Abraham Ibn Daud's Dorotʿolam (Generations of the Ages)

Abraham Ibn Daud’s Dorot ʿOlam (Generations of the Ages) The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World

(Formerly Medieval Iberian Peninsula)

Edited by Larry J. Simon (Western Michigan University) Gerard Wiegers (University of Amsterdam) Arie Schippers (University of Amsterdam) Donna M. Rogers (Dalhousie University) Isidro J. Rivera (University of Kansas)

VOLUME 50

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/memi Abraham Ibn Daud’s Dorot ʿOlam (Generations of the Ages)

A Critical Edition and Translation of Zikhron Divrey Romi, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, and the Midrash on Zechariah

By Katja Vehlow

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 Cover illustration: frontispiece and title page from The wonderful, and most deplorable history, of the later times of Joseph ben Gorion, ha-Kohen (1718 [i.e. 1722]), AM 1722 Jos [67380.D] With kind permission of The Library Company of Philadelphia.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ibn Daud, Abraham ben David, Halevi, ca. 1110-ca. 1180. Abraham ibn Daud's Dorot 'olam (Generations of the Ages) / a critical edition and translation of Zikhron Divrey Romi, Divrey Malkhey 'Israel, and the Midrash on Zechariah by Katja Vehlow. pages cm. – (The medieval and early modern Iberian world ; volume 50) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-22790-3 (hardback : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-24815-1 (e-book) 1. Ibn Daud, Abraham ben David, Halevi, ca. 1110-ca. 1180. 2. Jews–History–Chronology. 3. Jews–History–Philosophy. 4. Palestine–History–To 70 A.D. 5. Palestine–History–70-638. I. Vehlow, Katja, translator, writer of added commentary. II. Ibn Daud, Abraham ben David, Halevi, ca. 1110-ca. 1180. Dorot 'olam. Selections. III. Ibn Daud, Abraham ben David, Halevi, ca. 1110-ca. 1180. Dorot 'olam. Selections. English. IV. Title. [DNLM: 1. Ibn Daud, Abraham ben David, Halevi, ca. 1110-ca. 1180.–Political and social views.]

DS114.I169213 2013 937–dc23 2013002997

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface.

ISSN 1569-1934 ISBN 978-90-04-22790-3 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-24815-1 (e-book)

Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper. For my parents, with love.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ...... xiii Abbreviations...... xvii

Introduction ...... 1 1. Jews in Andalusia: Oppressed or Living in a ‘Golden Age’? . . . . . 3 2. Just How Iberian Were Iberian Jews?...... 5 3. Was There a Medieval Jewish Historiography? ...... 6

PART ONE INTRODUCTION

I. Ibn Daud and His Writings ...... 11 1. Historical-Cultural Setting ...... 11 2. The Author ...... 14 3. Ibn Daud’s Writings ...... 17 4. Dorot ʿOlam ...... 18 4.1. Sefer ha-Qabbalah ...... 18 4.2. Zikhron Divrey Romi ...... 19 4.3. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel ...... 19 4.4. Midrash on Zechariah ...... 20 4.5. The Unity of Dorot ʿOlam ...... 20

II. Sources...... 25 1. Complications: Shared Use of Texts, Symbols, and Methodologies ...... 25 2. Jewish Sources ...... 28 2.1. Ibn Daud and Sefer Josippon ...... 29 3. Christian Sources ...... 31 4. Islamic Sources...... 37

III. The Argument of Dorot ʿOlam ...... 39 1. Modern Readings ...... 39 2. Messianic or Not? Errors, Blunders, and Contradictions in Dorot ʿOlam ...... 41 viii contents

3. Principles of Political Leadership ...... 44 4. Rome and Its Connections to Iberia ...... 50 5. The Early Church in Dorot ʿOlam ...... 52 6. The Hispanization of Jewish History ...... 56

IV. The Early Modern Fascination with Dorot ʿOlam ...... 63 1. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel ...... 63 2. Zikhron Divrey Romi ...... 71 3. The Midrash on Zechariah ...... 71

V. Preface to the Critical Edition ...... 75 1. The Manuscripts of the Hebrew Text...... 75 2. Printed Hebrew Editions ...... 83 3. Bilingual Editions and Translations ...... 86 4. The Hebrew Text of This Edition ...... 93 5. The English Translation and Commentary ...... 95

Sigla...... 96

PART TWO DOROT ʿOLAM

The Chronicle of Rome from the Day of its Foundation to the Rise of the Kingdom of Ishmael ...... 98 1. The Beginnings of Rome until Brutus ...... 98 2. The Reign of Julius Caesar...... 102 3. From Augustus to Hadrian ...... 104 4. The Rebellion of the Sons of Koziva ...... 110 5. From Hadrian to Diocletian ...... 112 6. The Emergence of Christianity ...... 120 7. The Christianization of Spain ...... 124 8. The Rise of Islam and Christianity in Spain ...... 128

The History of the Kings of Israel in the Second Temple Period ...... 132 1. Introductory Remarks ...... 132 2. Alexander the Great ...... 134 3. Ptolemy and the Septuagint ...... 136 4. The Early Rule of Antiochus...... 144 5. The Beginning of the Maccabean Revolt ...... 148 contents ix

6. The Purification of the Temple ...... 152 7. Judah ben Mattathias Fights Antiochus ...... 154 8. Death of Antiochus ...... 158 9. Dedication of the Temple ...... 158 10. More Wars ...... 160 11. Eleazar Dies ...... 162 12. Judah’s Treaty with Nicanor ...... 164 13. Death of King Judah ...... 166 14. The Rule of Jonathan and Simon ...... 168 15. Hyrcanus and Ptolemy ...... 172 16. Hyrcanus and Antiochus Pius ...... 174 17. Hyrcanus and the Cutheans ...... 176 18. Hyrcanus and the Pharisees ...... 180 19. Aristobulus the First ...... 184 20. Alexander Yannai and the Pharisees ...... 186 21. Alexander’s Death ...... 192 22. The Rule of Alexandra...... 196 23. The Death of Alexandra ...... 198 24. Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II ...... 200 25. The Rise of Antipater I ...... 202 26. Hyrcanus and Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel (the Circle-Drawer) ...... 206 27. Popmey [Pompey] and Aristobulus ...... 208 28. Hyrcanus and Antipater...... 210 29. Popmey [Pompey] Conquers Jerusalem...... 212 30. Hyrcanus Fights Alexander and Gabinius ...... 214 31. Aristobulus Fights Gabinius ...... 216 32. Julius Caesar ...... 218 33. The Death of Aristobulus...... 220 34. Herod and Hezekiah ...... 222 35. Herod before the Sanhedrin...... 222 36. The Death of Julius Caesar ...... 224 37. The Intrigues of Herod and Antigonus ...... 226 38. Herod ben Antipater and Mark Antony ...... 228 39. Herod Defends the Temple and Assassinates Antigonus ...... 230 40. Hyrcanus Returns to Jerusalem ...... 232 41. Hyrcanus’ Death ...... 234 42. Aristobulus and Alexandra ...... 238 43. The Death of Aristobulus...... 240 44. Herod and Octavian Augustus ...... 244 45. Herod and Mariamne ...... 248 x contents

46. Mariamne’s Death ...... 250 47. Herod Rebuilds the Temple ...... 252 48. Herod and His Sons Alexander and Aristobulus ...... 258 49. Herod and Alexander before Octavian Augustus ...... 258 50. Antipater’s Intrigue ...... 262 51. Archelaus Reconciles Herod with Alexander and Pheroras . . . . 264 52. The Death of Alexander and Aristobulus...... 266 53. Herod and His Grandsons ...... 268 54. Antipater and Pheroras ...... 270 55. The Trial of Antipater ...... 274 56. Herod’s Death ...... 278 57. The Burial of Herod ...... 282 58. Archelaus and Antipater ...... 286 59. Agrippa and the Beginnings of the Revolt against Rome ...... 288 60. The Death of Simon of Scythopolis...... 292 61. Agrippa and Cestius ...... 294 62. Beginning of the Siege of Jerusalem and Vespasian and Titus’ Invasion ...... 296 63. Joseph ben Gorion and His Wars in the North ...... 300 64. Vespasian and Titus in the Galilee ...... 302 65. Johanan the Galilean and the Fighting in Jerusalem ...... 304 66. Zechariah and Gorion ...... 308 67. Vespasian and Josephus in Rome...... 310 68. The Division of Jerusalem ...... 312 69. Titus before the Gates Jerusalem ...... 316 70. Titus and Cantor ...... 318 71. Hunger in Jerusalem ...... 320 72. The Slaughter of the Innocent...... 322 73. The Suffering of the Jerusalemites...... 324 74. The Greek Attempt to Take Jerusalem...... 328 75. The Conquest of Jerusalem...... 330 76. The Struggle for the Temple ...... 330 77. The Destruction of the Temple ...... 334 78. Simon and Johanan before Titus ...... 338 79. Masada ...... 342 80. After the War: Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai and Rabban Gamaliel ...... 344 81. Epilogue ...... 346

The Midrash on Zechariah...... 348 contents xi

Bibliography ...... 359 1. Manuscripts ...... 359 2. Editions of Ibn Daud’s Works ...... 359 3. Other Primary Sources ...... 361 4. Secondary Sources ...... 366 Index of Primary Texts ...... 385 General Index...... 396

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Over the years, many scholars and friends—and scholars who became friends—have advanced my work, and I am delighted to have the opportunity to name some of them here. This book began life as a dissertation, so I would first like to thank my doktorvater, Robert Chazan, who introduced me to Ibn Daud’s historical writings in a seminar many years ago. A wonderful scholar and an inspir- ing teacher, he set a great example through his own work. He trained me to be an exacting reader of medieval texts and to express myself clearly in writing. He repeatedly sent me back to the drawing board, forcing me to focus my ideas until they coalesced into a coherent argument. Elliot R. Wolfson’s remarks have been invaluable and caused me to reconsider the relationship between philosophy and history in Ibn Daud. The remaining members of my dissertation committee, Mark R. Cohen, Francis E. Peters, Lawrence H. Schiffman, and—in the early stages—Adnan Husain, carefully read my work, and each pushed me to clarify a number of points in decisive ways. While I owe gratitude to many of my teachers, I would like to mention four in particular. My high school history teacher, Herr Dürr, was adamant that the past mattered, and he introduced me to historiography, although I did not understand it then. Johannes Wallmann, then at the Ruhr-Universität Bochum, gave me my first job as a research assistant. He taught me the ropes of historical research, and conveyed the joys of immersing myself in a world long gone by. Israel Yuval, my teacher at Hebrew University, helped me to consider the dynamic power of communal relationships, and Mark R. Cohen encouraged me to enter the field of medieval Jewish history as a profession. Many students of the medieval and ancient experience have been generous with their time. David Brodsky, David Kraemer, Matthew Morgenstern, and Ynon Wygoda helped me understand Ibn Daud’s use of language and rabbinic imagery. At NYU, my dissertation group, with Penny Johnson and Fiona J. Griffiths, constantly offered encouragement and critique. In Madi- son, I debated the Middle Ages over cocktails with Amy C. Mulligan and Marie Kelleher. Flora Cassen, Saskia Dönitz, Dirk Hartwig, Sara L. Schwebel, and the members of the Judaica Electronic Workgroup (JEW) at Vanderbilt University read parts of this book and helped me formulate what I meant to say. xiv acknowledgements

New York University provided financial assistance for my research in the form of a pre-doctoral travel grant. In addition, I received scholarships from the Antonina S. Ranieri International Scholars Fund and from the Memo- rial Foundation of Jewish Culture. This support enabled me to lose myself in manuscripts and sixteenth-century books in the libraries of Parma, Paris, and Stuttgart. From 2006 to 2008, I was a Weinstein Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Wisconsin, and I thank the directors of the Institute for Research in the Humanities, David Sorkin and Susan Stanford Friedman, who warmly welcomed me as an honorary fellow. I profited greatly from my time at the Institute, and especially from lunch conversations with Lisa H. Cooper, Leah DeVun, Richard L. Keyser, David O. Morgan, David C. Men- gel, Richard Miles, and Frank Salomon. They took me under their wing and helped me to develop the sitzfleisch it takes to finish such a large project without ever getting bored. From 2010 to 2011, a Provost’s Fellowship from the University of South Carolina enabled me to complete revisions of this book at the National Library of Israel in Jerusalem. The Department of Religious Studies and the Jewish Studies Program at the University of South Carolina have provided me with a supportive environment in which to research and teach. I would like to thank in particular the head of my department, Stephanie Y. Mitchem, who came to my rescue more than once. Mardi McCabe took care of many administrative matters. Our assistants, Alison McLetchie, Kitra Monnier, Kate Morrison, Catherine Snyder, and T. Scott Reeves, allowed me to devote more time to research than would otherwise have been possible. Finally, the Dean of the Humani- ties, Mary Ann Fitzpatrick, provided financial support for the final stages of the book. I would also like to thank everyone at Brill, and especially Marcella Mul- der and Renee Otto. Having the opportunity to be included in The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World series is truly a great honor. My friends were there for me in more ways than I can remember. Dirk Hartwig always knew how to hunt down the most obscure reference. In Jerusalem, Tali M. Berner opened her home and made me feel welcome even before I landed. Miryam T. Brand scouted out cafés conducive for hours of writing, and Anja Siegemund knew how to make me laugh when I was stuck on a footnote. From New York, Beverly and Avi Bailis sent care packages filled with encouraging goodies whenever I needed a boost, and Lisa and Jayna Tannenbaum Weis reminded me that there is more to life than work. In Columbia, David Reisman, Michal Rubin, and Sara L. Schwe- bel shared many meals and taught me to appreciate life in the Deep South. acknowledgements xv

Lastly, I would like to thank my family. My mother, Heide Vehlow, and her partner, Hugo Stoll, always inspired me to be curious about the world and to learn. My father Jürgen and his wife Brigitte Vehlow as well as my stepsister Christine E. Achinger regularly asked what Ibn Daud and I were up to. They all encouraged and supported me every step of the way. I dedicate this book to them.

ABBREVIATIONS

A Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (Amsterdam, c. 1711) ARN Avot de Rabbi Natan AZ ʿAvodah Zarah b Babylonian Talmud b. ben (son of) BB Bavaʾ Batraʾ Bekh Bekhorot Ber Berakhot BQ Bavaʾ Qammaʾ DMY Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel EstR Esther Rabba GenR Genesis Rabba Git Gittin Ḥal Ḥallah Howell (1652) Howell, The vvonderful, and most deplorable history (London, 1652) Ḥul Ḥullin Ket Ketubbot Kid Kiddushin LamR Lamentations Rabba m Mishnah, Midrash Meg Megillah Mekh Mekhilta Men Menaḥot Mid Middot Morwen (1558) Morwen, A Compendious and most Marueilous History (Lon- don, 1558) mProv Midrash Proverbs Münster (1529) Münster, Shelosh ʿEsreh ʿIqarim (Worms, 1529) MZ Midrash on Zechariah Nid Niddah part. partial Pes Pesaḥim PsR Psalms Rabba Qid Qiddushin r. reigned R Rabbah RH Rosh ha-Shanah Sanh Sanhedrin Schwyntzer (1530) Schwyntzer, Josippi Judische Historien (Strasbourg, 1530) Shab Shabbat xviii abbreviations

Shevu Shevuʿot ShQ Sefer ha-Qabbalah SOR Seder ʿOlam Rabbah Sof Soferim Sot Sotah Suk Sukkah t Tosefta Taan Taʿanit Tam Tamid y Talmud Yerushalmi Yom Yoma Zeller (1724) Zeller, Zikron Divre Romi (Stuttgart, 1724) ZDR Zikhron Divrey Romi INTRODUCTION

Abraham ibn Daud’s Dorot ʿOlam, or Generations of the Ages, is one of the most influential and innovative historical works in medieval Hebrew literature. For centuries, Jews and Christians alike enjoyed reading and rewriting the book’s lively accounts of the Second Temple period, the Bar Kokhba revolt, Jewish learning, early church history, and Jewish life in Andalusia and the Kingdom of Castile. Ibn Daud’s narrative provided a compelling vision of the past, one that invited readers to connect in new ways with material they might have encountered elsewhere—for example, in the great accounts of Jewish or Christian history—and they left room to discover ideas that they were unlikely to find elsewhere. Many identified with the plight of the Jews; others enjoyed Ibn Daud’s call for political quietism. Sections of Dorot ʿOlam were among the earliest Hebrew texts to be translated into English and Ger- man and were embraced by the elite, emerging Protestant publishing world. There is even a richly illustrated children’s version of Ibn Daud’s life that depicts the author as an Eastern European rabbi.1 Regularly printed until the nineteenth century, the three Hebrew texts edited and translated in this volume for the first time—Zikhron Divrey Romi (Chronicle of Rome), Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (History of the Kings of Israel), and the Midrash on Zechariah—were composed in the 1160s by the Jew- ish philosopher Abraham ibn Daud of Toledo (c. 1110–1180). Together with a fourth section, Sefer ha-Qabbalah (Book of Tradition), a classic of medieval Hebrew literature long familiar to an English-speaking audience, they form part of a multi-partite universal history that asserts the superiority of rabbinic Judaism and stresses the central role of Iberian Jewry in world history. Just as Jews had prospered in Andalusia, the text asserts, they would flourish in the emerging kingdoms of northern Spain, their status secured by God’s providence, righteous rabbinic leadership, and well-placed officials work- ing on their behalf at the Christian courts. A rare and early representative of its genre in medieval Hebrew as well as Iberian historiography, Dorot ʿOlam reflects twelfth-century Iberian Jewish knowledge that embraced rabbinic and Karaite traditions, Arabic philosophy, and Christian texts.

1 Aviezer Burstin and I.A. Kaufman, The First Ravaad, vol. 12, Mighty Minds (Jerusalem: Meir Holder of Hillel Press, 1980). 2 introduction

The original title of Ibn Daud’s world chronicle is unknown, and early modern scholars routinely and somewhat confusingly used Sefer or Seder ha-Qabbalah (Book or Order of Tradition), the title of the work’s first section, for the entire oeuvre. Ismar Elbogen (1874–1943), a prominent scholar of the Wissenschaft des Judentums, suggested that Dorot ʿOlam (Generations of the Ages), a title first applied to the entire work by the historian Abraham Zacuto (c. 1452–1515), might have been its original name.2 ‘Generations of the Ages’ well captures Ibn Daud’s perspective on Jewish history as a series of events that concerned both Jews and non-Jews alike, and so I apply it to his entire oeuvre. This edition documents the many ways in which Ibn Daud has been read over the centuries, and it seeks to overcome a number of bifurcations that have shaped and limited our understanding of the Jewish experience in Iberia and of the creation of historical texts in the Jewish Middle Ages.3 Were individual Jews, Muslims, and Christians predominantly members of their respective communities, and if so, to what extent did they resemble their neighbors? Did Iberian Jews live in an interfaith utopia, or were they victims of oppression? Finally and most importantly for this edition, should Ibn Daud be seen as a historian? Were medieval Jews, like their non-Jewish neighbors, really interested in history?

