Making Russia Pay for Crimea
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Private Sector Development Policy Handbook
PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT POLICY HANDBOOK Attracting Investment in Renewable Energy in Ukraine - SECTOR COMPETITIVENESS STRATEGY FOR UKRAINE PHASE II - NOVEMBER 2012 The OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative Launched in April 2009, the OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative is part of the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme, which aims to contribute to economic growth in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Its objective is to share with the governments of the region the knowledge, experience and good practices of OECD countries to create a sound business climate for investment, enhance productivity and support entrepreneurship, develop the private sector, and build knowledge-based economies to render its sectors more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. Its approach comprises both a regional policy dimension, which entails peer dialogue and capacity building, and a country-specific aspect supporting the implementation of a number of prioritised reforms. A sector analysis is also included, covering the formulation of targeted policies and strategies requested at the industry level. Within the framework of the programme, public authorities, the private sector and civil society in these countries have been engaged in a dialogue and collaboration process to support policy actions and identify the key barriers to sectoral competitiveness. The participation of all the stakeholders in the reform process, including foreign investors, is considered to be crucial for guaranteeing the effectiveness and transparency of the recommended policies. 2 Foreword Since 2009, the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme has supported the Government of Ukraine in advancing national economic reform through its “Sector Competitiveness Strategy for Ukraine” project. This handbook contains the conclusions of the second phase of the project. -
For Free Distribution
AN UPDATE ANDREW WILSON ON THE WEST HOW UKRAINE CAN RECOVER MONEY ON DONBAS AND CRIMEA AND YaNUKOVYCH FROM OLIGARCHS № 4 (70) MARCH 2014 A COUNTRY OF FREE RADICALS WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION DOZENS OF PROTESTERS DEAD FOUR HUNDRED INJURED THE EXACT NUMBER OF VICTIMS OF THE REGIME REMAINS UNKNOWN |CONTENTS BRIEFING Ukraine as the Latest The Mist of Victory: The revolution is Fashion: Poles support the Maidan gladly and over. A war begins passionately 4 22 FOCUS Leonidas Donskis: “Every piece of information about The Feast of Defiance: The surge of separatism Ukraine on Russian TV was would have peacefully died down in Crimea. similar to what I had long been listening immediately after 13 Then, Russia interfered January 1991 when the Soviet troops killed fourteen peaceful 6 civilians in Vilnius” Volodymyr Panchenko explains why the 24 Crimea is not a “native Russian land” International lawyer Volodymyr Vasylenko: 8 “There is no statute of Knockout in the Donbas: Confusion, shock and urgent need of limitations for crimes a wise solution from the new government against humanity” Divide and rule? The Ukrainian Week has superimposed three maps of Ukraine: adminirative, economic and hiorical-ethnographic. This simple experiment shows that the maps do not match. This leads to the queion: What principle are the political adepts of federalization going to use to carve up Ukraine? 9 Hiorical-ethnographic divisions 26 (coloured lines) Chernihiv Sumy V O L Y N Adminirative divisions Watch -
Naftogaz of Ukraine 2014 Annual Report
NAFTOGAZ OF UKRAINE 2014 ANNUAL REPORT New Ukraine Europe New rules Market Transparency Naftogaz Reform Europe New Ukraine Europe New rules Naftogaz Market Europe New UkraineNew Transparency Reform Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine Market Naftogaz Europe New Ukraine Reform Transparency Naftogaz EuropeReform Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine New rules Transparency New rules Transparency New rules Europe Transparency New Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Europe Market Reform Reform Naftogaz Market Reform TransparencyNew rules Reform Europe New rules Market Reform Transparency New Ukraine Transparency Transparency Naftogaz New Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Reform NaftogazTransparency Market New rules Reform Europe Reform Naftogaz New rules Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine Transparency Market Transparency New rules Naftogaz Transparency Reform Europe New rules Market New Ukraine New Ukraine Transparency New rules New rules Market Market New Ukraine Europe Transparency Reform Europe New Ukraine New Ukraine Naftogaz Transparency New rules Reform New rules Naftogaz New rules New Ukraine Reform Market Europe New rules ReformNaftogaz Transparency Europe Reform Naftogaz Transparency Reform MarketNaftogaz Reform Naftogaz New rules Naftogaz New Ukraine Market Market Naftogaz Transparency Transparency Reform Europe Transparency New rules New rules New rules Reform New Ukraine Market Transparency New rules Naftogaz Market Europe Changing for the future Ukraine’s gas transmission Entry capacity: EUROPE’S LARGEST GAS MARKETS, 2014, bcm NAFTOGAZ AT A -
