Austrians Put Brakes on New Ukraine Investment
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ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University
Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL) Volume 25 Number 1 Spring 2010 Article 5 Spring 2010 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel'nyts'kyi National University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel Part of the Education Commons, and the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, B. A., & Lyulkun, N. A. (2010). Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University. 25 (1), Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University This article is available in Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL): https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/ vol25/iss1/5 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukrainian University1 Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel’nyts’kyi National University This article presents results of an exploratory survey conducted at a central- western Ukrainian university of students’ current usage of and attitudes towards Ukrainian, Russian, and English. Before 1989, Soviet language policy positioned Russian over Ukrainian as the language of power and as the sole language of higher education. The effectiveness of national policies in post-Soviet Ukraine aimed at affirmative action for the Ukrainian language has been debatable and constrained by geographical factors of language use and language policy. The po- litical and economic status of English has the potential to impact the position of both Ukrainian and Russian in Ukraine. -
Tymoshenko Tells US That Ukraine Is In
INSIDE: • U.S. ambassadors receive honors from Ukraine — page 3. • More on Yulia Tymoshenko’s U.S. visit — pages 4-7. • Music in North America, contemporary art in Kyiv — centerfold. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXV No. 10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 11, 2007 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign policy objectives Tymoshenko tells U.S. that Ukraine remain frozen in Ukraine is in “deep constitutional crisis” by Zenon Zawada Russia’s Black Sea Fleet Kyiv Press Bureau The MARS-75 radio-navigation sta- KYIV – Though the Ukrainian winter tion is the latest in repeated refusals by was unusually mild, the country’s foreign the Russian Federation to adhere to policy remained largely frozen in recent Ukrainian court orders requiring that its months, characterized by ongoing government transfer Black Sea Fleet Russian interference and Ukraine’s mini- property to the Ukrainian government. mal progress Westward. Last year, the Sevastopol Economic Russian soldiers on March 5 refused to Court ordered the Russian Federation to allow Ukrainian government officials to transfer control of 77 lighthouses and enter the MARS-75 navigation station in navigational sites to Ukraine’s Ministry the Kherson Oblast in order to deliver a of Defense. Russia never compiled. court order that the soldiers withdraw, in At the MARS-75 station in Henichesk, adherence with Ukrainian law. Russian soldiers are violating the Black Meanwhile, in Brussels, European Sea Fleet arrangement with their pres- leaders continued to keep Kyiv at arm’s ence on Ukrainian territory 200 kilome- length, stressing the need for Ukraine to ters away from their Sevastopol base, join the World Trade Organization, estab- said Oleh Yatsenko, leader of the Student lish a free trade zone and engage in fur- Brotherhood (Studentske Bratstvo). -
How to Fix Ukraine's Broken Legal System
June 26, 2015, Vol. 2, Issue 2 How To Fix Ukraine’s Broken Legal System Editors’ Note Contents If it ain't broke, don't fi x it. But if it is broke, as Ukraine's criminal justice system is, how to 4 Is it time to scrap Ukraine’s fi x it? Does society start from scratch or simply focus on a few areas at a time? These are legal system and start over with the questions that Ukrainians are still wrestling with, nearly 24 years after the collapse of the another nation’s system? Soviet Union The U.S.S.R.'s half-life is proving to be way too long, and the legal system pro- 6 Armine Sahakyan: Judicial reform vides one of the best examples of how much damage was infl icted during those 70 years. is still a pipe dream in former Basic legal concepts are either not appreciated or in force here. Soviet Union Probable cause – It still feels like a society where police can take people away in the dead of night on any pretext. 8 Soviet social guarantees for Presumption of innocence until proven guilty – Suspects can be subject to damning pre-tri- employees scare investors, often backfi re al publicity. Putting defendants in courtroom cages announces to the world: This is a guilty person. Lengthy pre-trial detention assumes guilt and ruins lives. 10 Anders Aslund: How to reform Plea bargains – These come in handy in getting lower-level suspects to turn state's evidence prosecutors and judicial system against top-level suspects, in murders and in fi nancial crimes, and also in ensuring justice is done without lengthy and costly trials. -
Putin's Offset
SEPTEMBER 2020 NATALIYA BUGAYOVA PUTIN’S OFFSET THE KREMLIN’S GEOPOLITICAL ADAPTATIONS SINCE 2014 MILITARY LEARNING AND THE FUTURE OF WAR SERIES Nataliya Bugayova, Institute for the Study of War PUTIN’S OFFSET THE KREMLIN’S GEOPOLITICAL ADAPTATIONS SINCE 2014 MILITARY LEARNING AND THE FUTURE OF WAR SERIES Cover: Russia's President Vladimir Putin, Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev and Belarus' President Alexander Lukashenko stand before posing for a group photo during the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) summit at the Kremlin in Moscow May 15, 2012. REUTERS/ Denis Sinyakov All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2020 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2020 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org ABOUT THE AUTHOR Nataliya Bugayova is a non-resident National Security Research Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War’s (ISW). She led ISW's Russia and Ukraine research team from 2019-2020 and has been ISW’s Russia Research Fellow since 2018. Her work focuses on the Kremlin’s foreign policy decision-making, information opera- tions, and ongoing global campaigns - including in the former Soviet Union and Africa. She is the author of “How We Got Here with Russia: The Kremlin’s Worldview.” Her written work and inter- views have been featured in media outlets including The Hill, BBC, VOA, and others. -