2 Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Shamir), 96, 223, 225; ShQ, xxviii–xxix, n. 63. Moritz Stein- schneider, Die Geschichtsliteratur der Juden in Druckwerken und Handschriften (Frankfurt a.M.: Kauffmann, 1905; repr., New York, 1980), 45; Ismar Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud als Geschichtsschreiber,” in Festschrift zum siebzigsten Geburtstage Jakob Guttmanns, ed. Direk- torium der Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaft des Judentums (Leipzig: Gustav Fock, 1915; reprint, New York 1980), 187. 3 This endeavor has been underway for about fifteen years. Some of the works to be mentioned in this context are Jonathan Ray, TheSephardicFrontier:TheReconquistaandtheJewish Community in Medieval Iberia, Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006); Lucy K. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence: Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain, History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2004); Mark D. Mey- erson, A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain, Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). A similar development can be observed in Ashkenaz, e.g., Ahimaaz ben Paltiel, History and Folklore in a Medieval Jewish Chronicle: The Family Chronicle of Ahimaʾaz ben Paltiel, ed. Robert Bon- fil, Studies in Jewish History and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2009); Elisheva Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe, Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), and Ivan G. Mar- cus, Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Culture and Acculturation in the Middle Ages (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996). introduction 3

1. Jews in Andalusia: Oppressed or Living in a ‘Golden Age’?

Dorot ʿOlam was most likely written in Christian Toledo, but Ibn Daud’s writings are infused with ideas originating in Andalusia, where his family had lived for decades and where he was probably born. Given Ibn Daud’s grounding in the Islamic world, it is necessary to address one of the central debates in Jewish historiography: How should one approach the history of the Jews under Islam? What was the place of Jews in medieval Iberia? Were Jews in Andalusia better or worse off than in Christian areas? Should one apply a ‘lachrymose conception of Jewish history,’ to use the term coined by Salo W. Baron (1895–1989), or was this a ‘Golden Age’ for Jews? Nineteenth- century Wissenschaft des Judentums scholars, the first academically-driven students of modern Jewish Studies, were already grappling with this question. They regarded Andalusia as a model for inter-cultural interaction that contrasted favorably with their own struggles for civic recognition.4 His- panists, and more recently, historians of the Jewish past under Islam, have also addressed these issues. Twentieth-century Hispanists debated these ideas in the context of a larger conversation regarding the impact of the long Muslim and Jewish presence on modern Spanish society. The Spanish philologist and historian Américo Castro (1885–1972) suggested that Iberia differed from northern Europe and the Islamic world, in as far as its unique demographic mixture created an interfaith utopia, a space within whose confines Muslims, Christians, and Jews peacefully co-existed in what he called convivencia.5 By contrast, Claudio Sánchez Albornoz (1893–1984) argued that medieval Span- ish society was best seen as marked by conflict, with little room for Muslim and Jewish participation in the formation of Spanish culture.6

4 For the central role of the medieval Sephardic Jewish experience in the Wissenschaft see Ismar Schorsch, “The Myth of Sephardic Supremacy,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 34 (1989), 47–66. 5 Américo Castro, España en su historia; cristianos, moros y judíos (Buenos Aires: Edito- rial Losada, 1948), 200–209. The term was originally employed by Castro’s teacher, Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1869–1968), to describe linguistic changes. 6 These were attempts to define the identity of a new Spain after a brutal civil war. An overview of the debate can be found in Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages, 2nd rev. ed., The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World (Lei- den: Brill, 2005), 6–13. For Sánchez Albornoz’ polemic against Castro and his view of convivencia see Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz, España, un enigma histórico (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1956), and Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz, El drama de la formación de España y los españoles; otra nueva aventura polémica, Colección Edhasensayo (Barcelona: EDHASA, 1973). 4 introduction

These contrasting positions also appear among researchers of the Jewish past such as Mark R. Cohen (b. 1943) and Norman A. Stillman (b. 1945), who carried out a public discussion on the pages of Tikkun, a progressive Amer- ican Jewish quarterly.7 Recalling Baron’s arguments against a ‘lachrymose’ conception of history, Cohen rejected both approaches—‘neo-lachrymose’ and ‘interfaith utopia’—as ahistorical; he called for an analysis of the specific political, cultural, social, and linguistic conditions of the communities under discussion. In his response, Stillman argued that the current use of these ideas, largely employed by non-specialists, reflected a mémoire collective that captured the oppressive experiences of Jews in Muslim lands. The debate between Cohen and Stillman reflects contemporary political developments in the Near East; since the 1960s and the ensuing deterioration of Arab-Israeli relations, many scholars have pointed to periods of oppression and the (rare) forced conversions of Jews. ‘Forgetting’ the experience of Jews in medieval Andalusia and elsewhere, some have even challenged the idea that there ever was a period in which Jews and Muslims shared cultural val- ues.8 More recently, and especially since the terror attacks of September 11, 2001 and subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the distance between the positions seems to be widening.9 Somewhat ironically, Ibn Daud is claimed by both camps. He has been seen as an early propagandist of an Andalusian interfaith utopia, stressing Jewish suffering and the end of the Andalusian experience. Indeed, his writings reflect both positions. He detailed the military campaigns that

7 Mark R. Cohen, “The Neo-Lachrymose Conception of Jewish Arab History,” Tikkun 6 (1991) and the reprisal in Norman Stillman, “Myth, Counter-Myth, and Distortion,” Tikkun 6 (1991), and Mark R. Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 3–16. 8 Fernández-Morera, “The Myth of the Andalusian Paradise,” Intercollegiate Review 41 (Fall 2006), 23–31; Menahem Ben-Sasson, “The so-called ‘Golden Age’ of Spanish Jewry—A Critical View,” in The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries); Pro- ceedings of the International Symposium Held at Speyer, 20–25 October 2002, 139–152, ed. by Christoph Cluse (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004). 9 The writings of Gisèle Littman and, to a lesser degree, María Rosa Menocal express the two sides of the debate. The Egyptian-born Littman, better known under the pseudonum Bat Yeʾor (daughter of the Nile) writes about the history of the dhimmi and is wildly popular with conspiracy theorists, see e.g. Yasemin Shooman, “Islamfeindschaft im World Wide Web,” Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 17 (2008), 69–96. By contrast, Menocal, born in Cuba, taught medieval culture and literature at Yale University and emphasized the convivial relations of Jews, Muslims, and Christians in medieval Iberia and beyond. Her book, The Ornament of the World. How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain (Boston: Little, Brown, 2002) has brought up-to-date scholarship to a broader public and is currently being turned into a documentary. introduction 5 drove so many Jews into emigration, but he also lovingly described the great Andalusian past, which remained a model for the Jewish future as he envisioned it. For Ibn Daud, the dichotomy between Islamic Andalusia and Christian Castile was nonexistent. Writing decades before either side could lay claim to Iberia, he did not perceive a notable difference between Islamic Andalusia and Christian Spain. Iberia was still marked by many unifying trends during Ibn Daud’s lifetime: Arabic was widely spoken throughout the peninsula; Islamic philosophy and other branches of knowledge were studied in both Andalusia and the new northern kingdoms; and the new Christian territories were only now slowly dismantling traditional Islamic politics and laws that had safeguarded minority rights in Andalusia for centuries.

2. Just How Iberian Were Iberian Jews?

The study of cross-cultural contacts between religious and ethnic groups, especially in the Middle Ages, has tended to focus on group dynamics—that is, on the ways in which communities constructed by religion or ethnicity or both related to one another.10 Many conditions of medieval Jews (as well as Christians and Muslims) were determined by their membership in religious communities. For example, their legal status was to a large extent dependent on their belonging to a community organized along religious lines. At the same time, however, Jewish life embraced social, cultural, and religious aspects that expressed connections, as well as tensions, between multiple social groups. Ibn Daud, for instance, can be seen as a Jew, and more precisely, a rabbinic Jew who saw himself in opposition to the Karaites. But like many others, he also understood himself as an Andalusian Jew living in Toledo, the capital of the Kingdom of Castile. Consequently, this edition envisions the Jewish experience as one that embodies and transcends national, ethnic, and religious boundaries. Ibn Daud would not have been able to formulate the ideas he did had he not

10 Important examples are Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews. High Middle Ages, 500–1200, 2nd ed., Laws, Homilies, and the Bible (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976); Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance; Studies in Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modern Times, vol. 3, Scripta Judaica (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), and, more recently, Norman Roth, “The Civic Status of the Jew in Medieval Spain,” in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, ed. P.E. Chevedden, D.J. Kagay, and P.G. Padilla (Leiden: Brill, 1996) and David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996). 6 introduction been deeply steeped in contemporary Arabic philosophy, and Dorot ʿOlam would look very different had he not read the great classics of the Christian Middle Ages, Isidore of Seville and Orosius of Braga.

3. Was There a Medieval Jewish Historiography?

In his seminal Zakhor (1982), Yosef Haim Yerushalmi (1932–2009) posited that interest in history ceased with Josephus and reappeared only in the sixteenth century.11 According to this interpretation, medieval Jews focused on the remote past and generally did so by commemorating events in non- historical genres. There were allegedly few exceptions; among them, nota- bly, was Ibn Daud’s Sefer ha-Qabbalah.12 Subsequent scholarship has challenged this interpretation, however, suggesting that medieval Jews were not averse to history. Jews under Christendom, as well as those under Islam, consumed Jewish and non-Jewish historical texts, and produced many works of their own.13 Medieval authors constructed histories that reflected on contemporary political and cultural developments; they considered both their own past and that of others and at times preserved rare information about periods from which few writings have survived. They wrote general, local, and family histories and reflected on history in exegetical and halakhic writings, as well as in individual and communal letters.14

11 Yosef H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor, Jewish History and Jewish Memory, new ed. (Seattle: Uni- versity of Washington Press, 1996), 34. See Yosef H. Yerushalmi, “Clio and the Jews,” in American Academy for Jewish Research Jubilee Volume (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1980), 607–638; David G. Myers and Amos Funkenstein, “Remembering Zakhor: A Super-Commentary [with Response],” History & Memory 4, no. 2 (1992), 129–148. 12 Yerushalmi, Zakhor: 32; Yerushalmi, “Clio and the Jews,” 613. 13 Amram Tropper, “The Fate of Jewish Historiography After the Bible: A New Interpre- tation,” History and Theory 43, no. 2 (2004): 178–197. Robert Bonfil, “Esiste una storiografia ebraica medioevale?,” in Tra due mondi: cultura ebraica e cultura cristiana nel Medioevo, ed. Fausto Parente and Daniela Piattelli (Naples: Liguori, 1996), 117–147; Robert Bonfil, “The Legacy of Sephardi Jewry in Historical Writing,” in Moreshet Sepharad; the Sephardi Legacy, ed. Haim Beinart (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1992). For a brief survey of pre-modern Jewish historiography in Islamic lands, see Katja Vehlow, “Historiography,” in Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. Marina Rustow and Robert Chazan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcom- ing) and Martin Jacobs, Islamische Geschichte in jüdischen Chroniken: hebräische Historiogra- phie des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 28–57. 14 For a survey of rabbinic historiography, see Isaiah M. Gafni, “Rabbinic Historiography and Representations of the Past,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature, ed. Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert and Martin S. Jaffee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). For examples of rare historical information, see Moshe Gil, “The Scroll of Evyatar as a Source for the History of the Struggles of the Yeshiva of Jerusalem During the introduction 7

Ibn Daud’s historical enterprise, in short, is no exception, but rather part of a larger trend. The first in-depth analysis of Ibn Daud’s historiography can be found in Gerson Cohen’s (1924–1991) groundbreaking edition of Sefer ha-Qabbalah, which includes brief analyses of the remaining sections of Dorot ʿOlam.15 Cohen recognized that Ibn Daud’s historiography and philosophy formed a conceptual unit aiming at a defense of Judaism.16 Central to his argument is the idea that Sefer ha-Qabbalah was structured according to a symmetrical scheme of Jewish history that expressed messianic ideas and gave particular importance to Iberian Jewry. Cohen followed Ibn Daud’s instructions on how the individual sections of Dorot ʿOlam should be read. He regarded Sefer ha-Qabbalah and the Midrash on Zechariah as anti- Karaite, Zikhron Divrey Romi as anti-Christian and highly time-bound, and DivreyMalkheyYisraʾel as an unoriginal copy of SeferJosippon. This is still the dominant interpretation of Ibn Daud’s historiography, but many of its most salient points have since been revised. As Eve Krakowski has recently shown, Sefer ha-Qabbalah is neither messianic nor overly schematic, but rather combines a wide array of sources to advance a convincing definition of rabbinic Judaism in the face of Karaite, Christian, and Muslim opposition.17 Ibn Daud, I argue, is best understood against the background of twelfth- century developments in Jewish and Iberian historiography and contemporaneous political circumstances. He was familiar with Christian and Jewish historical traditions and included reflections on periods that had been of little interest to earlier Jewish authors, such as early Church history. Moreover, he freely used them to write a history of the world that would define the central role of the Iberian rabbinic community and cement the role of his own family, the Ibn Albalias. Ibn Daud formulates a specific political vision for the government of the ideal community that should be guided by a leader of Davidic descent who acted in consensus with religious leadership, both tasks now fulfilled by the Jewish representatives at court and (rabbinic, that is, non-Karaite) rabbis.

Second Half of the Eleventh Century—A New Reading of the Scroll” (in Hebrew), in Jerusalem in the Middle Ages. Selected Papers, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1979); Robert Brody, “On the Sources for the Chronology of the Talmudic Period (in Hebrew),” Tarbiẓ 70 (2000–2001). 15 ShQ, xxxii–xl. 16 ShQ, xxxii. 17 ShQ, 189–303. Gerson D. Cohen, “The Story of the Four Captives,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 29 (1960–1961) and the critique in Eve Krakowski, “On the Literary Character of Abraham Ibn Daud’s ‘Sefer ha-Qabbalah’,” EJJS 1, no. 2 (2007). Discussed in chap. 3.1. 8 introduction

My edition opens with an introduction that places Ibn Daud and his historiography in a wider cultural and literary context. Chapter 1 (Ibn Daud and his Writings) illuminates the broader historical-cultural setting of Dorot ʿOlam, as well as the texts and their sources. Chapter 2 (Sources) places Ibn Daud into the wider literary landscape as it was unfolding in medieval rabbinic Iberia. Chapter 3 (The Argument of Dorot ʿOlam) demonstrates some of Ibn Daud’s strategies as an historian. Chapter 4 (The Early Modern Fas- cination with Dorot ʿOlam) traces the astonishing pre-modern publication history of Dorot ʿOlam, especially Divrey Malkhey Yisrʾael, in Latin, English, and German-language editions. Chapter 5 (Preface to the Critical Edition) introduces descriptions of all manuscripts and printed texts included in this edition and delineates the principles according to which this edition has been compiled and the texts translated. Part Two contains the texts in English and Hebrew, accompanied by text-critical remarks and commentary. PART ONE

INTRODUCTION

chapter one

IBN DAUD AND HIS WRITINGS

1. Historical-Cultural Setting

Dorot ʿOlam shows the imprint of mid-twelfth century political developments in the Iberian Peninsula in both Islamic Andalusia and the Christian north. For centuries, Andalusian Jews had enjoyed an efflorescence that was rare, though not unheard of, in the rest of the Islamic world.1 Yet, conditions shifted ever so slightly in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, partly in response to the advances of the Christian military expansion known as the Reconquest, and partly due to the arrival in Andalusia of the Almoravids and the Almohads, two successive Berber dynasties from northern Africa that swiftly wrestled control from the local kings and, within a few decades, extended their reach over large parts of Andalusia.2 Beginning perhaps as early as the late eleventh and through the twelfth century, their successes seem to have increased pressure on Andalusia’s minority populations, but without significantly altering their legal status.3 In Islamic Andalusia, as was the rule throughout the pre-modern Muslim world, minority rights were safeguarded through agreements between rulers and representatives

1 For a concise account of this period see Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain: 1–89. The classic account is still Eliyahu Ashtor, The Jews of Moslem Spain, 3 vols. (Philadelphia: JPS, 1973). 2 For a brief overview of the military, economic and cultural history of Iberia in the period under discussion see Bernard F. Reilly, The Medieval Spains, Cambridge Medieval Textbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 90–159. For the changes in the character of the Reconquest from skirmishes to religiously motivated warfare see Teofilo F. Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth: the Reordering of Castilian Society, 1150–1350 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004); Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, ed. Ruth M. Karras and Edward Peters, The Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003). 3 For the relationship between Jews, Christians, and Muslims under the Almoravids and the Almohads see María Jesús Viguera Molíns, ed. El retroceso territorial de Al-Andalus. Almorávides y Almohades. Siglos XI al XIII, 2 ed., vol. 8/2, Historia de Espana (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998); Maribel Fierro, “La Religion,” in El retroceso territorial de Al-Andalus. Almorá- vides y Almohades. Siglos XI al XIII, ed. María Jesús Viguera Molíns (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998), 523–546. 12 chapter one of the minority communities. These regulations were known as dhimma contracts and, rooted in Islamic legal traditions, ensured a high degree of stability and autonomy for minorities living in Muslim lands.4 Yet by 1147, when the Almohads gained control over most of Andalusia, they imple- mented some oppressive policies inherent in the dhimma contracts that targeted the minority populations.5 In Book 7 of Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Ibn Daud, by now safely ensconced in Toledo, the capital of the Kingdom of Castile, describes their campaigns and details some of the oppressive measures taken against the Jewish communities. He was one of many who seem to have left Andalusia at this point. Some, such as the translators Judah Ibn Tibbon (1120–c. 1190) and Joseph Kimḥi (c. 1105–1170) went to France or Italy, perhaps in reaction to these politics.6 Others, prominent among them the Maimonides family, crisscrossed the region before settling in northern Africa. Among those who, like Ibn Daud, ultimately settled in Toledo were distinguished Andalusian scholars such as Joseph ben Meir ha-Levi Ibn Migash (1077–1141) and Meir ha-Levi Abulafia (1170?–1244), men who would help make Toledo a center of Jewish learning until well into the fourteenth century, thus confirming Ibn Daud’s high hopes for the city.7 In Castile, new arrivals such as Ibn Daud encountered an environment that was impacted by the economic prosperity and political prominence brought about by the kingdom’s military successes.8 During the first decades of Castilian rule, administrations continued to grant religious minorities far- reaching autonomy, similar to the dhimma contracts.9 Autonomous courts, for instance, were provided for the legal affairs of Jews and Muslims, although suits involving Christians and Jews or Muslims soon tended to

4 Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain: 187–189; Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages: 52–76. For a concise overview of the history of Jews in medieval Muslim lands see Jacob Lassner, Jews,Christians,andtheAbodeofIslam:ModernScholarship,Medieval Realities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 194–216. 5 Fierro notes that there seem to be no texts canceling the dhimmī agreements. Fierro, “La Religion,” 523–546. 6 Bernard Septimus, Hispano-Jewish Culture in Transition: The Career and Controversies of Ramah, vol. 4, Harvard Judaic Monographs (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 137, n. 111. 7 See ibid., 10. 8 Julio Porres de Mateo and Dolores de Paz Escribano, “30 000 inhabitans, une ville frontière,” in Tolède, xiie–xiiie Musulmans, chrétiens et juifs: le savoir et la tolérance, ed. Louis Cardaillac, Série Mémoires (Paris: Autrement, 1991), 138–143; Norman Roth, “New Light on the Jews of Mozarabic Toledo,” AJSR 11, no. 2 (1987): 189–200; Gonzalez A. Palencia, Los mozârabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII (Madrid: n.p., 1926), 149–150. 9 Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain: 184–219, esp. 187–192, see also the chart on 186. ibn daud and his writings 13 favor the former. As contemporaneous law codes indicate, this tendency continued. The first to feel these changes were the Mozarabs, Toledo’s native Christians. Their liturgy and lifestyle appeared suspect to some of the predominantly French authorities running the Toledan Church, and especially to the representatives of the Cluniac Reform movement.10 The erosion of Jewish rights in Toledo is evident in twelfth-century law codes. At the beginning of his reign, for example, Alfonso VII (r. 1126–1157) decreed that, from then on, a Christian judge would settle all suits between Jews and Chris- tians.11 Another legal code that seriously curtailed communal autonomy was the Fuero refundido, which represented a significant departure from politics as usual in an environment where communities had been accustomed to regulating affairs according to their own laws for centuries. The introduction of this Fuero refundido is often dated to 1118, but many scholars prefer the 1160s. If this is correct, the encroaching loss of communal privileges might help to further explain Ibn Daud’s drive to write a world chronicle.12 Mere decades after Ibn Daud’s death, the northern Christian kingdoms broke the power of the Almohads and expelled them from the peninsula, opening the way to an eventual return of the Jewish communities to some of the places just recently abandoned. Ibn Daud’s writings reflect the period before these events, when the struggle over the peninsula was still in process. Accordingly, he celebrates the achievements of Jewish culture in Anda- lusia, mourns its demise, and welcomes the new Castilian opportunities.