Danish Business Delegation to Ukraine Kiev, 5 -7 June 2011
INVITATION Danish Business delegation to Ukraine Kiev, 5 -7 June 2011 On the occasion of the official visit of HRH the Crown Prince Frederik of Denmark to Ukraine With a great pleasure we invite In terms of the visit HRH The This perspective opens the unique you to join to the Danish Business Crown Prince will participate in opportunities for the Danish com- delegation which is organized on a range of the events aiming to panies to promote their activity the occasion of the official visit of highlight the activities of Danish and to broaden their network of HRH the Crown Prince Frederik companies in Ukraine. potential partners in Ukraine. of Denmark to Ukraine on 5th -7th June 2011. Danish Business delegation to Ukraine · Ukraine 5 -7 June 2011 THE BACKGROUND ENERGY nicipal district heating company, Ukraine has always been an The Crown Prince is accom- Teplotransservice, to upgrade the important partner for Denmark panied by the Dr. Lykke Friis, heating system in Rivne, Western in many economic sectors. The Minister for Climate and Energy Ukraine. trade relationship between to support the Danish Business Denmark and Ukraine started its Delegation. Ukraine has a huge potential to active development with the first save energy and the government years of Ukrainian independence Energy is top priority for has estimated that some 50 per in 1991. From that time around Ukraine. Exemplified by the cent of the energy consumed in 120 companies launched their moving ahead after the country’s the country could be saved by activity in Ukraine, many of First Vice Prime Minister Mr. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University
Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL) Volume 25 Number 1 Spring 2010 Article 5 Spring 2010 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel'nyts'kyi National University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel Part of the Education Commons, and the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, B. A., & Lyulkun, N. A. (2010). Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University. 25 (1), Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University This article is available in Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL): https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/ vol25/iss1/5 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukrainian University1 Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel’nyts’kyi National University This article presents results of an exploratory survey conducted at a central- western Ukrainian university of students’ current usage of and attitudes towards Ukrainian, Russian, and English. Before 1989, Soviet language policy positioned Russian over Ukrainian as the language of power and as the sole language of higher education. The effectiveness of national policies in post-Soviet Ukraine aimed at affirmative action for the Ukrainian language has been debatable and constrained by geographical factors of language use and language policy. The po- litical and economic status of English has the potential to impact the position of both Ukrainian and Russian in Ukraine. -
Reforms in Ukraine After Revolution of Dignity
REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next This publicaon was produced with financial Responsibility for the informaon and views set out assistance from the EBRD-Ukraine Stabilisaon and in this publicaon lies enrely with the authors. The Sustainable Growth Mul-Donor Account, the EBRD makes no representaon or warranty, express donors of which are Denmark, Finland, France, or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of the Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, informaon set forth in the publicaon. The EBRD Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, has not independently verified any of the informaon the United States of America and the European contained in the publicaon and the EBRD accepts Union, the largest donor. The views expressed herein no liability whatsoever for any of the informaon can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion contained in the publicaon or for any misstatement of the EBRD or any donor of the account. or omission therein. The publicaon remains the property of the EBRD. REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next Editors Ivan Miklos Pavlo Kukhta Contents Foreword 4 Introducon What was done, why not more and what to do next: Ukrainian reforms aer the Revoluon of Dignity 7 Chapter 1 Polical economy of reforms: polical system, governance and corrupon 10 Chapter 2 Macroeconomic policies 35 Chapter 3 Rule of law 48 Chapter 4 Energy policy 75 Chapter 5 Business environment 87 Chapter 6 Land reform 101 Chapter 7 Privasaon and SOE reform 112 Chapter 8 Healthcare reform 132 Chapter 9 Ukraine and the European Union 144 Annex 1 Report on reforms in 2016-17 162 Annex 2 The role of the government and MPs in reform implementaon in Ukraine 167 About SAGSUR (Strategic Advisory Group for Support of Ukrainian Reforms) 173 Glossary of terms 174 Foreword Foreword | 4 Foreword Maeo Patrone and Peter M. -
