition was due simply to non-response 2000). Yet we know very little about the underly- (Portes and Rumbaut 2012). ing mechanisms that contribute to chances in In addition to collecting data from youth, CILS racial identification over time in sample of chil- researchers also collected data from parents in the dren of immigrants. To better understand this, we first two waves. Overall, the survey questionnaires now turn to our current study. contained items measuring racial and ethnic

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 328 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3) identification, self-esteem, a number of family explains both pathways of shifts. However, because dimensions, academic and career aspirations, and of the relatively small number of individuals expe- language use. The sample included teenage youth riencing specific shifts (e.g., white to black, Asian representing 77 nationalities in areas of persistently to Hispanic), we focus on any individual who expe- high immigrant settlement: San Diego and Miami/ rienced a shift in racial self-identification. Although Fort Lauderdale. Although some respondents had prior literature would seem to suggest that majority- mothers and fathers from different countries of ori- and minority-race individuals may have different gin, previous research has relied on mothers’ coun- reasons for moving between racial categories, it is tries of origin to identify the origins of children possible that the same underlying explanations may because of the absence of fathers at wave 1 in explain shifts in either a majority or a minority indi- approximately 30 percent of all cases (Feliciano vidual (for an overview of how external forces 2009). Following this technique, descriptive statis- influence racial identification changes for all indi- tics show that 36.7 percent of the respondents are of viduals regardless of racial or ethnic group mem- Cuban origin, 20.3 percent from Mexico, 10.5 per- bership, see Saperstein and Penner 2012). In this cent from Nicaragua, 6.8 percent from Colombia, vein, we posit that both white and nonwhite indi- 4.3 percent from Haiti, 3.8 percent from Jamaica, viduals who are presented with a stigma, or nega- 2.9 percent from Dominican Republic, and 14.7 tive self-image due to their race, will attempt to deal from some other country of origin (see Feliciano with that stigma and may attempt to shift racial cat- 2009). It is also important to note that almost 50 per- egories (see Saperstein and Penner 2010). For a cent of the respondents were not born in the United complete description of this measure, the shifts and States; rather, they moved to the United States as constants between each racial category are shown in young children with their parents. Table 1. Table 1 reports racial self-identification at Dependent variable. To be sure that shifts wave 2 in the rows and racial self-identification at represent meaningful and sociologically sig- wave 3 in the columns. Overall, 1,696 individual nificant change, a question regarding racial self- reported the same racial category as adults identification must be asked at multiple and (wave 3) as they did as adolescents (wave 2). Yet independent points in time (Liebler et al. 2014). 1,251 individuals reported shifts in their racial CILS researchers assessed racial self-identification self-identification between waves 2 and 3. through questions at wave 2 and again, indepen- Overall, this shows that about 42 percent of all dently, at wave 3. Thus, we measured transitions respondents in our sample reported inconsistent in racial self-identification that occurred between racial identification, suggesting that racial self- those two waves. At wave 2, individuals were asked identification may be very fluid among children how they racially identified: white, black, Asian, of immigrants. By way of comparison, Liebler other, multiracial, or Hispanic. During this wave, et al. (2014) estimated that 8.3 percent of all peo- individuals could choose only one racial category. ple in the United States could have changed their At wave 3, individuals were first asked to choose race and/or Hispanic origin responses between from one of the following categories: white, black, 2000 and 2010. Although the level of change in Asian, other, and multiracial. They were then asked racial identification we report is higher than that to write in how they identified if it was different reported in prior studies of racial identification from the categories offered. We coded the former shifts, it is in line with previous studies examining question to represent the same racial categories ethnic identification shifts using the CILS data present at wave 2: white, black, Asian, other, and (Tovar and Feliciano 2009). As such, change in multiracial, and we used the latter question to code identification may be greater in these data given individuals who reported themselves as Hispanic. the unique histories of immigration and political To create a variable representing change in racial contexts of San Diego and Miami, in addition to identification, we first created dummy variables for the ages of the respondents. Indeed, previous each racial category at both times. We then mul- studies have found that change over time in racial tiplied each dummy variable at wave 2 by each self-identification is more common among indi- dummy variable at wave 3. viduals who were children at the first time point Given the separate theoretical reasons that (Liebler et al. 2014). Involvement in new social would explain why an individual would shift from a networks and situations, such as going to college majority group to a minority group and vice versa, or moving away from the family as young adults, the most revealing analysis would be one that may increase the likelihood of self-conception

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 329

Table 1. Racial Changes between Waves.