Memory Politics: the Use of the Holodomor As a Political And
Memory Politics: The Use of the Holodomor as a Political and Nationalistic Tool in Ukraine By Jennifer Boryk Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Professor Maria Kovacs Budapest, Hungary 2011 CEU eTD Collection Abstract This thesis serves as an analysis of the construction and use of the Holodomor as the defining cornerstone of Ukrainian national identity, and the creation of a victim narrative through this identity. The thesis addresses the steps taken by Viktor Yushchenko in Ukraine to promote this identity, constructed in the diaspora, by seeking the recognition of the Holodomor as genocide by Ukraine‘s population, as well as the international community. The thesis also discusses the divergent views of history and culture in Ukraine and how these differences hindered of acceptance of Viktor Yushchenko‘s Holodomor policies. CEU eTD Collection Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1 The Trials of Nation Building ............................................................................................................... 3 Chapter One: The National Identity Formula ...................................................................................... 10 1.1 Creation of a Collective Narrative .............................................................................................. -
Money, Influence, Corruption and Capture: Can Democracy Be Protected? Exploring Democracy’S Resilience
Chapter 2 The Global State of Democracy 2017 Exploring Democracy’s Resilience Chapter Money, influence, corruption 5and capture: can democracy be protected? © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance This is an extract from: The Global State of Democracy: Exploring Democracy's Resilience International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The maps presented in this publication do not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The maps have been created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. References to the names of countries and regions in this publication do not represent the official position of International IDEA with regard to the legal status or policy of the entities mentioned. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34 STOCKHOLM SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. This publication has received support from International IDEA’s Member States through the Institute’s core funding. Grateful acknowledgement is made to the governments of Sweden and Norway, whose generous support made this publication possible. -
Ethno-Symbolism and Decommunization in the Post-Maidan Ukraine by Jasper David Schneider B.A., University of Colorado, 2018 M.A., University of Colorado, 2018
Ethno-Symbolism and Decommunization in the Post-Maidan Ukraine by Jasper David Schneider B.A., University of Colorado, 2018 M.A., University of Colorado, 2018 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Russian 2018 i This thesis entitled: Ethno-Symbolism and Decommunization in the Post-Maidan Ukraine by Jasper Schneider has been approved for the Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures Professor Laura Osterman Professor John O’Loughlin Professor Artemi Romanov Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. ii Abstract Schneider, Jasper David (M.A., Russian Department of the University of Colorado) Ethno-Symbolism and Decommunization in the Post-Maidan Ukraine Thesis directed by Associate Professor Laura Osterman This paper closely examines trends surrounding Ukrainian nationalism following the events of the Maidan Revolution, and applies modernist nationalist thinking, including Benedict Anderson's theory of Imagined Communities and Anthony Smith’s theory of Ethno-Symbolism, to explain how the Ukrainian Nation is fundamentally changing at a core level. Anderson’s theory states that modern nations are defined by perceived shared connections between each individual member of a nation, and that these connections are often dictated by language, religion and other cultural icons. The Ukrainian nation has been under the control of Russia and the USSR for the better part of the last 1,000 years, and as a result what defines the Ukrainian nation in modern times is controversial even amongst Ukrainians. -
Annual Report 2017
Annual Report 2017 Table of Contents About OCCRP... ........................4 Developing the Next Generation: The Russian Language Media Network ....50 Our Mission ...........................5 Recognition .......................... 51 The Vision ............................6 Our International Media Member Centres ......................8 Partners in 2017 ......................58 Meet our Global Editors ............... 12 Board of Directors ....................60 OCCRP in Numbers ..................22 Rising Threats ........................64 A Year of Impact .....................27 We Were There: 2017 Global Investigative Accelerating Impact: The Global Anti- Journalism Conference ...............66 Corruption Consortium ...............44 Combined Financial Statements .......71 The Investigative Dashboard .........46 Our Donors ..........................76 OCCRP Data .........................48 3 About OCCRP Founded in 2006 by Drew Sullivan and Paul worldwide. With more than 80 cross- Radu, the Organized Crime and Corruption border stories reaching more than 200 Reporting Project (OCCRP) is a non-profit million readers and viewers annually, media organization that provides an OCCRP has quietly become the world’s investigative reporting platform for the most prolific investigative reporting OCCRP Network. OCCRP now connects organization. Our websites inform more 45 non-profit investigative centers in than 6 million readers and viewers monthly, 34 countries, scores of journalists and reaching an additional 200 million readers several major -