UPDATE: Developments in the Ukraine
22 April 2014 UPDATE: Developments in the Ukraine Practice Group(s): Further to the alerts circulated on 10, 18, and 21 March 2014, below is an update on International developments in the EU and U.S. regarding sanctions. Arbitration European Regulatory/ EU Sanctions UK Regulatory On 14 April 2014, the EU Foreign Affairs Ministers identified four additional individuals as International Trade responsible for misappropriation of Ukrainian state funds and added them to the list, Global Government subject to restrictive measures in view of the situation in Ukraine. The individuals, Solutions together with the reasons for their inclusion in the list of persons subject to the restrictive measures as described in the EU legislation, are as follows: 1. Serhiy Arbuzov (d.o.b 24.03.1976, former Prime Minister of Ukraine) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 2. Yuriy Ivanyushchenko (d.o.b 21.02.1959, Party of Regions MP.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 3. Oleksandr Klymenko (d.o.b 16.11.1980, former Minister of Revenues and Charges.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 4. Edward Stavytskyi (d.o.b 4.10.1972, former Minister of Fuel and Energy of Ukraine.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. -
Cleaning up the Energy Sector
10 Cleaning Up the Energy Sector Victory is when we won’t buy any Russian gas. —Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk1 Ukraine’s energy sector is well endowed but extremely mismanaged. Since Ukraine’s independence, it has been the main source of top-level corruption, and its prime beneficiaries have bought the state. This long-lasting policy has undermined national security, caused unsustainable public costs, jeopardized the country’s balance of payments, led to massive waste of energy, and capped domestic production of energy. It is difficult to imagine a worse policy. In- stead, conditions should be created so that Ukraine can develop its substantial energy potential and become self-sufficient in coal and natural gas.2 The solution to these problems is no mystery and it has been elaborated in a large literature for the last two decades. To check corruption energy prices need to be unified. That means raising key prices four to five times, which will eliminate the large energy subsidies and stimulate energy saving, while also stimulating domestic production of all kinds of energy. To make this politi- cally possible, social compensation should be offered to the poorest half of the population. The energy sector suffers from many shortcomings, and most of these need to be dealt with swiftly. Otherwise, new rent-seeking interests will evolve, and soon they will become entrenched and once again impossible to defeat. The new government has a brief window of opportunity to address the most important issues. 1. “Ukraina osvoboditsya ot ‘gazovoi zavisimosti’ ot RF cherez 5 let—Yatsenyuk” [“Yatsenyuk: Ukraine Will Free Itself from Gas Dependence on Russia in 5 Years”], Ekonomichna pravda, Sep- tember 8, 2014. -
Poisoned by Gas: Institutional Failure, Energy Dependency, and Security
POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 EMILY J. HOLLAND ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND Many states lack domestic access to crucial energy supplies and must deal with the challenge of formulating an energy security policy that informs their relations with energy producing states. While secure and uninterrupted access to energy is crucial to state security and welfare, some states fail to implement energy security policies and remain dangerously dependent on a foreign supplier. In the post-Soviet region many states even actively resist attempts by the European Union and others to diversify their supplies. Why and under what conditions do states pursue energy security? Conversely, why do some highly dependent states fail to maximize their security vis-à-vis a dominant supplier? I argue that that to understand the complex nature of energy dependence and security it is necessary to look beyond energy markets to domestic political capture and institutional design. More specifically, I argue that initial reform choices guiding transition had long-lasting affects on the ability to make coherent policy choices. States that did not move away from Soviet era property rights empowered actors with an interest in maintaining the status quo of dependence. Others that instituted de facto democratic property rights to guide their energy transitions were able to block energy veto players and move towards a security maximizing diversification policy.