Hispanic Multiracial Row White W3b Black W3b Asian W3b W3b W3b Other W3b Total White W2a 91 0 2 344 9 13 459 Black W2a 2 149 0 9 11 3 174 Asian W2a 3 1 615 2 15 97 733 Hispanic W2a 22 1 0 655 10 36 724 Multiracial W2a 18 14 19 167 105 30 353 Other W2a 8 12 93 295 15 81 504 Column total 144 177 729 1,472 165 260 2,947

Note: W = wave. aData were collected in 1994 and 1995. bData were collected in 2002 and 2003. change (Root 2003), which, though distinct from integration in other areas of the country may facili- a change in identification, could certainly contrib- tate change toward multiracial identification. ute to changes in self-identification over time. Overall, the variability among this population also Independent variables. As highlighted by a serves to highlight the importance of exploring review of the literature, individuals engage in spe- the reasons behind such changes, adding to our cific behaviors to avoid stigmatization and maintain understanding of the experiences of children of positive levels of self-esteem, self-worth, and miti- immigrants more generally. gate depression (see Schroeder and Mowen 2014). Of all the changes in racial identification We suggest these behaviors also apply to racial between waves, 53 individuals reported moving identification. The current project relies on three into the white racial category (91 remained con- measures of self-perception measured at wave 2, stant in the white racial category), 28 into the black prior to the shift in racial identification. First, we racial category (149 constant), 114 into Asian (615 performed confirmatory factor analysis to delineate constant), 817 into Hispanic (655 constant), 60 into empirically different measures; the results indicate multiracial (105 constant), and 179 into the other three distinct factors dealing with self-esteem, self- racial category (81 constant). Interestingly, the worth, and depression. It is worth noting, too, that number moving from multiracial as adolescents to bootstrapping (results not shown but available on Hispanic as young adults is much larger than the request) was applied to the confirmatory factor number changing from Hispanic to multiracial. analysis, and on the basis of the size of the bootstrap This result is contrary to recent findings from a standard error, we conclude this confirmatory factor nationally representative sample, in which analysis fits our data well because of very low stan- Hispanic-to-multiracial changes were far more dard errors, as all observed coefficients fit within numerous (Liebler et al. 2014). The contexts of the a relatively small 95 percent confidence interval study locations, as well as the unique characteris- (Kline 1994). tics of the sample, may explain this observation. As First, the latent measure of depression is com- an example, almost 50 percent of the respondents posed of three variables. Respondents were asked in the CILS data were not born in the United States; how often they felt sad, how often they felt rather they moved to the United States as young depressed, and how often they felt that they could children with their parents. The respondents’ expe- not get going (rarely, some of the time, occasion- rience in, and knowledge of, their home countries, ally, and most of the time), where higher scores in addition to greater transnational practices among indicate lower levels of depression. This measure the 1.5 generation, may have contributed to stron- has a mean of 9.45 and a standard deviation of 2.15 ger maintenance of the Hispanic racial self-con- and ranges from 3 to 12. Table 2 shows the factor cept. In addition, greater presence of co-ethnics in loadings for each confirmatory factor. Miami and San Diego and shared history may fur- The second latent factor revealed by the confir- ther maintain Hispanic self-concepts, whereas matory factor analysis captures self-esteem. higher rates of marital, residential, and economic Respondents were asked how much they agreed

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 330 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3)

Table 2. confirmatory Factor Analysis.

Variable Self-Esteem Self-Worth Depression Respect .62 Proud .55 Positive .70 Satisfied .66 Good looks .52 Qualities .53 Not good .70 Failure .57 Useless .67 Sad .80 Depressed .89 Get going .67

