Putin's Offset
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James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
Russia's Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity
Russia’s Foreign Policy Russia’s Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity Second Edition Andrei P. Tsygankov ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2010 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tsygankov, Andrei P., 1964- Russia's foreign policy : change and continuity in national identity / Andrei P. Tsygankov. -- 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6752-8 (cloth : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6753-5 (paper : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6754-2 (electronic) 1. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations. 2. Soviet Union--Foreign relations. 3. Great powers. 4. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations--Western countries. 5. Western countries--Foreign relations--Russia (Federation) 6. Nationalism--Russia (Federation) 7. Social change--Russia (Federation) I. Title. DK510.764.T785 2010 327.47--dc22 2009049396 ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America It is the eternal dispute between those who imagine the world to suit their policy, and those who arrange their policy to suit the realities of the world. -
Statement by Anton Korynevych, Permanent Representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea
Distributed at the request of the Ukrainian FSC Chair FSC.DEL/108/20/Corr.1* 29 May 2020 ENGLISH only Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the International Organizations in Vienna _______________________________________________________________________ Naaffgasse 23, 1180 Vienna, Austria, tel: +43 (0)1 4797172, e-mail: [email protected], http://vienna.mfa.gov.ua/en; www.facebook.com/ukrainevienna; Twitter: @UKRinOSCE Chairpersonship: Ukraine Statement by Anton Korynevych, Permanent Representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea 947th Meeting of the Forum for Security Co-operation, 27 May 2020 Security Dialogue on Regional Security: The Black Sea and the Sea of Azov Dear Chairperson, dear colleagues, greetings to all participants of the online meeting of the OSCE Forum for Security Co-operation. I appreciate the opportunity to speak at the pan-European platform to draw attention of the international community to the regional security issues of the Black and Azov Seas. The ongoing occupation of the sovereign territory of Ukraine, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, by Russia is a proven and internationally recognized violation of international law, clearly stated in numerous documents of the United Nations, OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and other international organizations and institutions. The illegal actions of the occupying power in Crimea since 2014 have been the main factor in the continuous deterioration of the security situation in the Azov and Black Sea region, which is characterized by instability and a tendency to worsen. The rise in tensions was caused by the Russian Federation’s efforts to legitimize the attempted annexation of the peninsula and to assert its dominance in the maritime areas. -
Assemblée Parlementaire : 3E Partie De La Session De 2010 ( 21-25 Juin 2010) Parliamentary Assembly : 3Rd Part of the 2010 Session (21-25 June 2010)
Assemblée parlementaire : 3e partie de la Session de 2010 ( 21-25 Juin 2010) Parliamentary Assembly : 3rd part of the 2010 Session (21-25 June 2010) … Recours juridiques en cas de violations des DH dans la région du Caucase du Nord - Intervention de M. Iounous-Bek Evkourov, Président de l’Ingouchie (Fédération de Russie) / Legal remedies for human rights violations in the North Caucasus Region – Statement by the President of Ingushetia Yunus-Bek Yevkurov.................................................................... 3 Russia approves PACE resolution on N Caucasus [28/06/2010-Hurriyet / Turkey] ..................3 PACE report on the North Caucasus approved - Yevkurov was the man of the day [27/06/2010-Novaya Gazeta / Russia].............................................................................4 European body denounces Chechnya 'climate of fear' [27/06/2010-Georgian Daily / Georgia - Reuters] ........................................................................................................7 Verletzung von Menschenrechten verurteilt [25/06/2010-Die Tageszeitung / Deutschland]................................................................................................................8 On Caucasus/Dick Marty report [25/06/2010- Ny tid / Norway]...........................................9 Russia Approves PACE Resolution On North Caucasus For First Time [24/06/2010-RFE / Czech Republic] ..........................................................................................................11 PACE declines idea to discuss -
How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss
The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss A Special Report presented by The Interpreter, a project of the Institute of Modern Russia imrussia.org interpretermag.com The Institute of Modern Russia (IMR) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public policy organization—a think tank based in New York. IMR’s mission is to foster democratic and economic development in Russia through research, advocacy, public events, and grant-making. We are committed to strengthening respect for human rights, the rule of law, and civil society in Russia. Our goal is to promote a principles- based approach to US-Russia relations and Russia’s integration into the community of democracies. The Interpreter is a daily online journal dedicated primarily to translating media from the Russian press and blogosphere into English and reporting on events inside Russia and in countries directly impacted by Russia’s foreign policy. Conceived as a kind of “Inopressa in reverse,” The Interpreter aspires to dismantle the language barrier that separates journalists, Russia analysts, policymakers, diplomats and interested laymen in the English-speaking world from the debates, scandals, intrigues and political developments taking place in the Russian Federation. CONTENTS Introductions ...................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................... 6 Background ........................................................................ -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
State of Utah Federal Funds Commission Economic Risk Analysis
State of Utah Federal Funds Commission Economic Risk Analysis Prepared by: Kevin D. Freeman, CFA Freeman Global Holdings, LLC January 2016 Copyright © 2016 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC The Utah Federal Funds Commission retains a non-exclusive but unrestricted and perpetual right to the use and ownership of this RISK ANALYSIS as outlined in the contract with Freeman Global Holdings, LLC ECONOMIC RISK ANALYSIS 3 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY BLANK ECONOMIC RISK ANALYSIS 1 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC PURPOSE The purpose of this effort was described as Risk Analysis in the contract and legislative language. Risk Analysis means an economic risk analysis that: a) Identifies the most likely and substantial risk that could cause the state of Utah to experience a reduction in the amount or value of federal funds it receives; b) Assesses, for each identified risk, the probability that the risk will actually occur; c) Assesses the direct and indirect impacts to the state of Utah, given the occurrence of each identified risk, including the amount or value of the reduction in the federal funds to the state; and d) Identifies and recommends methods that state can employ to avoid, minimize, and monitor the impacts of each identified risk. Please note that we have categorized risks by type and provided a subjective estimate of probability. The list is compiled based on judgment rather than modeling or other methods. This effort is not intended to be predictive as none of the risks identified may come to fruition. The purpose is, however, to identify potentially catastrophic risks and describe potential impacts with a cursory review of possible mitigation opportunities. -
How Dangerous Is Vladimir Putin?
A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 220 I Street, N.E., Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20002 Phone: 202-861-0791 Fax: 202-861-0790 www.international-economy.com [email protected] How Dangerous Is Vladimir Putin? estern experts have offered various explanations for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s actions in recent years. Some sug- gest Putin has been merely reacting to NATO and EU enlarge- Wment. Others suggest the Russian leader has succumbed to a bout of irrationality, spawned by a desire to return to the “good old days” of the Soviet Union. After all, according to historian Stephen Kotkin, traditional Soviet geopolitical thinking always assumed that Western capitalism would eventually disintegrate. Princeton Professor Harold James suggests Putin’s actions are based on the rational assumption that in the wake of the global financial crisis and subsequent eurozone debt crisis, the West would lack the ability to take decisive action. This would provide Russia with a window to pursue a strategy of expanding its influence. Putin’s bet was that Western policymakers and politicians would stumble in the effort to repair their economic and financial sys- tems in the wake of the crisis. By deliberately exacerbating geo- political tensions, Putin reasoned, the preoccupied West would look even more indecisive and weak. Of course, the Russian leader’s actions have already risked a recession back home with the plummeting of the global price of oil, not to men- tion the economic bite of Western sanctions. On a scale of one to ten—with one suggesting Putin is merely a delirious fool and ten a serious threat—how dangerous is Vladimir Putin to the West? More than thirty noted observers offer their assessment on a scale of one to ten. -
Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University
Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL) Volume 25 Number 1 Spring 2010 Article 5 Spring 2010 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel'nyts'kyi National University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel Part of the Education Commons, and the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, B. A., & Lyulkun, N. A. (2010). Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University. 25 (1), Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University This article is available in Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL): https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/ vol25/iss1/5 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukrainian University1 Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel’nyts’kyi National University This article presents results of an exploratory survey conducted at a central- western Ukrainian university of students’ current usage of and attitudes towards Ukrainian, Russian, and English. Before 1989, Soviet language policy positioned Russian over Ukrainian as the language of power and as the sole language of higher education. The effectiveness of national policies in post-Soviet Ukraine aimed at affirmative action for the Ukrainian language has been debatable and constrained by geographical factors of language use and language policy. The po- litical and economic status of English has the potential to impact the position of both Ukrainian and Russian in Ukraine. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
Connecting the Dots of PMC Wagner Strategic Actor Or Mere Business Opportunity? Author: Niklas M
University of Southern Denmark 1 June 2019 Faculty of Business and Social Sciences Connecting the dots of PMC Wagner Strategic actor or mere business opportunity? Author: Niklas M. Rendboe Date of birth: 04.07.1994 Characters: 187.484 Supervisor: Olivier Schmitt Abstract Russia has commenced a practice of using military companies to implement its foreign policy. This model is in part a continuation of a Russian tradition of using non-state act- ors, and partly a result of the contemporary thinking in Russia about war and politics as well as a consequence of the thorough reform process of the Russian military which began in 2008 under Anatolii Serdiukov. By using the subcontracting firms of business leader Evgenii Prigozhin as a channel for funding Wagner, the Kremlin has gained an armed structure which is relatively independent of its ocial military structures. The group was formed as part of a project to mobilise volunteers to fight in Ukraine in 2014- 15. The following year, Wagner went to Syria and made a valuable contribution to the Assad government’s eort to re-establish dominance in the Syrian theatre. Since then, evidence has surfaced pointing to 11 additional countries of operations. Of these, Libya, Sudan, Central Africa and Madagascar are relatively well supported. In all these coun- tries, Wagner’s ability to operate are dependent on Russia for logistics, contracts and equipment. Wagner is first and foremost a tool of Russian realpolitik; they will not win wars nor help bring about a new world order, but they further strategic interests in two key ways; they deploy to war where Russia has urgent interests, and they operate in countries where the interests of Russia are more diuse and long-term to enhance Rus- sian influence. -
What Is the Kremlin up to in Belarus? Joerg Forbrig
Transatlantic Take 14 September 2020 What Is the Kremlin up to in Belarus? Joerg Forbrig Against the background of ongoing mass protests in Belarus, a critical meeting will take place this Monday in the Russian Black Sea city of Sochi. Alexander Lukashenka, the Belarusian strongman struggling to hold on to power, meets with Vladimir Putin, his key supporter. This first personal meeting since a popular uprising began against Lukashenka’s massively falsified reelection is an important indicator of where the political crisis in Belarus is headed. The fate of Lukashenka is at stake, as is that of the democratic movement in Belarus and the continued existence of an independent Belarusian state. Russia undoubtedly plays a central role in all these respects. However, the EU can and must bring to bear its influence more decisively than before. The Belarusian summer surprised Russia no less than most in Europe and even in Belarus itself. The Kremlin had assumed that Lukashenka would assert his power but would be weakened, given rising discontent in Belar- usian society. Moscow reckoned that this would finally force Minsk to make concessions in the direction of closer political integration between the two countries, which Putin had long called for, but which Lukashenka had so far rejected to preserve his own power. The fact that the continued existence of the Lukashenka regime would be seriously questioned by a popular uprising was unexpected for the Russian leadership. Mirroring that, Russian reactions to the events in Belarus were contradictory. Putin’s congratulations on Lukashenka’s election victory were accompanied by clear criticism from high-ranking Moscow politicians of the Belarusian ruler’s actions, and the Russian state media reported unusually openly on election fraud, mass protests, and police violence.