10 Peter Linehan, History and the Historians of Medieval Spain (London: Clarendon, 1993), 214–267 and Ludwig Vones, “Reconquista und Convivencia. Die Könige von Kastilien-León und die mozarabischen Organisationsstrukturen in den südlichen Grenzzonen im Umkreis der Eroberungen von Coïmbra (1064) und Toledo (1085),” in Die Begegnung des Westens mit dem Osten. Kongreßakten des 4. Symposions des Mediävistenverbandes in Köln 1991 aus Anlaß des 1000. Todesjahres der Kaiserin Theophanu, ed. Odilo Engels and Peter Schreiner (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1993), 225, n. 15; Jean-Pierre Molénat, “Mudéjars et mozarabes à Tolède du Xiie au Xve siècles,” Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 63/64 (1992): 143–153. 11 Isaac Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, (Philadelphia: JPS, 1992), vol. 1, 5; Justiniano Rodríguez Fernández, La judería de la ciudad de León, vol. 2, Colección “Fuentes y estudios de historia leonesa” (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1969), 76. 12 Jean Gautier-Dalché, Historia urbana de León y Castilla en la Edad Media: (siglos IX– XIII), trans. Encarnación Pérez Sede (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno, 1979), 111–113. The 1160s are a date preferred by Gallo García, “Los fueros de Toledo,” AnuariodeHistoriadelDerechoEspanol 45 (1975): 441–443. 14 chapter one

2. The Author

Abraham ibn Daud ha-Levi of Toledo (c. 1110–1180), also known by the acronym RaBaD, was born no later than 1110 in the Andalusian city of Cór- doba or perhaps in Toledo, the cultural and administrative hub of the King- dom of Castile, where he probably wrote most of his surviving works.13 He possibly worked as a physician, and according to the Midrash ha-Ḥokhmah, composed by the thirteenth-century Toledan philosopher Judah ben Solo- mon ha-Cohen, he died a martyr’s death in 1180.14 With the exception of his descent from the Ibn Albalias, a prominent family of Jewish scholars, we have little concrete information about Ibn Daud’s life.15 Ibn Daud’s grandfather, Isaac ibn Barukh ibn Albalia (1035– 1094), was a leading rabbinic figure and served as an astrologer and advisor to the ruler of Seville and Córdoba, al-Muʿtamid or Muḥammad II ʾIbn ʿAbbād (r. 1069–1091). His maternal uncle was Barukh ibn Albalia (1077– 1126), a student of the RiF, Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi (1013–1103), whom he succeeded as head of the academy in Córdoba.16 He, too, was an erudite

13 Steinschneider thinks that the birth year is indeterminable. Moritz Steinschneider, Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts, Sitzungs- berichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien (Wien: Gerold in Komm., 1905; repr., Gratz, 1956), 9, n. 2. Born in Toledo: Juan Blázquez Miguel, Toledot: Historia del Toledo Judío, vol. 1, Serie Judaica (Toledo: Editorial Arcano, 1989), 62; Pilar L. Tello, Judíos de Toledo, vol. 1 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1979), 51. Move to Toledo: ShQ, xvi; xxvi–xxviii; Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), p. 216; Resianne Fontaine, In Defence of Judaism, Abraham Ibn Daud: Sources and Structures of ha-Emunah ha-Ramah, vol. 26, Studia Semitica Neerlandica (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1990), 9; Amira Eran, Me-ʾemunah tammah le-ʾemunah ramah: haguto ha-qedam-maimonit shel R. Abraham ʾIbn Daud (Tel-Aviv: Ha-Kibbutz ha-meʾuḥad, 1998), 17; Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Avendauth?,” in Homenaje a Millas-Vallicrosa, ed. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1954–1956), 19–43. 14 A physician: Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews, vol. Volume 3. From the Revolt Against the Zendik (511C.E.) to the Capture of St. Jean d’Acre by the Mahometans (1291C.E.) (Philadel- phia: JPS, 1894), 364; Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 194, n. 6 but see also Steinschneider, Geschichtsliteratur der Juden: 46, n. 1. For his martyr’s death see Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Fil- ipowski), p. 204, 220; Graetz, History of the Jews, Volume 3. From the Revolt Against the Zendik (511C.E.) to the Capture of St. Jean d’Acre by the Mahometans (1291C.E.): 386; Colette Sirat, “Juda b. Salomon ha-Cohen,” Italia 1, no. 2 (1978): 43. 15 Cohen suggests that contemporary texts fail to mention Ibn Daud because he was not a prodigy. See ShQ, xxii. 16 See ShQ, 7.293–335, 423–447. Born in Seville, Barukh knew Joseph Ibn Migash, Judah Halevi, and Moses Ibn Ezra. He left behind an uncompleted talmudic commentary, the Spice- Peddler’s Basket and two responsa. Barukh Albalia, Sefer ha-ṭeʿamim ve-ha-deʿim (Jerusalem: Rishonim, 1897), 224; Chaim M. Horowitz, Halachische Schriften der Geonim, (Frankfurt: Slobotzky, 1881), vol. 2, 36–38. ibn daud and his writings 15 man, and his “renown,” Ibn Daud tells us proudly, “extended throughout the land. In addition to his knowledge of the Torah and his secular learning, this R. Baruk was learned in Greek wisdom. He raised many disciples, of whom I am the least.”17 Ibn Daud followed the family tradition, and his writings demonstrate great familiarity with both rabbinic and more recent Hebrew literature, history, and astronomy, as well as with contemporary Arabic philosophy and Christian historical narratives (see Chapter 2).

2.1. ‘Avendeut, philosophus israelita’ Like many Iberians, Ibn Daud was multilingual. His first language was Ara- bic, more precisely the middle Arabic dialect spoken in Andalusia, and this is the language in which he composed his philosophical writings.18 He wrote his universal history in Hebrew and most likely spoke a Romance language such as Castilian, a language consolidated in popular speech and increasingly used in writing as well.19 Ibn Daud lived in Toledo, a city that benefited greatly from its location on the border between the Islamic Mediterranean and Christian Europe. In the twelfth century, students from every corner of Europe flocked to Toledo to study Arabic sciences such as philosophy or medicine on Christian soil. It was here that a large-scale translation project, often called the ‘school of Toledo,’ unfolded. Pairs of translators transmitted key texts of Islamic thought to Latin Europe.20 They translated philosophical treatises, prominent among them the Corpus Aristotelicum Arabum, as well as medical

17 See ShQ, 7.441–443. 18 Joshua Blau, The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judaeo-Arabic: A Study of the Origins of Neo-Arabic and Middle Arabic, 3rd rev. ed. (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East, 1999). 19 For the languages spoken by Iberian Jews in the eleventh and twelfth-century see David J. Wasserstein, “Langues et frontières entre juifs et musulmans en al-Andalus,” in Judíos y musulamnes en al-Andalus y el Magreb. Contactos intelectuales, ed. Vincent Luatié (Madrid: Casa de Velásquez, 2002), 1–11; Elaine R. Miller, Jewish Multiglossia: Hebrew, Arabic, and Castilian in Medieval Spain, Juan de la Cuesta Hispanic Monographs. Series Estudios judeoespañoles “Samuel G. Armistead y Joseph H. Silverman” (Newark, Del: Juan de la Cuesta, 2000). 20 The bibliography on the translation movement in Spain is vast. For an overview see Charles F.S. Burnett, “The Translating Activity in Medieval Spain,” in Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. Salma Khadra Jayyusi (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 1036–1058; Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Transla- tions and Translators,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Ben- son and Giles Constable (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 421–462. For Jewish participants see Ángel Sáenz-Badillos, “Participación de judíos en la traducciones de Toledo,” in La Escuela de Traductores de Toledo (1996), 65–70. 16 chapter one handbooks and astronomical works. Christian theologians initiated translations of religious texts, and at least two of the four surviving pre-sixteenth- century Latin translations of the Qurʾan were carried out in Toledo.21 One of these teams of translators consisted of the eminent philosopher and Archdeacon Dominicus Gundissalinus (d. 1190) and his partner, who was known as ‘Avendeut philosophus israelita.’ Today, most students of Ibn Daud’s philosophy agree that this Avendeut was none other than Abraham ibn Daud of Toledo.22 Among the texts attributed to the pair are translations of Ibn Sīnā’s Kitāb al-Shifāʾ (Book of Healing) and his Maqālah fī ʾl-Nafs (Trea- tise of the Soul), al-Ghazāli’s Maqāṣid al-Falāsifa (Intentions of the Philoso- phers), and Ibn Gabirol’s Meqor Ḥayyim (Fons Vitae or Font of Life), all texts that play a role in Ibn Daud’s thought as well. Still, although it appears likely that Gundissalinus’ partner should be identified with Abraham ibn Daud, other candidates continue to be suggested, and the matter seems far from settled. Some scholars continue to regard Avendeut as a Jewish convert, and others imply that Ibn Daud had in fact converted to Christianity, although there is no indication that he did so.23 Some prefer to associate Gundissal- inus’ unknown co-translator with other scholars such as John Hispanus or John of Seville. Another theory postulates that John Hispalensis and John Hispanensis were two different people, the former a Mozarabic translator, the latter ‘Avendeut, philosophus israelita.’24

21 Thomas E. Burman, Reading the Qurʾan in Latin Christendom, 1140–1560, Material Texts (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007). 22 José M. Millás-Vallicrosa, Las traducciones orientales en los manuscritos de la biblioteca catedral de Toledo (Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano (C.S.I.C.), 1942), 152–154; d’Alverny, “Avendauth?,” 32–33; Fontaine, Defence, 26: 262–263; Alexander Fidora, “Abraham Ibn Dawud und Dominicus Gundissalinus: Philosophie und religiöse Toleranz im Toledo des 12. Jahrhun- derts,” in Juden, Christen und Muslime: Religionsdialoge im Mittelalter, ed. Matthias Lutz- Bachmann (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2004), 16–17. 23 Elisabetta Paltrinieri, Il ‘Libro degli Inganni’ tra Oriente e Occidente; traduzioni, tradizione e modelli nella Spagna alfonsina, vol. 4, Università degli Studi di Torino, Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio (Turin: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1992), 31 and Miller, Multiglossia: 86. 24 Steinschneider, Die europäischen Übersetzungen: 40, n. 68; Charles F.S. Burnett, “Mag- ister Iohannes Hispanus: Towards the Identity of a Toledan Translator,” in Comprendre et maîtriser la nature au Moyen Age: mélanges d’histoire des sciences offerts à Guy Beaujouan, ed. Guy Beaujouan (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1994); Richard Lemay, “De la scholastique à l’histoire par le turchment de la philologie: itinéraire d’un médiéviste entre Europe et Islam,” in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel medio evo europeo, ed. Fondazione Leone Cae- tani, Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Fondazione Leone Caetani (Rome: L’Accademia, 1987); 399–535, esp. 408–427 and Fidora’s reaction in Fidora, “Ibn Dawud,” 22, n. 31. Referring to a remark in Albertus Magnus’s Summa Theologica that associated a translation of Ibn Sīnā’s De Anima with Bishop John, Manuel Alonso suggests that Ibn Daud worked independently and summarized the work in Arabic before translating into Latin. Manuel Alonso, “Tradducciones ibn daud and his writings 17

3. Ibn Daud’s Writings

Only some of Abraham ibn Daud’s writings have been conclusively identified. In addition to Dorot ʿOlam, he composed an important philosophical treatise, the al-ʿAqīdah al-Rafīʿah (Exalted Faith). These two works rely on each other for their argumentation, and have been regarded as part of a larger enterprise devoted to a comprehensive definition and defense of Iberian rabbinic Judaism (see Chapter 3). Recently, Krisztina Szilágyi has identified a Judeo-Arabic Genizah fragment, from a 1391 copy of the Physics by Aristotle, whose colophon bears an attribution to Ibn Daud. This book, entitled al-Samāʾ al-Ṭabīʾī, is the only extant sample of Ibn Daud’s Arabic writing.25 Ibn Daud wrote additional works, now lost. Sefer ha-Qabbalah, for example, mentions an otherwise unknown anti-Karaite treatise.26 By contrast, Ibn Daud did not compose the brief text known as ʿEser Galuyot (Ten Exiles) that appears alongside most pre-modern Hebrew printed editions of Dorot ʿOlam.27 The work is not mentioned in Dorot ʿOlam itself, nor contained in any of the manuscripts, although the fifteenth- century Parma Biblioteca Palatina 2420 (De Rossi 1409) notes the title while the (lost) Epstein text knew of the work, without associating it with Abra- ham ibn Daud (see Chapter 5). The work’s first modern editors saw Ibn Daud as an early textual witness, but not the text’s author. Similarly, Gerson Cohen suggested that Ibn Daud added the text to his writings because it addressed

d’al arabe al latin per Juan Hispano (Ibn Dawud),” Al-Andalus 17 (1952): 129–151. This hypoth- esis was rejected by most scholars as far-fetched, but see Georges C. Anawati, “Prolégomènes à une nouvelle édition du De Causis arabe,” in Mélanges Louis Massignon (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1956), 73–110. 25 In an email conversation from 12.1. 2010, Krisztina Szilágyi informed me that the fragment was about a page long. The colophon mentioned the date, [5]151am. = 1391ce. 26 ShQ, Epilogue, 136; Sefer Yesod ʿOlam 4.18. 27 Two versions were published in Adolph Jellinek, ed. Bet ha-Midrasch. Sammlung kleiner Midraschim und vermischter Abhandlungen aus der älteren jüdischen Literatur, 3rd ed., vol. 2 (Jerusalem: Wahrmann, 1967), Part IV, 113–116 and 33–36. Reprinted in August Wünsche, ed. Aus Israels Lehrhallen, vol. 2 Kleine Midraschim zur spaeteren legendarischen Literatur des Alten Testaments (Leipzig: Pfeffer, 1908; reprint, Hildesheim, 1967), 89–94. Dov B. Ratner, ed. Midrash Seder ʿOlam (Vilna: Ha-ʾAlmanah veha-aḥim Rom, 1894–1897; reprint, Jerusalem, 1988), last three pages; L. Grünhut, Sefer ha-Likkutim. Sammlung älterer Midrashim und wissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen. Theil 3 Midrasch Eser Golijoth, einiges über die Zeit Schimeon and ׳א – ׳בכ ,des Gerechten. Pirke Rabenu ha-Kodesch (Jerusalem: J. Kauffmann, 1899), 5–8 Alexander Marx, “1. Abteilung, Einzelschriften, Hebraica, ZHB 4/4 (1900): 98–104 who criticized Jellinek’s edition. Not mentioned in Judah D. Eisenstein, ed. Otzar Midrashim, 2nd ed. (Tel-Aviv: Mishor, 1968), 433–439; Günter Stemberger, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, 8th ed. (München: C.H. Beck, 1992), 325. 18 chapter one similar issues.28 Most likely, however, ʿEser Galuyot was attached by Marco Antonio Giustiniani (fl. 1543–1552), the printer of the 1545 Venice edition, because, like Dorot ʿOlam, this text addressed the role of Spain in Jewish history.29

4. Dorot ʿOlam

4.1. Sefer ha-Qabbalah The first section of the work, Sefer ha-Qabbalah, is the work most familiar to modern readers and was published in a seminal edition by Gerson Cohen in 1967.30 The text tells the history of the world, from the first human to the author’s day, and it is famous for its stirring account of the transmission of rabbinic learning and the by now classic portrayal of Andalusian Jewry. Sefer ha-Qabbalah affirmed that the correct interpretation of the Oral Torah was in rabbinic hands, and established a path-breaking periodization of the rabbinic era. The bulk of the book is taken up by a chronology that traces Jewish learning through 38 generations, from the last prophets to the author’s day, when “the last of the Talmudic scholars of the present age”31 fled Andalusia for Castilian Toledo. The book helped to create the myth of a ‘golden age,’ of a time when Jews had much political influence that translated into an efflo-

28 ShQ, xl, 226–227. 29 Marx, “1. Abteilung,” 100. Steinschneider regards ʿEser Galuyot as part of Ibn Daud’s work. Moritz Steinschneider, Polemische und apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden, nebst Anhängen verwandten Inhalts, vol. 6/3, Ab- handlungen zur Kunde des Morgenlandes (Hildesheim: Olms, 1966), 301; ditto Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 189; Eleazar Gutwirth, “L’accueil fait a Abraham Ibn Daud dans l’Europe de la Renaissance,” in Tolède et Jérusalem: tentative de symbiose entre les cultures espagnole et judaïque, ed. S. Giora Shoham and Francis Rosenstiel (Lausanne: Age d’Homme, 1992), 97–110 and Richard G. Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba in Traditional Jewish Literature. False Mes- siah and National Hero (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania University Press, 1994), 80–81 who thinks that Ibn Daud appendiced the midrash to his writings. 30 Gerson D. Cohen, A Critical Edition with a Translation and Notes of the Book of Tradition (Sefer ha-Qabbalah), Judaica: Texts and Translations (Philadelphia: JPS, 1967; reprint, Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2005). The publication of the book, typeset and printed in Israel, was delayed for years, see Jonathan D. Sarna, JPS: The Americanization of Jewish Culture, 1888–1988 (Philadelphia: JPS, 1989), 260, 348 n. 104. See the reviews by Joel Kraemer, “A Critical Edition With a Translation and Notes of the Book of Tradition,” Jewish Quarterly Review 62 (1971): 61–71, Harry Blumberg, “Review,” Speculum 44/4 (1969): 629 and José Luis Lacave, “Crítica Bibliográfica,” Sefarad (1968): 326–331. Additional editions are listed in the Bibliography. 31 ShQ, 3.467–468. ibn daud and his writings 19 rescence of culture and learning.32 Material discovered in the Cairo Genizah and elsewhere has diminished the text’s importance, but it remains important for some key aspects of Jewish Andalusian life.

4.2. Zikhron Divrey Romi The next section, Zikhron Divrey Romi, is a concise chronology of Roman emperors, from the foundation of Rome to King Reccared I (r. 586–601). It briefly touches upon the beginnings of Rome, the Roman republic, the rise of Constantinople, the Gothic conquest of Spain, and King Reccared’s conversion to Catholicism. The book deals with an era that had been of little interest to earlier Jewish writers, and circumscribes the place of Christianity in Jewish history. Zikhron Divrey Romi displays considerable familiarity with Spanish and Christian history and thought, as seen through the eyes of Isidore of Seville and Orosius of Braga.33 It discusses the correct dating of Jesus, the importance of Constantine the Great for the early Church, includes an early reference to the Donation of Constantine, and devotes unusual attention to Arianism. Ibn Daud explains that this was an anti-Christian work, an idea partially adopted by Gerson Cohen.34 Yet, as Ram Ben-Shalom has shown, Zikhron Divrey Romi’s polemical argument takes second place to an intense hispano- centrism that placed Iberia at the heart of Jewish history and associated Christian Spain with Constantinople, Italy, and ancient Rome.35 Where Sefer ha-Qabbalah celebrates the achievements of Andalusian Jewry in the fields of learning, commerce, politics, and culture, this section stresses the conti- nuity of the Christian presence in Spain.

4.3. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel The third section, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, recounts the history of the Second Temple period, from Alexander the Great to the battle of Masada, and is heavily indebted to the Book of Josippon (see Chapter 2). Some episodes of

32 The literature on the ‘golden age’ is vast. For a concise assessment see Jonathan Ray, “Reassessing Our Approach to Medieval Convivencia” Jewish Social Studies 11.2 (2005) 1–18 and Vones, “Reconquista,” 230–242. See also the Introduction. Jews in Andalusia: Oppressed or Living in a ‘Golden Age’? 33 Discussed in chap. 2. 34 ShQ, xxxii–xxxiii. 35 Ram Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture. Historical Consciousness and Images of the Past among the Jews of Spain and Southern France during the Middle Ages (in Hebrew) (Jerusa- lem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2006), 157–162; also Bonfil, “Legacy,” 464. 20 chapter one

Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel overlap with Sefer ha-Qabbalah, but the focus shifts to questions of political authority, especially to the important role of Davidic leadership and communal consensus. Since no ruler of the Second Temple period had been of Davidic descent, Ibn Daud explains, none of the Jewish leaders of the past had legitimately held political power. In his survey of Maccabean and Herodian rule, Ibn Daud demonstrates that most of Jewish history was characterized by a disregard for these principles. He goes to great lengths to show that unanimous decisions made by an individual ruler or by the community were responsible for the destruction of the Temple and other calamities of the past.