Note: Standardized coefficients are reported; χ2 = 395, df = 45, root mean square error of approximation = .043. Fit indices: comparative fit index = .961, Tucker-Lewis index = .952. with the following statements: “I have a number of employed full-time at wave 3 (compared with part- good qualities,” “I take a positive attitude to time or unemployed). Finally, to measure income, myself,” “I am satisfied with myself,” “I wish I had respondents were asked to report their annual more respect for myself,” “I am satisfied with how incomes (1 = less than $5,000, 2 = $5,000 to I look,” and “I have good looks.” Respondents $9,999, 3 = $10,000 to $14,999, 4 = $15,000 to were asked if they agreed a lot, agreed a little, dis- $19,999, 5 = $20,000 to $24,999, 6 = 2$5,000 agreed a little, or disagreed a lot. This measure has to $29,999, 7 = $30,000 to $34,999, 8 = $35,000 to a mean of 20.32 and a standard deviation of 3.24 $49,999, 9 = $50,000 to $74,999, 10 = $75,000 and ranges from 6 to 24. to $99,999, 11 = $100,000 to $199,999, and 12 = The third and final latent variable measuring $200,000 or more). To use this measure of socio- personal beliefs about oneself has to do with self- economic status as a binary measure, and thus have worth. Respondents were asked to respond to the a consistent weight within the factor, we recoded following items: “I am inclined to feel I am a fail- this variable around the mean response of 7.28 (1 = ure,” “I feel useless at times,” “At times I think I above the mean, 0 = below the mean). The recoded am no good at all”; higher scores indicate higher variable represents individuals with higher incomes levels of self-worth. This measure has a mean of than the sample mean (compared with lower 9.72 and a standard deviation of 2.26 and ranges incomes than the sample mean). We use each of from 3 to 12. We include each factor within the these five measures to capture socioeconomic sta- model as a latent factor. tus as a latent construct within the model. To assess how socioeconomic status may relate Finally, because the family is one of the primary to changes in racial self-identification, we rely on points of socialization and the development of iden- five measures at wave 3 in the CILS data. First, tity (Steinberg 2008), we include variables to mea- respondents were asked about their levels of educa- sure family cohesion in the current project. The tion; 27.5 percent reported having college degrees CILS data include an index of family cohesion mea- or higher (1 = college degree or higher, 0 = less sured via three variables assessed at wave 2. than a college degree). Second, respondents were Respondents were asked how much the family likes asked if they owned a home; 38.4 percent indicated to spend time together, how often it is important that that they owned their homes (compared with rent- they feel close to family members, and how often ing or living with parents). Third, CILS question- feelings of family togetherness are important to naires assessed marital status; 18.2 percent of them (1 = never, 2 = once in a while, 3 = sometimes, respondents indicated that they were married (com- 4 = often, and 5 = always). To create this scale, we pared with single, divorced, or other status). Fourth, use the mean of all three responses, where higher respondents were asked if they had full-time scores indicate higher levels of family cohesion. employment; 62.2 percent indicated that they were This scale has a mean of 10.98 and a standard

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 331

Table 3. Descriptive Statistics of Independent Variables.

Variable M SD Range Socioeconomic status (scale) 2.52 1.05 0 to 6 Family cohesion (scale) 10.98 3.01 3 to 15 Factor 1: depression 9.45 2.15 3 to 12 Factor 2: self-worth 9.72 2.26 3 to 12 Factor 3: self-esteem 20.32 3.24 6 to 24

Figure 1. Structural Equation Model. deviation of 3.01 and ranges from 3 to 15. This as well as the binary outcome in the dependent scale has an α of .846 (see Cortina 1993) and is variable, we use asymptotic distribution free (ADF) included as a latent variable in the analysis. estimation in our structural equation model. ADF estimation, also referred to as arbitrary generalized least squares, is an approach used with binary vari- Analytic Strategy ables in structural equation modeling because cat- To assist in exploring specific pathways from the egorical variables often have underlying continuous independent variable to change in racial identifica- unobserved variables, and ADF corrects for loss of tion, we use a longitudinal structural equation information in correlations due to the categoriza- model (see Kline 1994) in Stata 12.1SE. Because tions of the binary outcome (see MacCallum et al. of the skew (see Table 3) in some of our measures, 2002).

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 332 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3)

Table 4. Results of the Structural Equation Model on Any Shift (n = 2,519).

Pathway Variable Coefficient SE Identification shift <- Socioeconomic status .001 .001 Family cohesion .076 .024*** Depression .010 .031 Self-worth .082 .033*** Self-esteem .003 .001**

Note: Standardized coefficients are reported; χ2 = 925.74, df = 235; adjusted χ2 = 3.94. Fit indices: comparative fit index = .824, Tucker-Lewis index = .843. Root mean square error of approximation = .034 (lower bound = .036, upper bound = .041). Residual error = .9.