ANNUAL REPORT Photo by Spenser Hans, Unsplash.Com, Covered Under CC License
ORGANIZED CRIME AND CORRUPTION REPORTING PROJECT 2016 ANNUAL REPORT Photo by Spenser Hans, Unsplash.com, covered under CC License “Many news networks are cartoonish parodies of their former selves, individual billionaires appear to have taken up newspaper ownership as a hobby, limiting coverage of serious matters concerning the wealthy, and serious investigative journalists lack funding.” —’John Doe’, anonymous source of the Panama Papers 2 Amman, Jordan Moscow, Russia Bogota, Colombia Riga, Latvia Bucharest, Romania Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina Johannesburg, South Africa Tbilisi, Georgia Kyiv, Ukraine Washington DC, USA Table of Contents Vision of the Future . 4 Who We Are . 6 Board of Directors . 8 Why We Need Investigative Reporting . 10 Our Stories: Highlights from 2016 . 12 2016 Was a Turning Point for OCCRP . 17 Gauging The Impact . 4 OCCRP Tech Team: Digitizing a Revolution . 24 Fact-Checking: Writing Stories Based on Solid Evidence . 30 Awards . 31 OCCRP’s International Media Partners . 36 Our Growing Network . 38 Our Donors . 45 Combined Financial Statements . 46 Looking Forward . 52 3 Vision of the Future The media landscape continues to change, and everyone is struggling to keep up . That’s why, at OCCRP, we’re deter- mined to stay on the cutting edge -- and this year is no dif- ferent . The unique model we’ve developed allows regional re- porters who know their countries better than anyone to come to us and get the editors, programmers, researchers, and re- sources they need to do great cross-border investigations . Think of us as the Uber or AirBnB of journalism – we don’t have our own reporters, but we’ve built the infrastructure that lets them reach new heights . -
Revolution and Reform in Ukraine EVALUATING FOUR YEARS of REFORM
ITRevolution DOES and Reform NOT in Ukraine MATTEREvaluating Four Years of Reform HOW SLOWBy Silviya Nitsova, Grigore Pop-Eleches, YOU and Graeme RobertsonGO LNG AS YOU DON'T STOP PONARS Eurasia July 2018 Revolution and Reform in Ukraine EVALUATING FOUR YEARS OF REFORM JULY 2018 Silviya Nitsova University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Grigore Pop-Eleches Princeton University Graeme Robertson University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill PONARS Eurasia is an international network of scholars advancing new approaches to research on security, politics, economics, and society in Russia and Eurasia. PONARS Eurasia is based at the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES) at the George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs. This publication was made possible in part by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. Program Directors: Henry E. Hale and Marlene Laruelle Managing Editor: Alexander Schmemann Senior Research Associate: Sufian Zhemukhov Program Associate: William McHenry PONARS Eurasia Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES) Elliott School of International Affairs The George Washington University 1957 E Street NW, Suite 412 Washington, DC 20052 Tel: (202) 994-6340 www.ponarseurasia.org Cover image: Shutterstock/Vadven 393132940 © PONARS Eurasia 2018. All rights reserved Executive Summary In February 2014, Ukraine grabbed the world’s attention with its second revolution in a decade. The corrupt and increasingly authoritarian administration of President Viktor Yanukovych was overthrown. After the revolution, Ukraine embarked upon a wide- ranging series of economic and governance reforms. In this volume, we assess the progress of these reforms and analyze the main factors that explain the successes and failures we see. -
Introduction Marian J
Introduction Marian J. Rubchak In 1990 students from the National University in Kyiv formed a move- ment of youthful activists committed to social change. Dissatisfi ed with the absence of democracy, and inspired by the example of the Chinese students’ hunger strike in Tiananmen Square, they erected a “tent en- campment” on Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), where on 2 October a core of 150–200 students commenced a hunger strike. It quickly attracted about 2,000 new participants and continued to build support by the thousands each day until the students staged a demonstra- tion in front of the Ukrainian Parliament building on 15 October. One of their leaders, Oles Doniy, presented a list of demands before the legislative body, and urged students everywhere to coordinate supportive sit-ins at their own institutions.1 That same day some of the protestors took possession of the University building in Kyiv, while those demonstrating at the Supreme Soviet (parlia- ment) broke into smaller groups and carried their message to schools and factories throughout the city, with a signifi cant measure of success. Pro- communist workers from the Arsenal factory—a communist stronghold— soon joined the youthful activists. This was a major turning point in the students’ protests, strengthened by the fact that their peers from all over the country were adding their endorsements. The “blindsided” authorities capitulated and on 17 October agreed to some of the protesters’ demands. Among them were resignation of the authoritarian prime minister, Vitaly Andreyevich Masol, multiparty elections, and deployment of Ukrainian men in military service only within their home territory.