4.4. Midrash on Zechariah The fourth section, the Midrash on Zechariah, lays out Ibn Daud’s views of Jewish political ideas on the background of Zechariah 11. The work reacts to accusations that blamed the Pharisees and, by extension, rabbinic Judaism for the destruction of the Second Temple. Ibn Daud explains that the two staffs of ‘Favor’ and ‘Unity’ mentioned in Zechariah 11:7 referenced the two central principles of government he had isolated in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, namely Davidic leadership and communal consensus. ‘Favor’ refers to the privileged role of the house of David, whose authority derived from its special relationship with God. But in the absence of Jewish political independence, rabbinic leadership guaranteed communal and doctrinal ‘unity,’ and a ruler’s adherents to their teachings led to true authority. Furthermore, Ibn Daud asserts vis-à-vis Christian interpretations, that the redemptive promises made in the Book of Zechariah had by no means been fulfilled.

4.5. The Unity of Dorot ʿOlam Four independent yet interrelated texts make up Dorot ʿOlam: Sefer ha- Qabbalah, Zikhron Divrey Romi, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, and Midrash on Zechariah. The first section, Sefer ha-Qabbalah, covers history in its entirety and recalls history from the beginning to the author’s day in the twelfth century (and even beyond), while the remaining three works focus on specific aspects and periods. ZikhronDivreyRomi surveys the Roman past and illuminates the many connections between Rome, Edom, Christianity, and Iberia. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel looks at the Second Temple period and especially the Hasmonean dynasty, and the Midrash on Zechariah lays out political ideas. Ibn Daud regarded his work as a conceptual unit and cross-referenced the various sections repeatedly. At the end of Sefer ha-Qabbalah, he lays out the structure of his historiographical enterprise: ibn daud and his writings 21

Now that we have completed the history of tradition, we will recount the history of the kings of Israel during the days of the Second Temple, in order to refute the Karaites, who claim that all of the consolatory passages in the books of the prophets were fulfilled for Israel in the days of the Second Temple. We deny that and will demonstrate that this was not the case. We shall also interpret the prophecy of Zechariah in which the Holy One, Blessed be He, said to him: “Feed the flock of slaughter,” and explain the whole passage. In addition to that [we have composed] a history of Rome to show how late their writings were completed.36 (Emphasis mine) This passage lists all four sections of Dorot ʿOlam and suggests interpretive models for each text. According to this, Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, and the Midrash were anti-Karaite polemics that defended rabbinic Judaism against erring exegetical and historical claims, while Zikhron Divrey Romi should be read primarily as an anti-Christian work. The unity of Dorot ʿOlam has been recognized at least since Elbogen.37 Some modern readers, such as Salo W. Baron and to an extent also Gerson Cohen, have taken Ibn Daud’s instructions at face value. Yet, as others have argued, the polemical elements inherent in Dorot ʿOlam primarily served to define rabbinic Judaism and to establish Iberia and especially Toledo as a center of the same.38 While Ibn Daud’s interpretive instructions thus have to be taken with a grain of salt, they indicate how he wanted his readers to approach the material, and they make it abundantly clear that he conceived of these texts as a conceptual unit.

4.6. Dorot ʿOlam and ʾEmunah Ramah: A Definition and Defense of Rabbinic Iberian Judaism Originally written in Arabic as al-ʿAqīdah al-Rafīʿah (Exalted Faith), Ibn Daud’s philosophical treatise, today known as ʾEmunah Ramah, was a pioneering attempt to synthesize Aristotelian Islamic philosophy with Jew- ish thought, although it was overshadowed by Moses Maimonides’ path- breaking Dalālat ʾl-ḥāʾirīn or Moreh ha-Nevukhim (Guide of the Perplexed) at the end of the twelfth century.39 Yet, in the Middle Ages, ʾEmunah Ramah

36 See ShQ, Epilogue, 164–172, modified translation, cf. ShQ, 2.83–87. 37 Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 18; The Rothschild Miscellany. A Commentary, ed. Iris Fishoff (London: Facsimile, 1889), vol. 1, 77. 38 Baron, Social History, Vol. 6, Laws, Homilies, and the Bible: 210; Bonfil, “Legacy,” 463–464. Ben-Shalom reads this passage differently and argues that the Roman history mentioned here refers to Zikhron Divrey Romi. Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture: 158–159. 39 Abraham Ibn Daud, The Exalted Faith, Sara F. Yoseloff Memorial Publications in Juda- ism and Jewish Affairs, trans. Norbert Samuelson (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University 22 chapter one seems to have enjoyed some popularity. Fourteen copies are known to have circulated, and in the last decade of the fourteenth century, the work was twice translated into Hebrew.40 The Arabic original, meanwhile, is lost. ʾEmunah Ramah discusses philosophical questions as they were debated in twelfth-century Iberia, in particular the reconciliation (haskamah) of religion and philosophy and the idea of free will.41 Ibn Daud argues that philosophy was indispensable for the proper understanding and practice of religion, as the full title of ʾEmunah Ramah indicates: The Treatise of the Exalted Faith, which Leads to Agreement Between Philosophy and Religious Law. This contrasts with the ideas of his near-contemporary Judah Halevi (c. 1075–1141), whom he does not mention by name but with whom he shared a number of convictions such as the supremacy of Judaism and definitions of leadership and whose title explained that his Kuzari provided Answers and Proofs for the Benefit of the Despised Faith.42 Ibn Daud was well familiar with contemporary Aristotelian philosophy and its forerunners. He relied in particular on Abū Naṣr Muḥammad al- Fārābī (c. 870/2–950/1), Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAbd Allāh ibn Sīnā, also

Press & Associated University Presses, 1986); Abraham Ibn Daud, Das Buch Emunah Ramah oderderErhabeneGlaube, trans. Simson Weil (Frankfurt: Druck der Typographischen Anstalt, 1852; repr., Berlin, 1919; Jerusalem, 1966/1967). 40 The work was first translated by Solomon Ibn Labi as ʾEmunah Ramah (Exalted Faith), and again by Samuel Ibn Motot as ha-ʿEmunah ha-Nisaʾah (Elevated Faith). Amira Eran, “The Hebrew Translations of Abraham Ibn Daud’s “The Exalted Faith” (in Hebrew),” Tar- biṢ 65 (1990): 79–107. His philosophy was never entirely forgotten, see Resianne Fontaine, “Abraham Ibn Daud and the Midrash ha-Hokhmah,” Zutot 2 (2002): 156–163. Steinschnei- der argued that an Arabic copy was extant as late as 1485–1520. See Moritz Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher. Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters, meist nach handschriftlichen Quellen (Berlin: Kommis- sionsverlag des Bibliographischen Bureaus, 1893), 370. Graz, 1956. 41 For a summary of the debate see Fontaine, Defence, 26: 239–252. 42 ʾEmunah Ramah (Weis) 1 / (Samuelson) 1b.11–12. See already Wilhelm Bacher, “Der arabische Titel des religionsphilosophischen Werkes Abraham ibn Dâud’s (Sein Verhältnis zu Jehuda Hallevi’s Kuzari),” ZDMG 46 (1892): 541–579. Kaufmann and Fontaine draw attention to parallel passages in the Kuzari and in Ibn Daud, but others have rejected these parallels as incidental and as a result of the dominance of neo-Platonist trends in Andalusian philosophy. David Kaufmann, Geschichte der Attributenlehre in der jüdischen Religionsphilosophie des Mit- telalters (Gotha: Perthes, 1877), 241–253; ShQ, 293–303. Contra: Adam Shear, The Kuzari and the Shaping of Jewish Identity, 1167–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 24; Colette Sirat, A History of Jewish Philosophy in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1985), 153–154; Menachem Lorberbaum, “Medieval Jewish Political Thought,” in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy, ed. Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leanman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 178–186; Abraham Melamed, The Philosopher-King in Medieval and Renaissance Thought (Albany: SUNY Press, 2003), 23–26. ibn daud and his writings 23 known as Avicenna (c. 980–1037), and Abū Hāmid Muḥammad ibn Muḥam- mad al-Ghazzālī (1058–1111), who commented on the first two philosophers’ writings in Maqātsid al-Falāsifa (The Intentions of the Philosophers).43 But Ibn Daud also drew on Jewish thinkers, especially on Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon (c. 882/892–942), known as Saʻīd bin Yūsuf al-Fayyūmī, and the philosopher-poet Solomon ben Judah Gabirol (c. 1021–1058), or Abū Ayyūb Sulaymān ibn Yaḥyā ibn Jabirūl, who was known as Avicebron to Latin readers. Ibn Daud dismissed their writings as inadequate because they failed to examine the principles of religion in a manner he found satisfying.44 Ibn Daud also shared ideas with Baḥya ben Joseph Ibn Paqudah (11th c.), Joseph Ibn Ṣadiq (died c. 1149), and Abraham ben Meir Ibn Ezra or Abenezra (c. 1089/1092–1165/1167), as well as Christian philosophical writings such as the ninth-century Kitābal-Faṣlbaynaal-Rūḥwal-Nafs(BookontheDifference between Spirit and Soul).45 Ibn Daud was indebted to a philosophical tradition that, taking its cue perhaps from the famous remarks in the Poetics of Aristotle, regarded history as a subject of little theoretical interest, and not as a source of knowledge of the highest order.46 Ibn Daud seems to relate to history in a similar way, as a concrete expression of universal ideas that, however, did reveal knowledge. Amira Eran consequently compared Ibn Daud’s writings with the composition of a specific letter and the writing of a book, one offering the form (Dorot ʿOlam), and the other the essence of the very same ideas (ʾEmunah Ramah).47 Ibn Daud’s argumentation rests on an adaptation of Arabic-Islamic Aris- totelian ideas that stressed the role of the Qurʾan, reasoning, and Muḥam- mad as the ideal leader. Indeed, Dorot ʿOlam and ʾEmunah Ramah define

43 Fontaine, Defence, 26: 252–274. 44 While Saadiah’s Kitāb al-Amānāt wal-ʿItiqādāt, today known as Sefer ha-ʾEmunot we-ha- Deʿot (Book of Beliefs and Opinions) provided a rationalistic interpretation of Judaism, the work also used the by Ibn Daud’s time outdated Muslim kalām-theologians. Ibn Gabirol’s neo-Platonic Meqor Ḥayyim (Fons Vitae or Font of Life), on the other hand, did not refer to the Torah as the ultimate source of wisdom. 45 Hagar Kahana-Smilansky, “Aristotle on Sleep and Wakefulness: A Medieval Hebrew Adaptation of an Unknown Latin Treatise,” Aleph: Historical Studies in Science and Judaism 10 (2010), 67–118. 46 Aristotle had argued that poetics was more philosophical than history and imparted universal knowledge, while history’s knowledge was singular. Aristotle, Poetics, 1451b39– 1452a12. For a concise assessment of Arabic philosophers’ views of history see Chase F. Robin- son, Islamic Historiography (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 162–170 and the literature cited there. 47 Eran, Mi-ʾemunah tamah: 33. 24 chapter one rabbinic Judaism, understood as a religion in full agreement with reason, as the exclusive path to the divine, and delineate the nature of the Torah and especially of authority. Many readers of Ibn Daud have recognized these parallels.48 Gerson Cohen, the editor of Ibn Daud’s Sefer ha-Qabbalah, suggested that Dorot ʿOlam formed “part of a total and integrated scheme, which we may title ‘The Defense of Judaism through Reason and History.’”49 Similarly, Resianne Fontaine argued that the works represented a double- edged defense of Judaism on historical (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) and philosophical grounds (ʾEmunah Ramah).50 One might argue that ʾEmunah Ramah and Dorot ʿOlam should not be viewed as a double work because they were originally written in two different languages, one (ʾEmunah Ramah) in Arabic, and the other (Dorot ʿOlam) in Hebrew. Yet, while Ibn Daud never explains his use of language, each idiom served its genre well: Arabic offered a vocabulary and system of thought for philosophical reasoning, something Hebrew had yet to develop. Hebrew, on the other hand, was the language of choice for Jewish historians until the sixteenth century, underlining the idea that Jewish history formed a continuation of the biblical narrative. Furthermore, by choosing Hebrew for his world chronicle, Ibn Daud participated in the renewal of Hebrew literature under way in Iberia during his lifetime.51

48 Already Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 187. 49 ShQ, xxxii. 50 Fontaine, Defence, 2. 51 Miller, Multiglossia: 130. See Joshua Blau stresses the socio-linguistic role of language. Joshua Blau, “Hebrew Versus Other Languages of the Traditional Medieval Jewish Society,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 27 (2002): 353–355. chapter two

SOURCES

Ibn Daud’s writings show a profound awareness of contemporary discourse, especially of Jewish textual traditions, Arabic-Islamic philosophy and, in Dorot ʿOlam, Christian concepts of history. His most important source is the Bible, whose language suffuses Ibn Daud’s writings, followed by rabbinic literature, Christian historical texts, and to a much lesser degree, principles of Islamic historiography.1 At the same time, the precise nature of his sources can, for the most part, only be surmised.

1. Complications: Shared Use of Texts, Symbols, and Methodologies

Ibn Daud regarded the biblical past as a compass for the present and future course of history, and his language recalls the long narrative sections depict- ing the history of Israel, especially the books of Exodus, Joshua, Samuel, Kings, Esther, and Chronicles. He loaned historiographical models and individual figures from the Bible, and imagined history through the rise and fall of four successive empires, an idea that rested on an eschatological reading of the Book of Daniel.2 Ibn Daud’s definitions follow rabbinic precedent, but he also differed from their model in decisive ways. Where rabbinic literature imagined history through the empires of Babylonia, Persia/Media, Greece, and Rome, for instance, Ibn Daud’s sequence comprises a series of kingdoms whose center gradually shifted from East to West: Persia, Greece, Rome, and Ish- mael/Rome and Spain.3

1 ShQ, pp. 159–188. 2 Wout Jacques van Bekkum, “Four Kingdoms will Rule: Echoes of Apocalypticism and Political Reality in Late Antiquity and Medieval Judaism,” in Endzeiten; Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen, ed. Felicitas Schmieder and Wolfram Brandes (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008); Hans-Werner Goetz, “Endzeiterwartung und Endzeitvorstellung im Rahmen des Geschichtsbildes des früheren zwölften Jahrhunderts,” in The Use and Abuse of Eschatol- ogy in the Middle Ages, ed. Werner Verbeke (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988). 3 bMeg, mTeh 22.9 (Buber) p. 185. David Novak, “Gentiles in Rabbinic Thought,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. Steven T. Katz, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 647–662. 26 chapter two

Medieval historians, and Ibn Daud formed no exception, were particularly interested in the last and fourth empire whose pending demise would be preceded by catastrophic events.4 The identity of this kingdom kept shift- ing; while rabbinic traditions had held up Rome as a prime candidate, recalling that the Romans had destroyed both the Second Temple and Jewish sovereignty, medieval Jewish authors often accounted for the rise of Islam by including the latter in their scheme.5 Since late antiquity, Jews and Christians had associated the Roman Em- pire with Christianity, and from the tenth century onwards, Christian writers, too, increasingly associated Rome with Spain.6 Ibn Daud thought that Iberia was the new Rome, and so he included the symbolic figure of Edom, long since associated with enmity to Israel, into his model.7 In both Jewish and Christian eyes, Edom/Esau expressed the ultimate loss of divine favor, and each associated their opponent with the biblical Esau, the defeated firstborn of the quarreling twins born to Rebecca and Isaac (Genesis 25–33).8 This particular definition of the last kingdom and Edom encapsulates historical, geographical, and religious aspects. It stresses political and religious connections between Rome, Byzantium, and Spain. It embraces the northern kingdoms and Andalusia and addresses both Christianity and

4 ShQ, 223–240. 5 Saadiah Gaon thought that the fourth empire consisted of Rome and Islam while Abraham ibn Ezra eliminated Rome entirely in favor of Islam. Ibn Ezra to Dan 2:39 (Short Commentary); ShQ, 223–240. 6 Robert Folz, The Concept of Empire in Western Europe from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 40–41. Cohen compares Ibn Daud’s scheme in ShQ to Isidore of Seville’s (ShQ, 239, esp. n. 81). 7 For the term Edom see Samuel Krauss, “Die hebräischen Benennungen der modernen Völker,” in Jewish Studies in Memory of George A. Kohut 1874–1933, ed. Salo W. Baron (New York: Alexander Kohut Memorial Foundation, 1935). Ezek 10:2, 25:12, 35:5; Obad 11–16, Ps 137:7; Ethiopian Enoch 89:66. 8 A brief survey of the typological history of Edom/Esau in rabbinic and patristic literature can be found in Israel Y. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 3–20. The crucial New Testament passage for the Christian identification with Rome is Rom 9:1–13, at the latest since Augustine’s interpretation of the text. Gerald Bray, ed. Romans, vol. 6, Ancient Commentary on Scripture. New Testament (Downers Grove: Inter- Varsity, 1998), 244–253; Johannes Heil, “Jenseits von ‘History and Memory’. Spuren jüdischer Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalter. Johannes Fried zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet,” ZfG 55 (2007): 989–1019. Gerson Cohen suggests that Jacob and Esau signified two historical eras, as archetypal images of God’s love and hate. Gerson D. Cohen, “Esau as Symbol in Early Medieval Thought,” in Studies in the Variety of Rabbinic Cultures, ed. Gerson D. Cohen, JPS Scholar of Dis- tinction Series (New York: JPS, 1991), 21. See also Pesher Nahum and Pesher Habakkuk, bGit 57b; Isidore, Etymologies, 7.6.33–34. sources 27

Islam. At the same time, the relationship between Spain and Rome is at no point clearly defined. It remains unclear whether Spain succeeded Rome as a major power, or whether the countries merged to form an archetypical empire whose manifestation was Spain. In Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Ibn Daud explained that Rome was never truly independent and always subject to other kingdoms.9 Yet, in Zikhron Divrey Romi, this distinction is dropped and Rome acts as an independent empire, a discrepancy that is perhaps a consequence of his close reading of the Christian chronicles, and similarly reflected in contemporary Jewish authors who might have written under the same influence. The Catalan Bonastruc ça Porta (1194–1270), better known as Naḥmanides for instance, explained that “… therefore, Rome and Edom are seen as one empire, although they are different nations, and they are still close to each other and for all intents and purposes one people and one country, by virtue of having one religion.”10 Another example for Ibn Daud’s complex use of symbols and methodologies can be found in his use of narrative techniques in Seferha-Qabbalah that had originally been developed by Muslim theologians. His ‘chain of tradition’ (shalshelet ha-qabbalah) of trusted rabbinic authorities of Jewish learning resembled a method developed to establish authoritative transmitters of extra-Qurʾanic traditions (ʾisnād).11 In addition, Ibn Daud’s division of rabbis into generations recalls a method that categorized extra-Qurʾanic material according to their transmitter’s profession or place of origin (ṭabaqāt). Yet, while Ibn Daud’s application of ṭabaqāt became a standard in Jewish historiography and rabbinic scholarship, Saadiah Gaon (d. 942), Sherira Gaon (c. 900–940), and Judah Halevi (c. 1075–1141) before him had also traced Jew- ish learning in this way.12 Moreover, the idea of elite knowledge transmitted