As shown by the model in Figure 1, we expect standard deviation in family cohesion, an individual higher levels of both self-esteem and self-worth to is .076 standard deviations more likely to experi- have negative effects on the probability of an indi- ence a shift in racial self-identification. On the other vidual’s experiencing a transition in racial self- hand, the latent constructs of socioeconomic status identification, and higher levels of depression to and depression are not significant in the model. have a positive direct effect on the probability of an It is important to note that the magnitudes of the individual’s experiencing a transition in racial self- statistically significant effects are small, suggesting identification. We also expect family cohesion to that other factors not included in the current model have a positive direct effect on a shift in racial iden- may have a strong effect on transitions in racial tification. Finally, we expect socioeconomic status identification. For example, the residual variance in to have a positive direct effect on a change in racial the outcome variable—experiencing a change in identification. The fully identified model is shown racial identification—is approximately .9, meaning in Figure 1. that slightly less than 10 percent of the variance in changes in racial identification is explained by the fully identified model. An increase of 1 standard Results deviation in family cohesion, for example, would predict a 2.3 percent increase in the odds of experi- The results of the structural equation model are encing a change in racial identification. Therefore, shown in Table 4. First, it is worth noting that our although the model fits the data, and some measures model does a reasonably good job of fitting the reach statistical significance, we are capturing a data. The χ2 value is large, but once it is divided by relatively small amount of the variance in racial the degrees of freedom, we arrive at an adjusted identification shifts. value of 3.94, indicating a reasonably good fit in our structural equation model (Browne and Cudeck 1993). Additionally, both the root mean square error of approximation (.034) and the fit indices Discussion and suggest that this model is generally a good fit to the Conclusion data (see Bentler 1990). Recent quantitative work has documented that As shown by Table 4, self-esteem, self-worth, racial and ethnic identification is not as consistent and family cohesion are all significantly related to over time as previously thought (Doyle and Kao an individual’s experiencing a shift in racial self- 2007; Harris and Sim 2002; Liebler et al. 2014). identification. In exploring the magnitude of these Studies have subsequently urged researchers to effects, we see that with every increase of 1 stan- consider how context affects racial identification. dard deviation in self-esteem, the probability of an Although contributing factors such as education, individual’s experiencing a shift in racial identifica- income, and other changes in social status have tion increases by .002 standard deviations. With often been linked to the desire or pressure to shift every increase of 1 standard deviation in self-worth, racial categories, few studies have considered how the probability of an individual’s experiencing a both self-perceptions and other factors such as shift in racial identification increases by .082 stan- family cohesion and socioeconomic status may dard deviations. Finally, with every increase of 1 contribute to racial shifts. Furthermore, no study

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 333 that we are aware of has examined how these fac- could have occurred prior to a change in racial self- tors are related to racial identification change identification. From this standpoint, high levels of among children of immigrants. In this study, we self-worth and self-esteem may contribute to analyzed data from two waves of the CILS to offer changes in racial identification because of the need insight into this question. to continue to maintain a socially positive identity. Bivariate descriptions of the data suggested that Second, it is important to note that participants children of immigrants do report changes in racial in our study were still in high school at the time self-identification over time. These particular shifts racial self-identification was first measured. were consistent with the shifts in self-definitions of Previous studies have found that children of immi- second-generation youth during adolescence grants less engaged in school and those who expe- reported by Portes and Rumbaut (2001). In that rienced poorer academic outcomes are more likely instance, a shift from ethnic abandonment to a to identify as Hispanic or Black; thus respondents return to an embracing of their parents’ origin may have associated their academic outcomes with reflected an awareness of their place in America’s cultural assumptions about racial groups at this social hierarchy. In this study, using structural time (Ortiz and Telles 2012; Wilkinson 2010). By equation modeling, we found that self-esteem, self- wave 3 of the CILS, 10 years from the original sur- worth, and family cohesion were all significantly vey for most respondents, academic outcomes may related to an individual’s reporting a change in self- have become less important than family identifica- racial categorization. On the other hand, socioeco- tion, which could explain some of the inconsistent nomic status and depression were not related to a racial identification. Indeed, this theory would also change in racial self-identification. explain our mixed findings regarding the second The first hypothesis was not supported. Within hypothesis, namely, that family cohesion, but not the framework of identity theory, and drawing on socioeconomic status, was related to a change in concepts of stigma, we suggested that individuals racial identification. That is, individuals who who reported lower levels of self-esteem and reported higher levels of family cohesion were self-worth and higher levels of depression would more likely to report changes in racial identifica- be likely to report changes in self-identification. tion compared with individuals with lower levels Furthermore, our theoretical orientation sug- of family cohesion. As we discuss below, this may gested that this result could be due partially to the be interpreted as evidence that family cohesion is need to maintain a socially positive identity. To associated with social status change, an important the contrary, the current analysis revealed that component of identity theory, thereby increasing overall, perceptions of self-esteem and self-worth, the chances of racial self-identification change. but not depression, were significantly related to Alternatively, we posit that family cohesion may shifts in racial identification, although individuals increase the propensity to change for children of with higher levels of self-esteem and higher levels of immigrants in the United States. self-worth were more likely to report changes in Although there is a limited amount of literature racial group membership, all else being equal. A on the relationship between family cohesion and recent study found that inconsistent racial identities racial identity changes, a cohesive family could across different settings are not related to negative conceivably either support or restrict racial identifi- emotional well-being, though this was measured as cation change (Vazquez 2011). Some prior work has depression only (Kramer et al. 2015). These conclu- noted differences in identity development across sions, though, are based on assessing inconsistencies racial groups due to levels of family cohesion (e.g., in race first and emotional outcomes second, the Mullis et al. 2003). Although not speaking directly opposite of our causal analysis. Yet the findings of to inconsistent racial identities, Butler-Sweet (2011) Kramer et al. (2015) suggest that some measures of explored identity development through qualitative self-perceptions, such as emotional well-being, may interviews in transracial, biracial, and monoracial not be associated with racial inconsistency. Although families. Findings from that study showed that irre- the causal directions of our analysis are opposite to spective of family racial structure, respondents that of Kramer et al.’s study, our findings partially reported rejecting their ascribed racial status and support the null findings, as depression was not sig- instead embraced the achieved aspects of their nificantly linked to a transition in racial identifica- social identities. The importance of embracing the tion. Our findings do suggest, however, that an achieved social aspects of identity is important additional explanation for Kramer et al.’s null find- because it suggests that individuals may be likely to ing may be that changes in self-worth or self-esteem experience changes in identification to minimize

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 334 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3) negative aspects of ascribed characteristics about to assist in the assimilation process. For example, racial group membership (e.g., a stigma) and instead Portes and Zhou (1993) showed that immigrants focus on minimizing, or neutralizing, stigmatization will engage in specific behaviors to assimilate into through concentration on achieved characteristics the cultures they have relocated to, including of identification. In addition, higher levels of family adopting cultural and social norms. Although the cohesion could coincide with a greater likelihood of authors did not that suggest individuals will change achieving social status changes, for example mar- their racial identities, there is little reason to sus- riage, which have been linked to increased odds of pect that individuals would be willing to change racial self-identification shifts (Saperstein and their culture—including religion, gender roles, Penner 2012). clothing, and language, among other things—and Outside of stigma and identity theory, studies not their race. Therefore, the extent to which the of adolescent children of immigrants have also present findings may relate to individuals further found that the closer children feel to their parents, removed from the immigration process is unclear. the closer they feel to their ethnic identities and Over additional generations, further socioeco- ancestry (Kiang et al. 2010). As adolescents transi- nomic integration, residential integration, and mar- tion to adulthood, the closeness to family and eth- ital assimilation may eventually lead to the loss of nic origin offers another potential source of distinct identities among the third and fourth gen- identification. Young adults who remain close to erations (Gordon 1964; Waters 1990, 1994). their ethnic origins while experiencing changes in Through interviews with three generations of social status and social networks may have a Mexican American families, Vasquez (2011) higher propensity for racial self-identification revealed how racial identities change with each change. Conversely, individuals who are not generation and greater socioeconomic mobility. closely connected with their families may feel Finally, our study was unable to consider the fewer options for identification. important physical attribute of color (Bonilla-Silva In addition to some of the limitations noted and Dietrich 2009). As Telles and Paschel (2014) above, there are several notable limitations to the discussed, phenotype is one of the strongest predic- current project. First, the sample is nonrandom and tors of racial self-identity. One would expect that the thus lacks generalizability. Using data from a local- likelihood of social and environmental factors lead- ized study such as the CILS may have ensured a ing to a change in racial self-identity may be lower highly fluid sample on the basis of the unique for darker skinned individuals compared with those demographics and history of San Diego and Miami/ who are phenotypically closer to white. Indeed, Fort Lauderdale. The larger political climates of some groups may have more “options” to change California and Florida were also likely to shape over time than others (Waters 1990). In addition, respondents’ self-identities. In their analysis of 21 though we assess how measures such as depression, Latinos aged 20 to 26 years living in California, self-worth, self-esteem, and family cohesion at wave Tovar and Feliciano (2009) noted that bills targeting 2 influence changes in racial identification at wave the treatment of illegal immigrants, and attendant 3, it is likely that these very measures change over protests, had profound effects on self-identification. time as well. Unfortunately, the CILS data do not Although Tovar and Feliciano’s study dealt with include measures of family cohesion and depres- how ethnic identification, local context, lived expe- sion, self-esteem, and self-worth at wave 3. It is riences, and prevailing racial stereotypes continue likely that these measures are also fluid over time, to inform how children of immigrants understand and we are unable to measure how changes in these their positions in the racial hierarchy (Romero, constructs may also relate to changes in racial iden- Hondageu-Sotelo, and Ortiz 1997). tification. Finally, because race was measured at Second, the sample is composed of children of only two time points, it is possible that individuals immigrants, predominantly from central and south- within this sample continued to experience further ern America. People who report Hispanic or multi- changes in racial identification, something future racial backgrounds are considered to have relatively research projects should seek to assess. high baseline propensities to change or be catego- Overall, the findings of this project have impor- rized in multiple ways (Saperstein and Penner tant methodological and theoretical implications. 2012). The literature suggests that children of Our findings echo other sociological evidence that immigrants, specifically, also navigate multiple racial transitions are not uncommon. Therefore, it is racial identities (Waters 1994) and are also more important to move beyond the debate about whether likely to experience changes in self-identification racial identity is fixed or static and explore further