9 Ibn Daud explains that Rome was at times a tributary to Greece, and not independent (ShQ, 4.105–105). Islamic universal historians such as al-Masʻūdī (896–956) also connected Greeks and Romans and argued that the arrival of Christianity had led to a deterioration of the same. Al-Masʻūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 1, 254 (sec. 522), vol. 2, 254–255 (sec. 742); al- Masʻūdī, Kitāb at-tanbīh, 84, 182–184. Discussed in Abed el-Rahman Tayyara, “The Reflection of Non-Islamic Cultures in Early Islamic Universal Histories” (Ph.D., NYU, 2005), 459–461. 10 Naḥmanides, “Sefer ha-geʾulah”: 285 and his remarks to Gen 50:9. For Naḥmanides’ approach to history see Micah Goodman, “Historiography and Historiosophy in the Thought of Maimonides and Nahmanides (in Hebrew)” (Ph.D., Hebrew University, 2005), 132–151. For a discussion of messianic redemption in Naḥmanides’ Book of Redemption see Robert Chazan, Barcelona and Beyond: The Disputation of 1263 and its Aftermath (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 172–194. 11 ShQ, l–lvii. 12 Robert Bonfil, “How Golden Was the Age of the Renaissance in Jewish Historiography?,” in Essays in Jewish Historiography; in Memoriam Arnaldo Dante Momigliano, 1908–1987, ed. Ada Rapoport-Albert (Middletown: Wesleyan University, 1988), 78–102; Michael A. Meyer, 28 chapter two through a chain of authorities was quite common among Spanish writers. The genre, it seems, caught on because it had deep Islamic, Jewish, and Christian roots that confirmed textual authority in decisive ways. The same can be said for his use of biblical motifs: they were powerful because they resonated with their audience in complex ways.13

2. Jewish Sources

Ibn Daud mentions only one rabbinic text, Megillat Taʿanit.14 At the same time, Sefer ha-Qabbalah indicates his familiarity with a number of Jewish writings that addressed the transmission of Jewish learning, such as Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (Great World Order) and the Epistle of Sherira Gaon.15 It is possible, but not likely, that he relied on Seder Tannaʾim ve-ʾAmoraʾim (Order of the Tannaʾim and Amoraim) or Sefer ha-Galuy (Book of Demonstration).16 Ibn Daud repeatedly accuses the Karaites for their lack of scholarship, but at the same time, he discusses ideas of Abu Joseph Jacob al-Qirqisānī (early tenth century) and possibly knew his Kitāb al-Anwār wa-l-Marāqib (Book of Lights and Watchtowers) and ʾEshkol ha-Kofer (Cluster of Henna Blossoms) by Judah Hadassi (mid-twelfth century).17 In Sefer ha-Qabbalah, he describes the activities of the Karaites Abuʾl Taras and his unnamed wife whom he called by the honorific al-muʾallima (the teacher).18

Ideas of Jewish History (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), 11–13; Amos Funkenstein, Perceptions of Jewish History (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 15–16; ShQ, l–lvii. 13 For a similar phenomenon in a Muslim scholar see Marianne Klar’s study of key biblical figures in Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad al-Thaʾlabi (d. 1035/427). Marianna Klar, Interpreting Al-Thaʾlabī’s Tales of the Prophets: Temptation, Responsibility and Loss, vol. 9, Routledge Stud- ies in the Qurʾan (London: Routledge, 2006). 14 ShQ, 7.260. 15 Sherira ben Ḥaninah, Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon in der französischen und spanischen Ver- sion, ed. Benjamin Menasseh Lewin, vol. 2, Mi-Tequfat ha-Geʾonim (Haifa: B. Lewin, 1921); Sherira ben Ḥaninah, Auf welche Weise wurde die Mishna geschrieben? Das Antwortschreiben des Rav Sherira Gaon mit einem Faksimile der Handschrift Berlin Qu. 685 (Or. 160) und des Erst- drucks Konstantinopel 1566, ed. Margarete von Schlüter (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993), 8–9; Isaiah M. Gafni, “Ha-hisṭoriographiah ha-talmudit be-ʾIggeret Sherira Gaon, bein masoret le-yeṣirah,” Zion 73, no. 3 (2008). It is possible that Ibn Daud developed this approach independently from the Epistle, a work he attributed to Sherira’s son Hai Gaon, but his account of the Talmudic and Savorean eras seems at least indirectly influenced by Sherira. Contra ShQ, 165–167, 184–188. 16 Sherira, Mishna: 15–16. 17 ShQ, 2.22, 2.146–147; 160–161. Daniel J. Lasker, From Judah Hadassi to Elijah Bashyatchi: Studies in Late Medieval Karaite Philosophy (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 127–129. 18 ShQ, Epilogue, 47–56; 193–194. sources 29

2.1. Ibn Daud and Sefer Josippon Ibn Daud’s most important Jewish source, besides the Bible, is Sefer Josippon (Book of Josippon), an enormously influential work that synchronized Jewish and general history from the Babylonian conquest to the fall of Masada, and the only historical work explicitly mentioned in Dorot ʿOlam.19 Traces of Josippon can be found throughout Ibn Daud’s history, but especially in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. Many pre-modern readers regarded Josippon as an authority on the Second Temple period, not least because its author was (erroneously) identified with Josephus Flavius (c. 37–100ce) whose original Greek writings Jews only rediscovered as a result of the work of Azariah de Rossi (c. 1514–1578).20 First composed in tenth-century Byzantine Italy, Josippon circulated, both in manuscripts and in print, in at least three major Hebrew and several Judeo-Arabic and Arabic versions.21 In the fourteenth century, Judah Leon ben Moses Moskoni (1328–1376) explained that he had access to Ibn Daud’s epitome of Josippon, and, as Saskia Dönitz’ research has shown, this text became a vorlage for Judah ben Moskoni’s version of Josippon.22 Ibn Daud follows Josippon’s career as a rebel leader and later, in Rome, as a member of the Flavian imperial household. He was a trusted source, a “priest … who had been anointed for war and who had composed a great book about the affairs of the Second Temple; we chose from the very top [when we wrote] this book.”23

19 Mentioned in DMY, p. 1334–8. The standard edition is Sefer Yosifon: … sadur u-mugaḥ ʿal-pi kitvei-yad be-levayat mavoʾ, beʾurim ve-ḥilufei girsaʾot, ed. David Flusser, 2 vols. (Jerusa- lem: Mosad Byalik, 1978). See Steven Bowman, “Sefer Yosippon: History and Midrash” in The Midrashic Imagination: Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and History, ed. Michael Fishbane (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993). For a recent discussion see Saskia Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon. Eine Studie zur Historiographie und zum Geschichtsbewusstsein des Judentums im Mittelalter” (Ph.D., Freie Universität Berlin, 2008). 20 Azariah de Rossi, TheLightoftheEyes, ed. Joanna Weinberg (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 2011), xxxvi–xxxix. 21 For Judeo-Arabic Josippon traditions see Shulamit Sela, The Arabic Josippon (in Hebrew), 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2009). David Flusser (Josippon (Flusser), vol. 1,3–53), suggests that Sefer Josippon circulated in three major manuscript traditions, a theory modified by Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon,” chap. 2. 22 Dönitz suggests that Ibn Daud had access to a text from the manuscript group B that was incorporated into the widely-read version of Judah Moskoni, see Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon,” chap. 5.3 contra Josippon (Flusser), vol. 2, 17; 25 n. 64; 38 n. 96, 48, 136. 23 DMY, p. 3106–7. 30 chapter two

Some modern readers have lamented Ibn Daud’s seemingly uncreative use of Josippon, but in fact, he carefully rewrites his vorlage according to his historiographical principles. There are significant differences between Ibn Daud and Josippon. For example, Ibn Daud abbreviates the Maccabean revolt and omits Heliodorus’ attack on the Temple. He mentions the major martyrological stories known from rabbinic literature, but all of them in a heavily curtailed form.24 The story of Hannah and her seven sons martyred by Antiochus Epiphanes IV comprises only a few lines in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, while taking up an entire chapter in Josippon. It is possible that in this case, Ibn Daud meant to avoid any association with the increasingly popular veneration of the Maccabean saints in the Spanish Church, but the same holds true for other stories:25 the murder-suicide pact of the Jewish fighters in Masada is only a few lines long, down from circa 160 lines in Josip- pon and lacking the otherworldly rewards awaiting the martyrs, another prominent feature in Josippon.26 This is a marked departure from earlier accounts, and expresses a distinc- tive interpretation of events that ignores the efficacy of voluntary death for the sake of the divine. This approach to martyrdom differs from the one that was becoming prevalent in northern Europe, and is perhaps an indicator for the absence of large-scale persecutions of the Jewish communities throughout most of the Islamic rule in Iberia. Riots occurred, such as the events leading to the killing of Joseph ha-Naggid in 1066, but there seem to have been few if any cases of active martyrdom. Though, this slowly changed, maybe in response to the Almoravid and Almohad campaigns.27

24 Rabbi Akiva and the Ten Martyrs: ShQ, 3.53–68, R. Moses’ wife: ShQ, 7.18–24, Hannah: DMY, p. 14718, Simon of Scythopolis: DMY, chap. 60, Amitai, Mattathias, Aristeus: DMY, chap. 72, Masada: DMY, chap. 79. 25 Daniel Joslyn-Siemiatkoski, Christian Memories of the Maccabean Martyrs (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 79–120. 26 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), pp. 423–431; Isaac Baer, “Sefer Yosifon ha-ʿivri. Qovetz divrey ʿiyyun u-meḥqar Sefer Yosifon ha-ʿivri,” in Sefer Dineburg, ed. Ben Zion Dinur (Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1949). Alter Velner, ʿAseret harugey malkhut ba-midrash u-va-piyyuṭ (Jerusalem: Rav Kook Institute, 2005); Friedrich Avemarie, “Aporien der Theodizee; zu einem Schlüs- selthema früher rabbinischer Märtyrererzählungen,” JSJ 34, no. 2 (2003): 199–215; Robert Chazan, God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narratives (Berkeley: Uni- versity of California Press, 2000), 191–200; Shmuel Shepkaru, “From After Death to Afterlife; Martyrdom and its Recompense,” AJSR 41, no. 1 (1999): 1–44; Louis Finkelstein, “The Ten Mar- tyrs,” in Essays and Studies in Memory of Linda R. Miller, ed. Israel Davidson (New York: JTSA, 1938). 27 Abraham Gross, Struggling with Tradition. Reservations about Active Martyrdom in the Middle Ages, ed. Jacob Neusner et al., vol. 19, The Brill Reference Library of Judaism (Lei- den: Brill, 2004), 45–47. See also the acrimonious debate between Ram Ben Shalom and sources 31

3. Christian Sources

Ibn Daud does not identify his Christian sources, and the “historical works of the Gentiles”28 only appear in order to demonstrate their (supposed) infe- riority. But in fact, Ibn Daud is one of the first medieval Jewish writers to reflect deep familiarity with classical Christian historical texts that were de rigueur in twelfth-century Europe.29 Zikhron Divrey Romi’s chronography linked contemporary Iberia and ancient Rome in historical, political and religious terms, and closely follows the Historiarum Adversum Paganos Libri VII (Seven Books Against the Pagans) by Orosius of Braga (died after 418).30 Ibn Daud probably encountered Orosius in one of several Arabic versions circulating in Andalusia, but, judging from the geographic terms, he might also have found versions held in a Romance vernacular.31 Ibn Daud was also indebted to the ideas of Isidore of Seville (d. 636), who concludes the survey of Roman history in Zikhron Divrey Romi.32 Isidore was a programmatic thinker of the Visigothic Church and an outspoken anti-Jewish polemicist who remained a domineering figure in medieval Spain, and indeed throughout Europe. In his historical writings, especially in the Chronica Maiora, in the History of the Goths, and in De Viris Illustribus

Abraham Gross in Tarbiẓ. Abraham Gross, “ʾAl ha-tismonet ha-ʾashkenazit shel qiddush ha- Shem be-Porṭugal bi-shnat 1497,” Tarbiẓ 64 (1995); Ram Ben-Shalom, “Qiddush ha-Shem u- martirologiah yehudit beʾAragon u-ve-Qasṭiliah bi-shnat QN”A (1391),” Tarbiẓ 70 (2001); Abra- ham Gross, “Hamarat dat u-maʿasei Qiddush ha-Shem bi-shnat QN”A: Haʾarakhah mehadeshet” Tarbiẓ 71 (2002); Ram Ben-Shalom, “Marṭirologiah yehudit ve-hamarot dat bi-Sefarad u-ve-ʾAshkenaz bi-yemey ha-beinayyim,” Tarbiẓ 71 (2002) and the final response in Gross, Struggling with Tradition, 19: 93–99. 28 ShQ, 2.97. 29 Cohen argued that Ibn Daud’s subversive and derogative portrayal of Christianity precluded familiarity with the Christian texts, ShQ, 162, n. 16 and throughout. Similarly Fontaine, Defence, 26: 262. For a different view see Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 197–200. 30 Paulus Orosius, The Seven Books of History against the Pagans, trans. Roy J. Deferrari, vol. 50, Fathers of the Church (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1964); Goetz surprisingly assumed that Orosius was not read on the Iberian Peninsula. Hans-Werner Goetz, Die Geschichtstheologie des Orosius, vol. 32, Impulse der Forschung (Darmstadt: Wis- senschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1980), 156. See also Ann Christys, Christians in Al-Andalus, 711–1000 (Richmond: Curzon, 2002), 135–157 and 201–204. 31 At least one tenth-century Arabic translation of Orosius has been preserved, carried out in Córdoba, probably for a Christian readership. Paulus Orosius, ed. Historiarum Adversus Paganos Libri VII. Kitāb Hurūshiyūsh, vol. 26, Fuentes arábico-hispanas (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2001), 30–40 and the literature cited there and still Giorgio Levi Della Vida, “Un texte mozarabe d’histoire universelle,” in Études d’Orientalisme dédiées a la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal (Paris: Massoneuve et Larose 1962). ShQ, 36, n. 87. 32 ZDR, p. 12911. 32 chapter two

(On Illustrious Men), he lauded Spain, praised the Visigoths and extolled the Catholic faith.33 These ideas resonated with Ibn Daud’s views of Spain as a central place of history, both general and Jewish, and might help explain his views of the Visigoths as the keepers of Christian orthodoxy.34 He probably had a written account of some of these texts at hand. Ibn Daud might have had access to another widely read text, Macrobius’ Saturnalia.35 Mordecai Klein and Elcanan Molnar argued that Ibn Daud had also consulted the Chronicon (Chronicle) of Hydatius (d. 469) for his account of the Gothic invasion in Spain in Zikhron Divrey Romi, but the brief passage precludes a definite answer, especially when compared to Hydatius’ much wordier diction.36 It is not clear in what form Ibn Daud encountered the many Christian ideas regarding Jews and Judaism that are discussed or alluded to throughout Dorot ʿOlam. He knows and refutes a number of Christian ideas regarding Jews and Judaism, he for instance discusses supercessionism in Sefer ha-Qabbalah and in Zikhron Divrey Romi, and rejects the idea that the thirty pieces given to Jesus’ disciple Judas in the Gospel According to Matthew.37 These were staples of Christian anti-Jewish polemics, and Ibn Daud might have encountered them in a number of ways, for instance in Christian texts, Jewish material, or in conversations, but the nature of his source is unknown.

33 A recent bibliography of Isidore Studies can be found in Isidore of Seville, Isidori His- palensis Chronica, ed. José Carlos Martín, vol. 112, Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina (Turn- hout: Brepols, 2003). The Chronica gives a history of Visigothic Spain but is otherwise dependent on earlier histories, including Orosius. The two versions of the History of the Goths—one ends with the death of King Sisebut (621), the longer text, usually seen as an expanded version of the shorter redaction, ends in the middle of Swinthila’s reign (625)—complement the Chronica Maiora and legitimize the Visigothic monarchy while rejecting the Vandals and the Sueves. The Chronica Minora is an epitome of the greater chronicle included in Isidore, Etymologies, vxxxix. 34 ZDR, chap. 7; ShQ, 254–255. 35 See e.g. p. 999, 1, 20. Bat-Sheva Albert, “De fide catholica contra Judaeos d’Isidore de Séville: La Polémique anti-judaique dans l’Espagne du viie siècle,” REJ 141 (1982): 289–316; Heil, “Jenseits von ‘History and Memory’,” 94–123. Macrobius was widely read in the Middle Ages. A. Hüttig, Macrobius im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Commen- tarii in Somnium Scipionis, Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1990). 36 Elbogen established Ibn Daud’s reliance on Isidore of Seville. See Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud.” Klein and Molnar listed point-by-point parallels between Ibn Daud and Orosius, Isidore of Seville, and Hydatius. Mordechai Klein and Elchanan Molnar, “Ha-Raʾba”d be-tor ḥoker Divrey yamey Yisraʾel,” Ṣofeh le-ḥokhmat Yisraʿel 5 (1921); 8 (1924); 9 (1925). 37 For supercessionism see below chap. 3.5, for his refutation of Matthew see MZ. sources 33

3.1. The Bar Kokhba Revolt as an Example of Ibn Daud’s Reading of Christian Sources Analyzed already by Gerson Cohen and especially by Richard G. Marks, who identified many of the sources underlying Ibn Daud’s highly influential narrative, the Bar Kokhba revolt stands here for the complex ways in which Ibn Daud recast his sources.38 The revolt is mentioned in Sefer ha-Qabbalah and in Zikhron Divrey Romi.39 It is the earliest and longest source for the idea of a multi-generational Kozivan dynasty. According to the version in Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Bar Kokhba, as in the majority of Hebrew texts derogatively called Bar Koziva (son of lies) in a rejection of the messianic ideas implied by Bar Kokhba (son of the star), rose against Emperor Domitian. He established a Jewish kingdom that was ruled by three generations of his dynasty, who were at first successful and attracted a great number of exiles. The revolt was eventually defeated by Emperor Hadrian, who proceeded to target the sages, as told in the passages following this narrative in Sefer ha-Qabbalah. God is absent in this story; even the kings, whom one might imagine to be quite important as the last Jewish sovereign rulers, appear in broad strokes only. The passage ends with a quote from Daniel 11:13, a verse that has been taken to indicate condemnation of the messianic enterprise, but was not necessarily read as such in contemporary Iberia.40 In Ibn Daud’s eyes, the revolt was one of the pivotal events in Jewish history, when God “smote Israel a great blow such as had not been seen or heard even in the days of Nebuzaradan or in those of Titus.”(ShQ 3.50–52) At least three of Ibn Daud’s additions (the earthquakes, the return of the multitudes, and the war in Egypt) resemble material found in Eusebius, Orosius, and Isidore of Seville. Orosius, one of Ibn Daud’s main sources for the period under discussion, described these events as follows:

38 ShQ, 120, n. 44. Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 57–80; Ben-Shalom, Facing Chris- tian Culture: 251–277. Yeivin discusses later authors who appropriate this account. Samuel Yeivin, Milḥemet Bar-Kokhba: be-ṣeruf nispaḥim, heʿarot, ṣiyyurim ve-ʿasarah luḥot, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1957), 168–170. Samuel Kraus notes that Koziva’s descendants resurfaced in Voisin’s 1647 edition of the Pugio Fidei by way of Ṣemaḥ David by David Gans (1541–1613) and also in the 1159 Judeo-Arabic Kitāb al-Tārīkh. Samuel Krauss, “Kheilotav shel Bar Kokhba,” in Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume (Hebrew Section) (New York: Jewish Theolog- ical Seminary of America, 1950), 398–399. 39 ShQ, 3.40–52, ZDR, chap. 4. 40 ShQ, 3. 63–68; Abraham Ibn Ezra, “Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Shorter Commentary on Daniel,” in Miscellany of Hebrew Literature, ed. Albert Löwy (London: Trübner, 1877), Vol. 2 p. 13. Samuel b. Hofni’s letter in Arthur E. Cowley, “Bodleian Geniza Fragments,” JQR Old Series 18 (1906): 405; Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 78. 34 chapter two