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 335 the causes and the consequences of identity incon- Burke, Peter J. 2003. “Relationships among Multiple sistency (e.g., Kramer et al. 2015). Although studies Identities.” Pp. 195–215 in Advances in Identity have documented the fluid and dynamic nature of Theory and Research, edited by P. J. Burke, T. J. race and investigated the various contexts and con- Owens, R. T. Serpe, and P. A. Thoits. New York: ditions under which change in self-identification Kluwer Academic/Plenum. Butler-Sweet, Colleen. 2011. “‘Race Isn’t What Defines may occur, a greater appreciation should also be Me’: Exploring Identity Choices in Transracial, given to the specific self-perceptual motivations Biracial, and Monoracial Families.” Social Identities and potential benefits of fluidity (i.e., improving 17(6):747–69. self-esteem and self-worth). By incorporating these Carter, Prudence L. 2006. “Straddling Boundaries: individually based factors, as well as factors outside Identity, Culture, and School.” Sociology of of self-perceptions, such as the role and importance Education 79(4):304–28. of family and socioeconomic status involved in Crandall, Christian S., Jo-Ann Tsang, Richard D. Harvey, racial identity change, sociological research can and Thomas W. Britt. 2000. “Group Identity-based offer greater evidence regarding the question as to Self-protective Strategies: The Stigma of Race, whether racial identity inconsistency is healthy and Gender, and Garlic.” European Journal of Social Psychology 30(3):355–81 beneficial (Kramer et al. 2015; Root 2003). Cooley, Charles H. 1902. “The Looking-Glass Self.” Pp. 189–99 in Social Theory: The Multicultural Readings, edited by Charles Lemert. Philadelphia: Note Westview. 1. We note the importance of distinguishing between Cortina, Jose M. 1993. “What Is Coefficient Alpha? An the concepts of identity and identification. Although Examination of Theory and Applications.” Journal we situate this study within the broader framework of Applied Psychology 78(1):98–104 of identity theory—how self-perceived mem- Crocker, Jennifer, and Brenda Major. 1989. “Social bership in a social group influences individual Stigma and Self-esteem: The Self-protective self-perceptions (see Greene 2004)—our study is Properties of Stigma.” Psychological Review focused primarily on identification, referring to 96(4):608–30. self-reported identification or response to a survey Davis, James F. 1991. Who Is Black? One Nation’s question about race. The concept of identity, on the Definition. University Park: Pennsylvania State other hand, is generally more concerned with the set University Press. of complex factors that constitute an individual’s Doyle, Jamie, and Grace Kao. 2007. “Are Racial Identities identity and personal self-perceptions, “with the of Multiracials Stable? Changing Self-identification value and emotional significance attached to that among Single and Multiple Race Individuals.” Social membership” (Tajfel 1978:63). Therefore, we use Psychology Quarterly 70(4):405–23. the terms identification and identify to assess how Erikson, Erik H. 1968. Identity, Youth, and Crisis. New individuals self-report their racial membership, as York: W. W. Norton opposed to identity, which would be a more apt term Espiritu, Yen Le. 1992. Asian American Panethnicity: used to describe why individuals report membership Bridging Institutions and Identities. Philadelphia: in one category compared with another and what Temple University Press. impact that has on their personal self-perceptions. Feagin, Joe. 2010. Racist America. New York: Routledge. Feliciano, Cynthia. 2009. “Education and Ethnic Identity Formation among Children of Latin American and Caribbean Immigrants.” Sociological Perspectives References 52(2):135–58. Bentler, Peter M. 1990. “Comparative Fit Indexes Gilbert, Leah, and Liz Walker. 2010. “‘My Biggest Fear in Structural Models.” Psychological Bulletin Was That People Would Reject Me Once They Knew 107(2):238–46. My Status . . .’: Stigma as Experienced by Patients Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo, and David R. Dietrich. 2009. “The in an HIV/AIDS Clinic in Johannesburg, South Latin Americanization of US Race Relations: A New Africa.” Health and Social Care in the Community Pigmentocracy.” Pp. 40–60 in Shades of Difference: 18(2):139–46. Why Skin Color Matters, edited by Evelyn N. Glenn. Goffman, Irving. 1963. Stigma: Notes on the Management Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. of Spoiled Identity. London: Penguin. Brown, J. Scott, Steven Hitlin, and Glen Elder. 2006. Goldsmith, Arthur, Darrick Hamilton, and William “The Greater Complexity of Lived Race: An Darity. 2006. “Shades of Discrimination: Skin Tone Extension of Harris and Sim.” Social Science and Wages.” American Economic Review 96(2):242– Quarterly 87(2):411–31. 45. Browne, Michael W., and Robert Cudeck. 1993. Gordon, Milton. 1964. Assimilation in American Life: “Alternative Ways of Assessing Model Fit.” The Role of Race, Religion and National Origins. Sociological Methods & Research 21(2):230–58. New York: Oxford University Press.

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 336 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2(3)

Greene, Steven. 2004. “Social Identity Theory and Party Mullis, Ronald L., John C. Brailsford, and Ann K. Identification.” Social Science 85(1):136–53. Mullis. 2003. “Relations between Identity Formation Hannon, Lance, and Robert DeFina. 2015. “Controversy and Family Characteristics among Young Adults.” in the Sociological Meaning of Changes in Latino Journal of Family Issues 24(8):966–980. Racial Self-identification.” Working Paper. Murphy, Debra, Erika L. Austin, and Lisa Greenwell. Harris, Anthony. R. 1976. “Race, Commitment to Deviance 2007 “Correlates of HIV-related Stigma among HIV- and Spoiled Identity.” American Sociological Review positive Mothers and Their Uninfected Adolescent 41(3):432–42. Children.” Women and Health 44(1):19–42. Harris, David, and Jeremiah Joseph Sim. 2002. “Who Ortiz, Vilma, and Edward Telles. 2012. “Racial Identity Is Multiracial? Assessing the Complexity of Lived and Racial Treatment of Mexican Americans.” Race Race.” American Sociological Review 67(4):614–27. and Social Problems 4(1):41–56. Howard, Jenna. 2006. “Expecting and Accepting: The Portes, Alejandro, and Rubén G. Rumbaut. 2001. Temporal Ambiguity of Recovery Identities.” Social Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Psychology Quarterly 69(4):307–24. Generation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Khanna, Nikki, and Cathryn Johnson. 2010. “Passing Portes, Alejandro, and Rubén G. Rumbaut. 2012. as Black: Racial Identity Work among Biracial “Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), Americans.” Social Psychology Quarterly 73(4): 1991–2006.” ICPSR20520-v2. Ann Arbor, MI: 380–97. Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Kiang, Lisa, Melissa Witkow, Oscar Baldelomar, and Research. Andrew Fuligni. 2010. “Change in Ethnic Identity Portes, Alejandro, and Min Zhou. 1993. “The New across the High School Years among Adolescents Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and with Latin American, Asian, and European its Variants.” Annals of the American Academy of Backgrounds.” Journal of Youth & Adolescence Political and Social Science 530(1):74–96. 39(6):683–93. Romero, Mary, Pierrette Hondageu-Sotelo, and Vilma Kline, P. (1994). An easy guide to factor analysis. Ortiz. 1997. Challenging Fronteras: Structuring London: Routledge. Latina and Latino Lives. New York: Routledge. Kline, R. B. (1998). Principles and Practice of Structural Root, Maria. 2003. “Multiracial Families and Children: Equation Modeling. New York: Guilford. Implications for Educational Research and Practice.” Korgen, Kathleen Odell. 1998. From Black to Biracial: Pp 110–24 in Handbook of Research on Multicultural Transforming Racial Identity among Americans. Education, edited by J. Banks and C. Banks. San Westport, CT: Praeger. Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kramer, Rory, Ruth Burke, and Camille Charles. 2015. Saperstein, Aliya, and Andrew Penner. 2010. “The Race “When Change Doesn’t Matter: (In)consistency and of a Criminal Record: How Incarceration Colors Adolescent Well-being.” Sociology of Race and Racial Perception.” Social Problems 57(1):92–113 Ethnicity 1(2):270–86. Saperstein, Aliya, and Andrew Penner. 2012. “Racial Lee, Jennifer, and Frank Bean. 2004. “America’s Fluidity and Inequality in the United States.” Changing Color Lines: Immigration, Race/Ethnicity, American Journal of Sociology 118(3):676–727. and Multiracial Identification.” Annual Review of Saperstein, Aliya, and Andrew Penner. 2014. “Beyond Sociology 30:221–42. the Looking Glass: Exploring Fluidity in Racial Lichtenstein, Bronwen, Mary K. Laska, and Jeffrey M. Self-identification and Interviewer Classification.” Clair. 2002. “Chronic Sorrow in the HIV-positive Sociological Perspectives 57(2):186–207. Patient: Issues of Race, Gender, and Social Support.” Schroeder, Ryan D., and Thomas J. Mowen. 2014. “‘You AIDS Patient Care and STDs 16(1):27–38. Can’t Eat WHAT?’ Managing the Stigma of Celiac Liebler, Carolyn, Sonya Rastogi, Leticia Fernandez, Disease.” Deviant Behavior 35(6):456–74. James Noon, and Sharon Ennis. 2014. “America’s Soliz, Jordan, Allison R. Thorson, and Christine E. Churning Races.” Washington, DC: U.S. Census Rittenour. 2009. “Communicative Correlates of Bureau. Satisfaction, Family Identity, and Group Salience in Lyman, Stanford M., and William A. Douglass. 1973. Multiracial/Ethnic Families.” Journal of Marriage “Ethnicity: Strategies of Collective and Individual and Family 71(4):819–32 Impression Management.” Social Research Steinberg, Laurence. 2008. Adolescence. Boston: 40(2):344–65. McGraw-Hill. MacCallum, Robert, C., Shaobo Zhang, Kristopher Storrs, Debbie. 1999. “Whiteness as Stigma: Essentialist J. Preacher, and Derek D. Rucker. 2002. “On Identity Work by Mixed-race Women.” Symbolic the Practice of Dichotomization of Quantitative Interaction 22(3):187–212 Variables.” Psychological Methods 7(1):19–40 Tajfel, Henri. 1978. Differentiation between Social Marzano, Marco, and Virginia Romano. 2007. “‘I Want Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of to be Like Before . . .’ Chronicity and Normality in Intergroup Relations. London: Academic Press. the Stories of Sick People with Cancer.” Ressenga Tajfel, Henri. 1982. “Social Psychology of Intergroup Itailana di Sociologia 48(1):57–89. Relations.” Annual Review of Psychology 33:1–39.