At the same time, an earthquake laid low four cities in Asia, Elaea, Myrina, Pitane, and Cyme, and in Greece, the two cities of the Opuntii and the Oriti … Lightning struck and burned the Pantheon at Rome, and in Antioch, an earthquake laid almost the entire city in ruins. Then violent rebellions among the Jews broke out simultaneously in various parts of the world …. They disturbed all Egypt, Cyrene, and the Theabid by sedition and bloodshed. In Alexandria, however, the Jews were defeated and crushed in a battle. When they also rebelled in Mesopotamia, the emperor ordered war to be declared against them; many thousands of them were exterminated in a vast carnage.41 Ibn Daud’s account in Zikhron Divrey Romi is strikingly similar: In the days of Domitian, Koziva [Bar Kokhba] rose in rebellion, and in the days of Nerva and Hadrian, Koziva ruled, as did his son and grandson. They waged great wars with all the nations and defeated Egypt. Then, Hadrian’s power increased and he struck down Judea and killed Ben Koziva and many Jews died. Neither Nebuchadnezzar nor Titus had dealt with them as harshly as Hadrian had. In the days of Hadrian, miraculous events took place in the land. Asia was split open, and four great cities and their inhabitants descended to Sheol and were wiped out. The same happened to two great cities and their residents in the land of Greece. The land of Galatia quaked and three cities descended to Sheol with their inhabitants. Divine fire descended from heaven on the city of Bantah, and it was consumed by fire with all its residents, like Sodom and Gomorrah.42 In both texts, the revolt is connected to severe earthquakes, interpreted by Orosius as signs of the end of days that sparked a series of rebellions connected to Ben Koziva in Dorot ʿOlam. Ibn Daud’s statement that the Kozivas “waged great wars with all the nations and defeated Egypt,” then, perhaps expanded on the “widespread Jewish rebellions” in Orosius and elsewhere in patristic writings, now interpreted as a messianically driven return to Israel.43 Ibn Daud’s remaining original additions (the three Kozivas, their names and dates) do not directly relate to the Christian chronicles, and probably reconcile his at times contradictory sources. The Kozivan dynasty, for instance, might have been inspired by rabbinic traditions that mentioned a series of wars led by individual leaders.44

41 Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7:12 (my translation). 42 ZDR, p. 1112–1134. 43 Rick Van de Water, “Bar Kokhba and Patristic Interpretations of the “Antichrist”,” in Bible et Terre Sainte; mélanges Marcel Beaudry, ed. José Enrique Aguilar Chiu, Kieran J. O’Mahony, and Maurice Roger (New York: P. Lang, 2008), 484–486 and the patristic and modern literature quoted there. 44 bSan 97b notes a first and second kingdom as well as Ben Koziva’s kingdom and links them with messianic ideas. See Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 68–69. sources 35

The names of the rebel leaders posit another challenge. While the first Koziva derives his from rabbinic tradition, Rufus and Romulus have no direct precedence, although they appear in a contemporary Arabic chronicle.45 A number of suggestions have been made to clarify their origins. Samuel Krauss (1866–1948) thought that Koziva’s descendants represented two Jewish generals who came to his assistance at the outbreak of the revolt,46 while Yehudah Devir saw them as equivalents to Bar Kokhba, who he thought had been an Edomite of the Herodian family with connections to the Qumran community.47 Cohen thought that the Kozivas, especially the second-generation Rufus, absorbed Islamic traditions of demonic figures that would arise at the end of days, the al-Masiḥal-Dajjāl. This would explain Rufus’ red hair, and allude to messianic imagery connected to King David, who, according to 1Samuel 16:12, likewise had a ruddy complexion.48 Rufus is not mentioned in Orosius or Isidore of Seville, but he appears in Eusebius, where, though the wording is ambiguous, he could well have been seen as a rebel leader holding Judea against whom Hadrian had sent troops.49 Rufus might also have been inspired by the rabbinic (Turnus) Rufus or a conflu- ence of the rabbinic Rufus with the Tinieus Rufus of the Christian chronicles:50 originally a Roman governor of Judea, the Tinieus Rufus of rabbinic literature was a Jewish adversary of Rabbi Akiva, as his epitaph, ‘wicked,’ a term usually reserved for heretical Jews, seems to indicate.51 Romulus, Koziva’s grandson and the last of his dynasty, combines a number of earlier motifs. While the name might have appealed to Ibn Daud as a stereotypical Latin name, Romulus as the legendary (and fratricidal) founder of Rome was often identified with the anti-Christ Armilus figure in earlier Hebrew eschatological texts.52 Marks suggested that Ibn Daud chose

45 Adolf Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes, vol. 4, 6, Anec- dota Oxoniensia, Semitic Series (Oxford: Clarendon, 1887–1895; repr., Amsterdam, 1970), Vol. 2, 109. 46 Samuel Krauss, “Beit Koziva,” Haschiloach 10 (1902): 35–41; ShQ, 249. 47 Yehudah Devir, Bar-Kokhba, ha-ʾIsh ve-ha-Mashiaḥ (Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1964), 129, 36, 55. 48 Krauss, “Kheilotav shel Bar Kokhba,” 399. 49 Eusebius, History of the Church, 4:6; Emil Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1901–1911), Vol. 1, 647. 50 Cohen suggests the influence of an otherwise lost midrash. ShQ, 249. 51 Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 69; mGen 9,5; bSanh 65b; bTaan 29a; bAZ 20a; bBB 10a. 52 Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 70. Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand: Studien zum zweiten jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom, vol. 1, Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1981), 53–54; David Berger, “Three Typological Themes in Early 36 chapter two non-Hebrew names for Rufus and Romulus in order to emphasize their role “as a sign of the same process of decay”53 indicated by the Greek names of the Hasmonean rulers, but the carefully noted Arabic names of the Andalusian scholar-rulers in Sefer ha-Qabbalah seem to contradict this. Ibn Daud’s Bar Kokhba narrative demonstrates the failure of political authority that was not based on divine sanction and communal consensus. He blames the Kozivas for the persecution of the rabbis and other catastro- phes, and warns his readers to refrain from messianic speculations and, by extension, to not take sides in the political struggles under way in Iberia.54 In Zikhron Divrey Romi’s version of the story, Rabbi Akiva, whom a number of rabbinic texts regard as a supporter of the Kozivan messianic enterprise and who holds a key position in Ibn Daud’s transmission of rabbinic learning, is conspicuously absent, probably because any demotion of Rabbi Akiva would have opened Sefer ha-Qabbalah’s chain of tradition to criticism, and questioned the veracity of rabbinic Judaism.55 Ibn Daud ingeniously implies that the Kozivas had indeed fulfilled some of the traditional conditions connected to the coming of the messiah: they were historical figures and military commanders defeating the enemy, and they had attracted a significant following from the Jewish Diaspora. Rabbi Akiva’s mistake, he seems to say, could (almost) be excused. This argument preempts critique brought forth by opponents of rabbinic Judaism (Karaites, but also others) that blamed Rabbi Akiva for the disastrous leadership role played by the rabbinic establishment.56 Lastly, ʿEser Galuyot (Midrash on the Ten Exiles), a text often attached to Dorot ʿOlam but not composed nor known to him, preserves an additional tradition that shows the importance of the Bar Kokhba revolt for Iberian Jews. This text mentions ten exiles and culminates in a last tenth exile, when

Jewish Messianism,” AJSR 10, no. 2 (1985); Joseph Dan, “Armilus: The Jewish Antichrist and the Origins and Dating of the Sefer Zerubbavel,” in TowardtheMillennium;MessianicExpectations from the Bible to Waco. Ed. Peter Schäfer and Mark R. Cohen (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 73–104. 53 Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 74. 54 ShQ, 3.40–52; 240–250. 55 In earlier lists of tannaitic succession, Rabbi Akiva is not an independent transmitter, but he is listed as a guardian alongside Moses, Hillel, and Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai in Sifre on Deuteronomy, ed. Louis Finkelstein and S. Horovitz, vol. 3, Corpus Tannaiticum (New York: JTSA, 1969), sec. 397. Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 78–80. Cohen (ShQ, 120) emphasized that Ibn Daud saw the story as a warning of messianic activism and speculation. He was perplexed by Ibn Daud’s account and called it “bizarre” and a “historical fantasy.” See Günter Stemberger, Die römische Herrschaft im Urteil der Juden, vol. 195, Erträge der Forschung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983), 161–162. 56 See also the arguments in Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 79–80. sources 37

“Hadrian destroyed Betar and exiled Israel to Spain, ‘and the exile that is Sepharad’ (Obadiah 20).”57

4. Islamic Sources

By contrast, Dorot ʿOlam shows almost no familiarity with Islamic historical texts, perhaps because he found little that might have enriched his narrative. The early universal historians of the Islamic word were aware of the broad outlines of post-biblical Jewish history and discussed the role of Judaism within an Islamic framework, but they were not interested in the periods covered by Ibn Daud. Prior to Ibn Khaldūn (1332–1406), few historians contemplate pre-Islamic Roman or Christian history, with the exception of some key figures such as Jesus and Emperor Constantine—the first as a prophet and the latter as an emperor whose conversion had liberated the empire from polytheism—who were placed within an Islamic historiography and took on roles quite different from Jewish or Christian histories.58 Ibn Daud might have known the ubiquitous allusions to biblical and extra- biblical material in Muslim writings known as Isrāʾiliyyāt, but seeing that these texts showed virtually no interest in the post-biblical period, this is impossible to prove.59

57 For a discussion of this midrash see chap. 1.3. 58 Tayyara, “Reflection of Non-Islamic Cultures,” 362–371; Sela, Josippon, Vol. 1, 33–34; André Ferré, “Les sources Judéo-Chrétiennes de l’histoire d’Ibn Khaldun,” IBLA 176 (1995): 223–243. 59 For an overview of pre-fifteenth century Muslim attitudes towards the Bible see Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Intertwined Worlds: Medieval Islam and Bible Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), and Camilla Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible: From Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm, vol. 22, Islamic Philosophy, Theology, and Science (Leiden: Brill, 1996). For Isrāʾiliyyāt see Jane D. McAuliffe, “Assessing the Israʾiliyyat: an Exegetical Conundrum,” in Story-Telling in the Framework of non-Fictional Arabic Literature, ed. S. Leder (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998), 345–369.

chapter three

THE ARGUMENT OF DOROT ʿOLAM

1. Modern Readings

The first students of modern Jewish Studies admired Ibn Daud as a philosopher but especially as an historian. For instance, in his monumental History of the Jews, a work that aimed at demonstrating Jewish intellectual creativity, Heinrich Graetz (1817–1891), the leading scholar of the nineteenth-century Wissenschaft des Judentums, declared that Ibn Daud “was a conscientious historian, and his historical labors have proved of greater service to Jewish literature than his philosophical studies.”1 Sefer ha-Qabbalah, he continued, was “brief, but accurate and authentic, and much may be read between the lines. His Hebrew style is flowing, and not altogether wanting in poetic col- oring.”2 Similarly, Jakob Winter (1857–1940) attested that Ibn Daud had a “healthy sense of history.”3 At the same time, the sections of Dorot ʿOlam edited in this volume often experienced neglect or derision. The great Moritz Steinschneider (1816– 1907) dismissed Zikhron Divrey Romi as a tendentious little tract and did not hold its author in particularly high esteem.4 Even Moïse Schwab (1839–1918), who published an early linguistic study of geographic terms in Dorot ʿOlam, conceded that “one barely ever stops at these pages that contain no history and are not exactly a model of precision.”5 Adolf Neubauer (1831–1907) ignored them altogether in his epochal edition of historiographical texts, the Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles.6

1 Graetz, History of the Jews, vol. 3. From the Revolt Against the Zendik (511C.E.) to the Capture of St. Jean d’Acre by the Mahometans (1291C.E.), 365. 2 Ibid., 366. 3 Jakob Winter, Die jüdische Litteratur seit Abschluss des Kanons. Eine prosaische und poetische Anthologie mit biographischen und literaturgeschichtlichen Einleitungen. Geschichte der poetischen, kabbalistischen, historischen und neuzeitlichen Litteratur der Juden (Berlin: Poppelauer, 1897; repr., Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1953), 19. Zedner saw Ibn Daud as the “Mann, der die Reihe der eigentlichen Historiker eröffnet.” Joseph Zedner, DiejüdischeLiteraturdurch zwei Jahrtausende, 2 ed. (Berlin: Lamm, 1912), 50. 4 Steinschneider, Geschichtsliteratur der Juden: 45–48; 46. 5 Moïse Schwab, “Zikhron Beit Romi,” REJ 35 (1897), 288. 6 Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, 4, 6, xiii–xiv. 40 chapter three

The first scholar to recognize the innovative character of Ibn Daud’s historical argument was Ismar Elbogen (1873–1943), one of the last scholars of the Wissenschaft.7 Fascinated by Ibn Daud, whom he ranked second only to Josippon among medieval Jewish historians, he recognized the uniting threads underlying the separate works. He was impressed by Ibn Daud’s knowledge of Romance and Arabic material, and at the same time appalled at his seemingly uncritical use of the same. Salo Wittmeyer Baron (1895–1989), too, acknowledged Ibn Daud’s pioneering use of sources, but he felt that he did so begrudgingly as this familiarity with Iberian texts “could only increase his apprehensions” in the face of the military successes of the Christian Reconquest.8 Haim-Hillel Ben-Sasson (1914–1977) studied Ibn Daud in the context of medieval European historiography, especially the so- called twelfth-century Renaissance, and suggested that Ibn Daud wrote in praise of the influential families whose proximity to the king had proven so vital to Jewish communal survival.9 Gerson Cohen’s (1924–1991) seminal edition of Sefer ha-Qabbalah, published in 1967, offered what would become the definite interpretation of Sefer ha-Qabbalah and Ibn Daud’s historiography, although, as indicated in the Introduction, many of his assumptions have since been revised. His phenomenological approach situated the text and its author within a wider cultural, political, and literary context and anticipated later developments in the study of medieval historiography. Cohen fully recognized the com- munalities between ʾEmunah Ramah and Dorot ʿOlam and, noting that both works emerged in the early 1160s, suggested that they formed a multi-dimen- sional “Defense of Judaism through Reason and History.”10 He read Sefer ha- Qabbalah as “a primary source for the mind of Abraham ibn Daud and the issues that he and members of his class regarded as uppermost in the Jew- ish community of their day,”11 such as the ancient and elitist character of the Jewish community whose presence predated that of the Christians in Iberia. The work, Cohen argued, manifested its author’s belief in a predetermined

7 Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 187. For more on Elbogen see Erwin I.J. Rosenthal, “Ismar Elbogen and the new Jewish Learning,” in Judaism, Philosophy, Culture; Selected Studies by E.I.J. Rosenthal (Richmond: Curzon, 2001). 8 Baron, Social History, Vol. 6, Laws, Homilies, and the Bible: 188–234. 9 Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson, “Le-megamot ha-Kronografia ha-yehudit shel yemey ha-beinayim u-veʿayoteiha,” in Hisṭorionim ve-ʾAskolot Hisṭoriot. Historians and Historical Schools. Lec- tures delivered at the Seventh Convention of the Historical Society of Israel. December 1961 (Jerusalem: n.p., 1962), 34–41. 10 ShQ, xxxii. 11 ShQ, xv. the argument of dorot ʿolam 41 course of history, and was an anti-Karaite book with a covert messianic and consolatory message that gave particular importance to Iberian Jewry.12 Cohen offered brief and insightful analyses of the remaining sections of Dorot ʿOlam, although he did not discuss how the individual books related to each other. He closely followed Ibn Daud’s instructions to the reader on how the individual works should be understood. He noted, for instance, the anti-Christian character of Zikhron Divrey Romi, and called attention to the time-bound character of the text.13 In his eyes, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel was an unoriginal work that “follow[ed] Josippon almost slavishly,”14 and the Midrash on Zechariah criticized the kings of the Second Temple period for their many shortcomings. More recently, Ram Ben-Shalom suggested that Ibn Daud’s interest in Christian history was not exclusively polemical but rather revealed a genuine fascination with general history and with the place of Spain in Jewish history.15

2. Messianic or Not? Errors, Blunders, and Contradictions in Dorot ʿOlam

There are many chronological errors in Dorot ʿOlam, although read on their own, the individual sections of Dorot ʿOlam only occasionally disagree with each other. Most contradictions arise in episodes that appear in more than one text, especially between Sefer ha-Qabbalah and the other sections, for instance in the dating of Jesus in Zikhron Divrey Romi, which conflicts with Ibn Daud’s chronology of the Hasmonean rule.16 Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel and Sefer ha-Qabbalah seem to be more compatible, but here, too, contradictions occur, when for example Sefer ha-Qabbalah assumes that Julius Caesar and Jesus were contemporaries of Alexander Yannai while Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel dates both during the reign of his successor Hyrcanus II.17 To Gerson Cohen, these supposed contradictions were no accident and fell into three categories: incorrect mathematical calculations, different dates for identical events, and blatantly contradictory dates.18 Obvious contradictions were a sign that the respective period was of great importance

12 ShQ, lvii–lxii. 13 ShQ, xxxii–xxxiv. 14 ShQ, xxxv, n. 91. 15 Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture, 157–162. 16 ShQ, 2.95–114, 4.127–129; ZDR, p. 1219–10. 17 ShQ, 2.72–114, 4.110–119; DMY, p. 20920, 2195, 22513–15. 18 ShQ, 189–222. 42 chapter three to Ibn Daud while noticeable deviations from traditional dates and internal discrepancies were seen as hints to an esoteric meaning. Together with genealogical allusions and the location of certain passages, they marked a complex schematic reconstruction of history that concealed an esoteric message of national redemption because a man who was concerned with consolation and with accomplishing good for Israel would not allow such delicate matters to come up for discussion in the circles of the vulgar masses, and certainly not in communities of sectarians or Christians, who would seize upon them for their own uses.19 Interpreting what he regarded as Ibn Daud’s intricate web of calculations, Cohen suggested that Ibn Daud anticipated great changes for the year 4949am/1189ce—perhaps the return of prophecy signaling the beginnings of the Last Days.20 Ibn Daud does not explain these discrepancies, nor does he refer to the relevance of hidden readings, in contrast to his near-contemporary Moses Maimonides (1135/38– 1204) who explained the meaning of several layers of secrecy in his Guide of the Perplexed. He noted that an author was free to include contradictory propositions in one work, the first of which he had “forgotten when writing down the second in another part of his compilation,” provided he did so consciously.21 But an esoteric reading is not necessary for an understanding of Dorot ʿOlam. Where Cohen suggested that Ibn Daud applied esotericism to gloss over rabbinic disputes concerning messianism, these are frequently addressed throughout Dorot ʿOlam.22 Similarly, Cohen read a messianic message into the end of Sefer ha-Qabbalah, which describes the end of Andalu- sian Jewish life. In fact, Cohen’s reading misses the confident message of hope and rebuilding expressed in those very lines that direct the reader’s gaze firmly towards a new flowering of Jewish life in France and in northern Spain.23 Indeed, as Eve Krakowski has shown, the errors in Dorot ʿOlam do not necessarily indicate a hidden messianic message.24 Most of these contra-

19 ShQ, 303. 20 ShQ, 235. 21 Moses Maimonides, The Guide of the Perplexed, ed. Shlomo Pines (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 18, (Part 1, On the Sixth Cause). A recent discussion can be found in Moshe Halbertal, “What is the ‘Mishneh Torah’? On Codification and Ambivalence,” in Maimonides after 800 Years; Essays on Maimonides and His Influence, ed. Jay M. Harris (Cambridge: Harvard University Center for Jewish Studies, 2007), 89–111. 22 ShQ, 221–222, 302–303 vs. ShQ, 3.12–32, 6.90–94, 6. 126–162, 7.60–172, 7.431–449. 23 ShQ, chap. 7. Maimonides argues similarly. Moses Maimonides, A Maimonides Reader, ed. Isadore Twersky, Library of Jewish Studies (New York: Behrman House, 1972), 481. 24 Krakowski, “On the Literary Character,” 219–247. the argument of dorot ʿolam 43 dictions can be explained by showing that the author drew from a variety of texts. What mattered was not a sequential account of the past, but the overall presentation of a cohesive narrative, compiled with the help of new reliable material that, in the past, had rarely found its way into Jewish writings. This is not to say that Ibn Daud was not interested in messianism, especially when it came to combating competing Karaite and Christian schemes of messianism. He frequently invokes the theme of consolation and emphasizes that the messianic prophecies had not been fulfilled in the Second Temple period, in contradiction to claims made by the ‘Sadducees’—that is, the Karaites and, of course, Christians.25 His proof texts—Daniel 9:24–27 in Sefer ha-Qabbalah and Zechariah 11 in the Midrash on Zechariah—indicate his rejection of competing exegetical interpretations: Where the New Testa- ment implied that Zechariah 11 referred to the thirty silver pieces given to Judah, Jewish history demonstrated that certain prophetic passages in fact foreshadowed the Second Temple period as a distinct stage of history, but not as the messianic era.26 In his interpretation of Genesis 49:10—“the scepter shall not depart from Judah … until Shiloh comes”—Ibn Daud implicitly rejects Christian interpretations. A staple of medieval Christian anti-Jewish polemic, Genesis 49:10 connected the rise of the Church with the destruction of the Temple. To counter these claims, Ibn Daud’s survey of Hasmonean rule again and again highlighted the very absence of Davidic rule and, with it, claims to messianic power during the same era. Few kings, he states in his analysis of the Maccabees, had enjoyed divine sanction, and none had been of Davidic descent. Rather, they were “foolish shepherds” (Zechariah 11:15) whose acts contributed to the destruction of the Temple. Ibn Daud’s emphasis on consolation put forth a historical consciousness formulated in dialogue with