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016 Mowen and Stansfield 337

Tapia, Michael. 2010. “Untangling Race and Class Winnick, Tern A., and Mark Bodkin. 2009. “Stigma, Effects on Juvenile Arrests.” Journal of Criminal Secrecy and Race: An Empirical Examination of Justice 38(3):255–65. Black and White Incarcerated Men.” American Telles, Edward, and Tianna Paschel. 2014. “Who Is Journal of Criminal Justice 34(1/2):131–50. Black, White, or Mixed Race? How Skin Color, Status, and Nation Shape Racial Classification in Latin America.” American Journal of Sociology Author Biographies 120(3):864–907. Thomas J. Mowen is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Tovar, Jessica, and Cynthia Feliciano. 2009. “Not Justice at the University of Wyoming. His research Mexican-American, but Mexican: Shifting Ethnic focuses on the relationship between family dynamics and Self-identifications among Children of Mexican delinquency, the role and importance of family within the Immigrants.” Latino Studies 7(2):197–221. reentry process, and the impact of school security, polic- Vasquez, Jessica. 2011. Mexican Americans across ing, and disciplinary strategies on youth and family out- Generations: Immigrant Families, Racial Realities. comes. Tom’s research has appeared in a number of out- New York: New York University Press. lets including Justice Quarterly, Youth & Society, British Waters, Mary. 1990. Ethnic Options. Berkeley: University Journal of Criminology, and Deviant Behavior. of California Press. Waters, Mary. 1994. “Ethnic and Racial Identities Richard Stansfield is an Assistant Professor of Criminal of Second-generation Black Immigrants in New Justice at Rutgers-Camden. His research interests focus York City.” International Migration Review 28(4): on youth and violence; communities and crime; immigra- 795–822. tion; and quantitative methods. His recent work on these Wilkinson, Lindsey. 2010. “Inconsistent Latino Self- topics have appeared in a variety of journals including identification in Adolescence and Academic Justice Quarterly; British Journal of Criminology; Crime Performance.” Race and Social Problems 2(3): & Delinquency; and the American Journal of Public 149–63. Health.

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 20, 2016