25 Cohen argues that only some Karaites shared this view (ShQ, 103, 300–302). See also Saadiah Gaon, Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 8:8. For this use of “Karaites” and “Sadducees” see p. 197 n. 253 and n. 256, p. 349 n. 527. 26 See Exod 21:32; ShQ, 1.154–224, 2.83–114; MZ, p. 3533. For the christological interpretation of Zech 11:12, see Matt 26:15, 27:9–10; Saadiah Gaon, Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 8:9; The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages: A Critical Edition of the Nizzahon Vetus, ed. David Berger (Northvale: Aronson, 1979), 249, n. 28–29. Cohen suggested that this argument was directed against Jewish ultra-rationalists who denied messianism (ShQ, p. 103, 300). ShQ then can be seen as an early example of the late twelfth-century transfer of anti-Christian polemic from Muslim to Christian countries. See Daniel J. Lasker, “The Jewish-Christian Debate in Transition,” in Judaism and Islam; Boundaries, Communication and Interaction; Essays in Honor of William M. Brinner, ed. John L. Hayes Benjamin H. Hary, Fred Astren (Leiden: Brill, 2000). 44 chapter three competing Christian, Karaite, and to a lesser extent Islamic narratives that conceptualized Judaism on a philosophical background.27 Ibn Daud rejected messianic speculation, but at the same time, he upheld the messianic promise in general terms.28

3. Principles of Political Leadership

Ibn Daud sees Jewish history as a vision of Jewish leadership, both secular and religious. For that reason, Ibn Daud’s political ideas, dispersed throughout his writings in brief assessments of individual rulers, demand attention. They attest to his outlook as an Aristotelian philosopher-historian and, possibly, help to explain the sixteenth-century interest in his writings.29 Ibn Daud devotes large parts of Dorot ʿOlam to issues of sovereignty. He explores ancient Roman and later Iberian rule in Zikhron Divrey Romi, and surveys Hasmonean and Herodian dynasties in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel and in Sefer ha-Qabbalah. His discussion includes the Khazars, a kingdom briefly ruled by a Jewish elite, and an object of fascination for many medieval and (later) Jewish writers.30 But he also looks at representatives and leaders of the Jewish community in the Kingdom of Castile. Medieval political theorists recognized that a state could take a number of constitutional forms, and they discussed the monarchy and the republic, as well as aristocratic and tyrannical rule. Ibn Daud, influenced by Arabic forms of Aristotelian philosophy, knows and debates all of them, and he seems to prefer the monarchy.31

27 Much of the medieval Jewish and anti-Christian polemic fulfilled internal rather than polemical functions. See for instance (although the work does not mention Ibn Daud) Hanne Trautner-Kromann, Shield and Sword: Jewish Polemics against Christianity and the Christians in France and Spain from 1100–1500, Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993). 28 ShQ, xxxv, 2.85; Epilogue, 165, 302. For the importance of the messianic moment see Gershom G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York: Schocken, 1995); Joseph Dan, “Scholem’s View of Jewish Messianism,” Modern Judaism 12, no. 2 (1992). 29 Although it has been assumed that the loss of sovereignty in the first century ce and especially the diaspora experience led to Jewish disinterest in political theories, this was hardly the case. On Maimonides, see David Polish, “Some Medieval Thinkers on the Jewish King,” Judaism 20, no. 2 (1971): 323–329; Melamed, Philosopher-King: 26–51. 30 ShQ, Epilogue, 27–30. 31 Discussed in Aristotle, Politics 3.1279a–b. A sizeable minority of medieval thinkers rejects the necessity of the monarchy because of the perceived tensions between the principles of divine and human rule. Saadiah Gaon denies any halakhic obligation to have a monarchy while Maimonides prefers the monarchy. See Gerald J. Blidstein, “The Monarchic Imperative in Rabbinic Perspective,” Association of Jewish Studies Review 7 (1982), 15–39 and the argument of dorot ʿolam 45

Authentic authority was based on righteous leadership and rested on consensus-based decision-making processes, and ideally on the ruler’s Davidic descent. In Sefer ha-Qabbalah, he notes, For this was the practice in the [days of the] Second Temple: the king of the Hasmonean dynasty or of their slaves, the Herodian dynasty, ruled supreme in matters of war and in all affairs of state. However, all matters of law, statues and ordinances were executed in accordance with the decision of the patriarch of the house of David and in accordance with the decision of the high priest and the Sanhedrin.32 The Midrash on Zechariah expresses similar ideas. In his comments on Zechariah 11:7—“I got two staffs, one of which I named ‘Favor’ and the other ‘Unity’”—Ibn Daud explains that ‘Favor’ referred to God’s special relationship with the descendants of the House of David. ‘Unity,’ on the other hand, stressed the importance of a unified religious leadership. Yet, he argues, with the brief exception of Davidic rule, not a single Jewish leader ever could lay claim to authentic authority. Even Zerubbabel, the last ruling Davidide, failed to attain proper monarchy (melukhah) and held administrative authority (serarah) only.33 Surveying the Maccabean rulers, none of whom had been of Davidic descent, Ibn Daud states that these kings were “foolish shepherds” (Zech 11:15) whose acts contributed in decisive ways to the destruction of the Temple and the loss of political power. By looking at the past through the dual prism of “Favor” and “Unity,” or lineage and consensus-based authority, Ibn Daud applies these principles to past and contemporary human behavior and promotes a political quietism that was guided by the eschatological hope for a king who would fulfill these conditions and initiate the Last Days. In some ways, then, Ibn Daud’s ideal ruler resembles the philosopher-king in Judah Halevi’s Kuzari, who, endowed with royal and religious authority, sought Truth for the sake of personal redemption and for the best of the state.34 The king’s eventual

the texts quoted there. See also Norbert Max Samuelson, “Ibn Daud and Franz Rosenzweig on Other Religions: A Contrast Between Medieval and Modern Jewish Philosophy,” WCJS 8, no. 3 (1982), 2. See Naḥmanides on Deut 17:14. 32 ShQ, 2.127–133. The proof text for this practice is bSan 11b. 33 See Abraham Maimonides, Perush ʿal Bereshit u-Shemot, ed. E.J. Wiesenberg Solomon David Sassoon (Letchworth: S.D. Sassoon, 1959), 204. 34 The similarity between Ibn Daud’s prophet-king and Judah Halevi’s Khazar king is probably a consequence of the dominance of Neo-Platonism in medieval political thought. See also Kuzari (Hirschfeld) 3.3, 7; Lorberbaum, “Medieval Jewish Political Thought,” 178–186; Melamed, Philosopher-King, 23–26. For the relationship between the Kuzari and ʾEmunah Ramah, see chap. 1. 46 chapter three acceptance of Judaism and the Torah meant that his rule was now based on religious and rational knowledge, just like Ibn Daud’s ideal leader. The relationship between ruler and subject manifests itself in covenants or treaties, and some thirty-five of them are mentioned in Dorot ʿOlam. The word used is berit, a biblical term that expresses the relationship between a ruler (human or divine) and his people.35 In Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, such a treaty usually confirmed the authority of a new ruler and sealed the division of power into political, priestly, and academic authority.36 Ibn Daud is well aware of the shortcomings inherent in this system, and he criticizes the Hasmonean kings for blurring or transgressing the boundaries between these political realms. He disapproves of rulers who seized the high priesthood,37 who claimed the throne in addition to the priestly office,38 or, like King Hyrcanus, claimed both royal and priestly authority.39 He is shocked to observe that some rulers had purchased their office; that they “were not men of integrity, but [actually] used to purchase their authority from the kings like publicans,”40 a critique that might also be an implicit attack on similar practices within the Church.41 Another example of Ibn Daud’s assessment of the problems facing the monarchy in the Second Temple period can be found in his portrayal of the rule of King Herod. Ibn Daud’s verdict is mixed: The length of his reign over Israel was forty years. He was a valiant man, educated, sensible in speech, and handsome in appearance, and the Lord was with him. He favored the sages Hillel and Shammai and supported them. He was wealthier than any other king of the Second Temple Period, and more generous than all the kings who preceded him. His gifts were fulsome, and he considered silver and gold to be but stones. Israel had rest from its enemies. He built the Temple, a building greater than the Temple of King Solomon, but

35 Daniel J. Elazar, “The Covenant as the Basis of Jewish Political Tradition,” in Kinship and Consent. The Jewish Political Tradition and its Contemporary Uses, ed. Daniel J. Elazar (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1997), 21–31. 36 DMY alone mentions twenty-eight such agreements or treaties between a ruler and his subjects. 37 DMY , p. 23910–13. 38 DMY , p. 1856–8. 39 DMY, p. 1791–3. 40 ShQ, 6.127–129; 6.192–194. 41 Officially prohibited since the Council of Chalcedon (451), the acquisition of ecclesiastical positions by monetary means remained a challenge for the medieval Church. Pope Gregory VII (1074–1083) in particular attacked simony in his reform program. See Karl F. Mor- rison, “The Gregorian Reform,” in Christian Spirituality (New York, NY: Crossroad, 1985), 177–193. the argument of dorot ʿolam 47

he taxed Israel greatly and was susceptible to gossip and unstable; he spilled the innocent blood of the poor.42 A learned and handsome king, Herod supports the righteous religious party, finances the building of the Temple with his own money,43 and rescues Jewish and non-Jewish subjects from certain death by starvation.44 But, at the same time, he is a prime example of the very criticism Ibn Daud lev- els against the monarchy. Neither of Davidic descent nor a Hasmonean, he does not uphold the principle of consensus. Instead, he is proud, refuses to accept advice, massacres the righteous, and causes friction between the Hasmonean and Idumean members of his own family.45 Ibn Daud’s interest in Herod possibly reflects a contemporary fascination with the king. In the almost contemporaneous Auto de los Reyes Magos, a fragment of a liturgical play for the feast day of Epiphany, Herod is depicted as a twelfth- century Spanish monarch.46 This play, the first evidence of drama written in Castilian, was probably performed at the cathedral of Toledo where the manuscript is located and possibly originates. Ibn Daud blames the consequences of the two Jewish-Roman wars on divisions among the Jews and sees the Romans merely as instruments of the divine will. He repeatedly recalls that the destruction of the Temple was the direct result of Jewish impatience and rebellion: It seemed plausible that Nero Caesar alone hated Israel; had Israel suffered his [Nero’s] yoke until the day of his death, Vespasian and Titus [surely] would have ruled with mercy, as Augustus Octavian had done and they would have set Jewish kings over them.47 In a similar vein, Emperor Titus, under whose command the Temple had been destroyed, is seen in an almost exclusively positive light, which marks a departure from rabbinic texts.48 Titus, together with Joseph ben Gorion,

42 DMY, p. 2834–12. 43 DMY, p. 2556–8. 44 DMY, p. 25317–20. 45 DMY, p. 27910–15. 46 Raymond McCluskey, “Malleable Accounts: Views of the Past in Twelfth Century Iberia,” in The Perception of the Past in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. Paul Magdalino (London: Hamble- don, 1992), 212–213. 47 DMY, p. 3156–9. 48 For Titus’ negative image in rabbinic literature, see, e.g., bGit 56a–b and ARNA chap. 4; ARNB chap. 6; LamR 1:5 mProv 15 (ed. Burton L. Visotzky), 125–126. See the discussion in Zvi Yavetz, “Reflections on Titus and Joseph,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 16 (1975), 411–432. For a discussion of Titus and Vespasian in medieval Latin texts that seem to mirror Talmudic stories, see Israel Y. Yuval, “Jews and Christians: Shared Myths, Common Language,” 48 chapter three is the only figure in Dorot ʿOlam delivering relatively lengthy speeches.49 As Vespasian’s stepson or son,50 he is the heroic general and man of great erudition and culture who repeatedly attempts to save the Temple.51 Ibn Daud also discusses the rule of powerful women such as Alexandra, Mariamne, or Cleopatra, and he recognizes their authority in ways that resemble those of their male counterparts.52 Queen Alexandra is praised for her support of the righteous religious party and for her efforts to maintain political and religious unity: “God gave her rest from all her servants and she legated the [power over the] Karaites to the Pharisees.”53 At the same time, while she carries a royal title, she does not conclude a covenant or treaty with her subjects, and in contrast to most of her male predecessors and successors, the absence of her Davidic descent is not even mentioned. In this, Dorot ʿOlam resembles arguments also found in Naḥmanides but differs from Moses Maimonides, who rejected the notion of women holding political power.54 By the Middle Ages, the institution of the Jewish monarchy had long ceased, and persevered primarily as an ideal and as an eschatological promise. And so, while maintaining, in theory, the possibility of a Jewish monarchy, Ibn Daud delineates the tasks falling to contemporary Jewish leaders living under non-Jewish sovereignty. This situation, he posits, called for a two-pronged approach to leadership that was personified by the officials at court who served as safeguards of Jewish interests and by rabbinic leadership. Indeed, widely admired leaders such as Samuel ha-Levi ha-Nagid or Ismāʿīl ibn al-Naghrīla or, closer to his own time, Judah ha-Nasi ben Ezra, had recognized this need and rushed to fulfill it.55 in Demonizing the Other: Antisemitism, Racism, and Xenophobia, ed. Robert S. Wistrich (Jeru- salem: Vidal Sassoon International Center, 1999), 95–98. 49 For Titus see especially ShQ, 2.162–168, 7.297–300, ZDR, p. 1076–1093, DMY, chap. 77–80, MZ, p. 35517 and the discussion in ShQ, p. 222. 50 For Titus as Vespasian’s stepson see the footnote to ZDR, p. 1076–7. 51 E.g., ZDM chap. 3; DMY chap. 76. 52 For Mariamne, see DMY, chap. 45 and 46; for Cleopatra, DMY, chap. 42 and 44. See the Genizah portraits of Jewish business women such as Wuḥsha al-dallāla, Wuḥsha the broker, in Shlomo D. Goitein, “A Jewish Business Woman of the 11th Century,” in The Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Volume of the Jewish Quarterly Review, ed. Abraham A. Neuman and Solomon Zeitlin (Philadelphia: Jewish Quarterly Review, 1967), 225–242; Mediterranean Society; Joel Kraemer, “Spanish Ladies from the Cairo Geniza,” Mediterranean Historical Review 6, no. 2 (1992), 237–267. 53 DMY, p. 19716–1991. 54 Naḥmanides on bShav 30a; Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, The Laws of Kings and their Wars 1.5. 55 ShQ, 7.180–264 and Epilogue, 86–116. the argument of dorot ʿolam 49

In this context, and in the absence of true rabbinic leadership, Ibn Daud stresses the role of the rabbis, and especially of the Iberian scholars, as safeguards of the Torah and of communal authority as a whole. Emphasizing the connections between Torah and power, and the importance of Davidic leadership, Ibn Daud stated that with the death of Ḥiyya al-Daudi in 1154, “there did not remain in Spain a single person known to be of the house of David.”56 This is a somewhat surprising statement because, as Ibn Daud knew well, regard for Davidic ancestry was particularly widespread in the Mediter- ranean, and not only among Jews: One of the reasons for the respect given to the exilarch, the leader of the Jewish community, by the Muslim rulers was his generally accepted claim of Davidic descent.57 Ibn Daud underlined the importance of northern Spain and in neighboring France, virtually the only places where Jewish scholarship was flourishing (at least in his eyes).58 Rabbinic authority remained unbroken and was widely acknowledged, he argued, even by non-Jewish institutions.59 Since Davidic leadership had disappeared, scholars, together with Jewish courtiers, now fulfilled a task not dissimilar to that of the ideal prophet-kings. It was their task to uphold learning and to maintain conditions that would enable all Jews to serve God by following the true Torah. Ibn Daud’s history of Jewish learning in Sefer ha-Qabbalah, then, has decidedly political undertones that stress the authority of rabbinic Judaism as a whole and of contemporaneous Iberian rabbinic leadership in particular.

56 ShQ, 6.218–219. See also ShQ, 4.59–60; 6.185–188. 57 Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, 2. The heads of the Jewish community in Narbonne, too, claimed Davidic descent and called themselves kings of Israel. For this and other foun- dational stories basing the power of leadership on a long history of Jewish settlement and Davidic ancestry, see Arieh Graboïs, “Nesiʾei Narbonne. Li-demutah u-mahutah shel hanhagah yehudit bi-derom Ṣarfat bi-yemey ha-beinayim,” Michael 12 (1991), 43–65. For more on Davidic dynasts in Spain and Egypt, see Arnold E. Franklin, This Noble House: Jewish Descen- dants of King David in the Medieval Islamic East (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012). 58 ShQ, 7.282–290. There was much cultural and linguistic communality between northern Spain and Provençe. See Septimus, Hispano-Jewish Culture, 4: 26–38. 59 See, e.g., the recognition of the Rabbanite leaders: Alexander the Great (ShQ, 3.6–18); Herodians (ShQ, 2.130–133); Romans (ShQ, 2.163, 3.83–88); Persians (ShQ, 4.158); Muslims (ShQ, 5.40); the kings of Spain (Tradition, Epilogue 89–90), and Cohen’s closing remarks ShQ, lxii. 50 chapter three

4. Rome and Its Connections to Iberia

Dorot ʿOlam offers a comprehensive history of Rome, the Roman Empire, and some later permutations of the same. The identification of Rome with Byzantium and Christianity, Italy, and Iberia was not only ideological but also historical and demonstrates how the author combines historical sources to create a complex picture of the past.60 Ibn Daud has not one but two accounts of the foundation of the city of Rome.61 In both stories, he identifies Romulus and Remulus (a common medieval variant of Remus) as the founders of the city.62 But while Sefer ha- Qabbalah describes a round building erected in commemoration of Romu- lus,63 the version of Zikhron Divrey Romi echoes a narrative from Sefer Josip- pon and seeks to explain the etymologies of May and June.64 This account seems to indicate that Ibn Daud refers to the main points of the story without a clear connection between its individual components. Rome was founded “in the sixth year of Hezekiah,”65 elsewhere identified as “Hezekiah king of Judah.”66 Rabbinic literature, while rich in traditions concerning the foundation of Rome, gave little concrete information as to when precisely this had taken place. But Ibn Daud knew that Christian tradition dated the foundation of Rome to the rule of King Hezekiah, and he possibly combined the idea with details derived from 2Kings 18:9–10, where Samaria is reported to have fallen in the sixth year of Hezekiah.67 In response to Christian suggestions that Rome had risen with the fall of Babylon, Ibn Daud shifted the overall focus of Roman history and synchronized it with Jewish history.68 The monarchy continued for about 210 years “until the year of the construction of the Second Temple in the days of the Persian King Artaxerxes”69 that inaugurated a period of Roman decline.

60 Ben-Sasson, “Le-megamot ha-Kronografia,” 34–42. For Ibn Daud’s identification of Rome and Edom see Chapter 2.1. 61 ShQ, 4.87–95 and ZDR, p. 995–11. 62 mTeh 17:12, EstR 3:5 (Wilna); GenR 49:9 (Wilna); GenR 49:25 (Theodor-Albeck). 63 ShQ, 4.91–95. 64 See Flusser Vol. 2, n. 64 on pp. 25–26. This story is loosely based on Macrobius, Satur- nalia, 12. 65 ZDR, p. 997. 66 ShQ, 4.87. 67 yAZ 1.2 (39c); Paul Rieger, “The Foundation of Rome in the Talmud. A Contribution to the Folklore of Antiquity,” JQR (1926). ShQ, 226–227. 68 These ideas were quite wide-spread. Augustine, City of God, 21; Otto of Freising, The Two Cities, 1.30. 69 ZDR, p. 9912–1011 Folz, The Concept of Empire, 40–41, 114–118 (eschatological aspects of an ideology that stresses the importance of Rome). the argument of dorot ʿolam 51

He then contrasts the second period of the Roman monarchy with the Hasmonean rule, when “in the days of Yannai king of the Jews …. [t]heir first king, Julius, called Caesar … restored the monarchy to the Romans.”70 This is contradicted elsewhere, because, as Ibn Daud knows well, Julius only came to power during the rule of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, but the narrative links the rise of Rome and the rule of Yannai (who had massacred the sages) with Jesus.71 In Sefer ha-Qabbalah, he explains that Rome lost its prominent position another 209 years later, under the rule of Antoninus Pius, but this chronography does not quite agree with Zikhron Divrey Romi.72 Ibn Daud also describes some forms of Roman government. A long line of emperors crowds the pages of Zikhron Divrey Romi. Usually, Ibn Daud notes the span of their rule, sometimes with a brief midrashic extrapo- lation. Only three emperors receive more attention: Julius Cesar, as the founder of the second Roman republic; Titus, as the ruler involved in the destruction of the Temple; and Constantine the Great, about whom more will be said below, as the man who had fortified Christianity.73 In Zikhron Divrey Romi, the chronology of Roman emperors, both pagan and Christian, smoothly transitions from Italy and Byzantine to Spain and its Gothic con- querors. Their ancestor is the Edomite Uz,74 reflecting Christian traditions that claimed Uz as a collective forefather of the Goths.75 Spain, Italy, and Rome, and both Arian and (Catholic) Christianity are further connected through Theodosius’ marital alliance with the Roman emperor.76 Finally, the connection between Rome and Iberia was completed with Reccared’s conversion to Roman Catholicism in the sixth century, mentioned at the closing

70 ShQ, 4.110–113. 71 ShQ, 2.108–109. 72 ShQ, 230–231; ZDR, p. 1151. 73 Julius Cesar: ShQ, 4.111–120; ZDR, p. 1032–1053; Titus: ShQ, 2.162–168, 7.297–300, ZDR, p. 1078–1093; DMY, chap. 77–80; MZ, p. 35517; Constantine: ZDR, p. 1219–1237. 74 For Uz see ZDR, p. 1259, 1272, 1293. 75 Isidore of Seville wrote a history of the Goths, a book Ibn Daud probably knew, to celebrate the Goths and to cover up their now dubious religious past as Arians (see chap. 2). 76 Isidore of Seville equated the Goths with Gog and Magog and saw them as antecedents of the Antichrist, an association perhaps facilitated by the phonetic similarity between the words Goth and Gog/Magog, e.g. Isidore, Etymologies, 9.2.89; Alauddin Samarrai, “Beyond Belief and Reverence: Medieval Mythological Ethnography in the Near East and Europe,” JMRS 23, no. 1 (1993), 25–42. See also Wolfram Drews, “Goten und Römer als Gegenstand der Historiographie bei Isidor von Seville,” Speculum 53, no. 1 (2002), 1–20. In their discussions of the Goths, universal Muslim historians showed in general little interest in Japheth and were instead preoccupied with Shem and his descendants; Tayyara, “Reflection of Non-Islamic Cultures,” 40–41. 52 chapter three of Zikhron Divrey Romi.77 It might seem surprising that Ibn Daud pays so much attention to the Visigoths, whom the rulers of the new Christian kingdoms claimed as their ancestors, and even welcomes their conversion to Catholic Christianity, but it seems likely that here, too, he follows the example of the Christian chronicles.

5. The Early Church in Dorot ʿOlam

Medieval historians were primarily interested in their own religious communities, and comparatively little reflection on post-biblical Jewish history can be found in contemporary Christian or Muslim works. Ibn Daud, by contrast, was familiar with some of the central events in the history of the Early Church: Constantine Caesar succeeded him as king. He legislated the Christian doctrine, and turned to their teachings and their worship (ḥaqqaq torat ha- Noṣrim), three hundred years after Jesus according to their calculations. Ac- cording to our calculation, however, more than 420 years had passed. In order to make [this fact] known, we recorded it in the Chronicle of Rome. He left Rome and gave the city over to the Christian priests [who hold authority over the city] until this very day. He built a city, Kustantiniyyah novela, which means Constantinople the Noble.78 This paragraph in Zikhron Divrey Romi recalls the central role played by Emperor Constantine in the establishment of Christianity, the empire’s move eastwards, and touches briefly on the Donatio Constantini—the idea that Constantine had transferred authority over Rome and the western part of the empire to the Pope—and the foundation of the city of Constantinople in 330. The following passage also takes note of some prominent figures such as Arius and Emperor Julian.79

77 ZDR, p. 1312–3. 78 ZDR, p. 1219–1234. 79 For the myth of Constantine in western Christian literatures see Amnon Linder, “The Myth of Constantine the Great in the West: Sources and Hagiographic Commemoration,” Studi Medievali 3rd ser. 16, no. 1 (1975), 43–95; Johannes Fried, Donation of Constantine and Constitutum Constantini, ed. Wolfram Brandes, vol. 3, Millenium Studies in the Culture and History of the First Millenium C.E. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2007). For Jewish knowledge of the Donation, see Nachman Falbel, “On a Heretic Argument in Levi ben Abraham ben Chaiim’s Critique on Christianity,” in World Congress of Jewish Studies. History of the Jews in Europe, ed. David Krone (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1981), 44; Samuel Krauss, Persia and Rome in the Talmud and the Midrashim (Jerusalem: Rav Kook Institute, 1947), 11. the argument of dorot ʿolam 53

Constantine is here introduced as the decisive consolidator of Christian doctrine. Indeed, Christian and Jewish sources stress the emperor’s efforts to clarify matters of Credo, as discussed for instance in Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae, a work whose ideas Ibn Daud might have encountered in his extensive readings. The great historian of the church, Eusebius of Caesarea (263–339), describes the role of Constantine in similar terms when he notes that he had disseminated forty Bibles to churches throughout the capital.80 Naḥmanides even uses the same verb—ḥaqqaq (to legislate, engrave)—to circumscribe the emperor’s activities.81 Gerson Cohen suggested that Ibn Daud referred to the polemical idea that Emperor Constantine had in fact composed the New Testament.82 But while Ibn Daud summarily dismisses texts claimed as holy by other religious traditions as products of human hands (ḥibber) or invented (badaʿa),83 his use of the verb ḥaqqaq shows that he regarded Constantine as instrumental in establishing Christianity. A fifteenth-century copyist reflects this interpretation of Constantine when he emended ḥaqqaq to ḥizzeq, expressing an awareness of the importance of Constantine’s role in the establishment of Christianity.84 Constantine, Ibn Daud explains further, had lived 300 years after Jesus, according to the Christian calendar, or 420, according to Jewish reckoning.85 The gap implied in this passage suggests that Ibn Daud was not so much interested in dating Constantine, but rather in disconnecting Christianity from its founding figure. Jesus, he argued, had lived much earlier than commonly assumed, as “an authentic tradition from the Mishna and the Talmud,

80 Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 5.1.7; Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 4.26. Byzantine imagery compared the legislator Constantine to Moses, the giver of the commandments, Cohen, “Esau,” 46 n. 95; ShQ, xxxii–xxxiii, 157–162. 81 For this translation of ḥaqqaq see Eliezer Ben Yehuda and Naphtali H. Tur-Sinai, Millōn ha-lāshōn ha-ʻivrīt ha-yeshanāh we-ha-ḥadashāh vol. 3 (Jerusalem: Hoṣaʼat Maqor, 1980), 1724. 82 ShQ, xxxii–xxxiii, 23–24; discussed in Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture, 160. 83 Naḥmanides, “The Book of Redemption,” in Writings and Discourses, ed. Charles Ber Chavel (New York:Shilo, 1978), 285–286; Abraham Ibn Ezra to Gen 27:40 on Rome, Byzantium, and Christianity. Ibn Daud dismisses Arian (ZDR, p. 1238–9) and Manichaean (ShQ, 4.147–151) scriptures as human, using the neutral ḥibber (to join or to create, compose) and badaʿa (to invent), respectively. He discusses the nature of the Qurʾan in ʾEmunah Ramah, but since the work has only been preserved in two Hebrew translations, philological parallels are difficult. 84 Parma BN 2420. Ben-Shalom suggests that this was the original reading of the text, see also the discussion in Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture, 159–161. 85 In his comments to Dan 9:26, Saadiah Gaon calculates a lengthy gap of 135 years between Jesus and the destruction of the temple. Heinz Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte (11.–13. Jh.): mit einer Ikonographie des Judenthemas bis zum 4. Later- ankonzil, 3., erg. Aufl. ed., Europäische Hochschulschriften. Reihe XXIII, Theologie (Frankfurt a. M.: P. Lang, 1997), 228–235; 764. 54 chapter three which did not distort anything,”86 proved. Referring to rabbinic traditions, he explained that Jesus had been a student of Rabbi Joshua b. Peraḥyah, who had apostatized under King Alexander Yannai.87 This argument disas- sociated Jesus from the rise of Christianity: if he had lived earlier, the New Testament, a text that, as Ibn Daud knew well, alludes to a later period under King Herod, could not be regarded as a trustworthy account of Jesus’ deeds because it recalled events that had taken place years after he had died. It should then not be seen as a sacred text, and Jesus had had nothing to do with the rise of Christianity. This argument is part of a larger philosophical argument concerning the nature of the Torah. Throughout his writings, and echoing similar discussions among Islamic philosophers proving the veracity of Muḥammad and the Qurʾan, Ibn Daud insists that only Judaism offered a valid path to the divine, with Moses as its perfect leader, and the Torah as an eyewitness account of his deeds. The Christian account, by contrast, was unreliable: Since Jesus had lived centuries before the composition of the New Testa- ment, it in fact provided no record of his deeds. Not only could Jesus not be seen as the founder of Christianity, the New Testament, too, could make no claims to being holy scripture! Ibn Daud seems to have been one of the earliest writers to make this argument.88 Moses Maimonides (1135/38–1204) argued similarly when he noted in his Epistle to the Yemen that, “quite some time later”—that is, after Jesus—“a religion, which is traced to him by the descendants of Esau, gained popularity.”89 Ibn Daud knows the traditional Christian date for Jesus, but

86 ShQ, 2.107–108. 87 ShQ, 2.95–114, 4.127–129; 114–115 n. 100. Cohen suggests that Ibn Daud followed an Arabic dating. ShQ, 38. See also Judah Halevi’s take on Jesus in the Kuzari (Hirschfeld) 3.65. Joanna Weinberg, “Invention and Convention: Jewish and Christian Critique of the Jewish Fixed Calendar,” Jewish History 14, no. 3 (2000), 324–235, 329 n. 58; Giorgio Levi Della Vida, “La traduzione araba della Storie di Orosio,” Al-Andalus 19 (1954), 272–274. Sebastian Münster speculates that there had been two men called Yehoshuʿa ben Peraḥyah, an interpolation that seems to contradict Ibn Daud’s argument. Sebastian Münster, Kalendarivm Hebraicvm (Basel, 1527), 36–37. For the Kalendarium, see Joseph Prijs, Bernhard Prijs, Die Basler hebräischen Drucke, 1492–1866 (Olten: Urs Graf, 1964), 45–48 and 493–494. 88 See the argumentation put forth by Levi b. Avraham b. Ḥayyim (c. 1245–1315) in his Leviat Ḥen. Some Christians, such as the Waldensians of the Hussites, also saw Constantine’s rule as divisive, and as marking the end of the true and the beginning of the spiritual Church. See Falbel, “On a Heretic Argument,” 40–45. 89 Abraham S. Halkin and David Hartmann, Epistles of Maimonides: Crisis and Leadership (Philadelphia: JPS, 1993), 99; Jeremy Cohen, “Towards a Functional Classification of Jew- ish Anti-Christian Polemic in the High Middle Ages,” in Religionsgespräche im Mittelalter, the argument of dorot ʿolam 55 his argument cast doubt on the authority of the New Testament and, not less importantly, broke the supercessionist link, often put forth by patristic as well as medieval writers, between the death of Christ and the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem.90 Christian thinkers, Ibn Daud posits, “argue this point so vehemently in order to prove that the Temple and kingdom of Israel endured but for a short while after his crucifixion.”91 In the passage following the text quoted above, Ibn Daud continues to engage the early church when he addresses Arius and issues of Christian doctrinal variety. He remarks that Arius lived during the rule of Emperor Constantine and “wrote a book containing responses to the [Christian] doctrines and proofs, but Constantine did not heed to him.”92 Cohen suggests that this referred to an Arian reply to Constantine’s New Testament, but it seems more likely that Ibn Daud referred to Arius’ opposition to the consol- idation of Christianity as it was constituted at the Council of Nicaea, convened by Constantine in the year 325.93 Arius, Ibn Daud explains, rejected the Christian doctrines (toratha-Noṣrim), but it is unclear whether he meant Christianity as a whole or Constantine’s support of Christianity. Either way, Arius is presented as a theologian whose opinions were not acceptable to the emperor, who rejected both Arius and his writings.94 Arianism is mentioned elsewhere in DorotʿOlam, such as when Ibn Daud dismisses the Arian Visigothic King Theodoric as an idol-worshipper.95 This portrayal of the Arian-Catholic conflict is remarkable for several reasons. Firstly, many Jewish writers had regarded Arian Christianity as closer to monotheism than other branches of Christianity because the Arian interpretation of the Trinity seemed to emphasize the role of God over

ed. Bernard Lewis and Friedrich Niewöhner (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992), 93–114; Ste- fan Schreiner, “‘Ein Zerstörer des Judentums …?’ Mose ben Maimon über den historischen Jesus,” in The Trias of Maimonides; Jewish, Arabic, and Ancient Culture of Knowledge = Die Trias des Maimonides; jüdische, arabische und antike Wissenskultur, ed. Georges Tamer (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2005, 324–346). For Maimonides’ approach to history see Goodman, “Historiography and Historiosophy,” 7–82, 36–38. 90 See e.g., Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Book of Judges, Laws of the Kings 11:4. A handy compilation of ancient and medieval Jewish views on Jesus can be found in Avigdor Shinʾan, ed. Jesus through Jewish Eyes (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Yediyot Aharonot, 1999), 35–152; Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New York: Doubleday, 2008), 394. 91 ShQ, 2.104–106. 92 DMY, p. 1234–6. Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.28. 93 ShQ, xxxiii. 94 Ben Shalom, Facing Christian Culture, 161, 325. 95 ZDR, p. 1279. 56 chapter three

Christ.96 Secondly, medieval Jewish and Muslim writers routinely pointed to Christian divisions in their ideological combat, stressing that a true religion was characterized by the unanimous consensus of its followers. The theme was central in the widely-read anti-missionary work known as The Polemic of Nestor the Priest,97 in Saadiah Gaon’s Book of Beliefs and Opinions,98 and in the (mostly lost) encyclopedic refutation of religious Christian traditions by the tenth-century Abū ʿĪsā al-Warrāq.99 But likely motivated by his Christian sources, and far from exploiting Arianism as an anti-Christian argument, Ibn Daud lauds Constantine for his efforts to unify the church in what might have been a backhanded way to point out its divisions.

6. The Hispanization of Jewish History

Dorot ʿOlam and Emunah ʾRamah imply that the Andalusian way of life and thinking provided a successful—and the sole—model for Jewish continu- ity. Ibn Daud’s confidence that Iberia would remain the exclusive center of Jewish life included a triumphant portrayal of Jewish life in Andalu- sia and in Castile that reflects contemporary Christian historiography. This emphasis is not obvious at first sight. Sefer ha-Qabbalah mentions Spain (Sepharad) only a few times before explicitly turning to Andalusia and Christian Spain in Book 7 and the Epilogue.100 Castile appears rarely in Sefer ha-Qabbalah; Andalusia and Hispania are each mentioned once in Zikhron Divrey Romi, and not at all in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel or the Midrash on Zechariah.101 Yet many passages ostensibly dealing with unrelated periods—

96 Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, “Jews and Christians in Medieval Muslim Thought,” in Demonizing the Other: Antisemitism, Racism & Xenophobia, ed. Robert S. Wistrich, Vidal Sassoon Inter- national Center for the Study of Antisemitism (Hebrew University Jerusalem), Studies in Antisemitism (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic, 1999), 114. 97 Daniel J. Lasker, “The Polemic of Nestor the Priest: Qissat Mujadalat al-Usquf and Sefer Nestor ha-Komer,” (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East, 1996), 6, 75. 98 Saadiah Gaon, The Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 2:7; Bernard Septimus, “A Prudent Ambiguity in Saadya Gaon’s Book Doctrines and Beliefs,” HTR 76, no. 2 (1983), 249–254. 99 David Thomas, ed. Early Muslim Polemic against Christianity: Abu Isa al-Warraq’s ‘Against the Incarnation’, vol. 59, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 41; for a discussion of the Council of Nicea, see ibid. 91–93. 100 Spain: ShQ, 4.143/4.105 (Hebrew part), 6.115/6.77 (Hebrew part), 6.211/6.144 (Hebrew part), 6.218/6.149 (Hebrew part). 101 Castile: ShQ, 6.148 (Hebrew part), translated as “Christian Spain” in ShQ, 6.217/6, Epi- logue, 67/7.363 (Hebrew part); Hispania: ZDR, p. 1271. Andalusia: p. 12511. the argument of dorot ʿolam 57 such as the rabbinic era in Sefer ha-Qabbalah and in Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, or the history of Constantinople, Rome, and Spain in Zikhron Divrey Romi— referred to Iberia, shaping the reader’s understanding of this complex place.102 Ibn Daud carefully explains the origin and use of terms for the place claimed by Muslims, Christians, and Jews. Writing in Hebrew, he calls Spain Sepharad, a term of biblical origins that had come to indicate Iberia.103 Acknowledging the conflicts inherent in the very terms, he explains that the word Andalusia was derived from the Vandals, a Gothic tribe that had conquered the peninsula from the original inhabitants of the land, the Spaniards:104 After the Vandals, Sepharad [Spain] was called Andalusia, and they conquered all of Spain [Sepharad] from a nation called Espan. After them, the country is called Spain.105 In Andalusia, Ibn Daud shows, Jews enjoyed great cultural, religious, and political prominence and their leaders were renowned for their political acumen and their intellectual prowess. In the famous story of the four scholars shipwrecked off the coast of Spain, he carefully construes a history of Iberian Jewish learning.106 Proud, creative, and staunchly Iberian, he implies that Rabbi Moses’ disciples established and perpetuated Jewish learning on the highest level, and eventually even revitalized Babylonia.107 Ideal Andalusian Jewish leadership was personified by Samuel ha-Levi ha-Nagid or Ismāʿīl ibn al-Naghrīla (d. 1055), “a great scholar and highly cul- tured person … highly versed in Arabic literature and style, and …

102 ShQ, 263–269. Bonfil, “Legacy,” 464. 103 For the origin and use of Sepharad, see Samuel Krauss, “The Terms Ashkenaz and Sefarad (Hebrew),” Tarbiṣ 3, no. 1 (1931/1932). 104 Ibn Daud’s observation that “Andalusia” was derived from the Vandals, a tribe that had traversed the Iberian Peninsula in the fifth century on their way to northern Africa, is still widely accepted today. An additional explanation holds that eighth-century Berbers referred to Andalusia as the “land of the Vandals,” and as many Berber nouns form genitives with a prefixed w-, this would have become bilād al-Andalus, the land of the Vandals. Another theory points to the mythical Atlantis that later Arab writers tried to relate to the Atlantic Ocean. Werner Wycichl, “‘Al-Andalus’ (sobre la historia de un nombre),” Al-Andalus 17 (1952), 449–450; Joaquín Vallvé, “Sobre algunos problemas de la invasión musulmana,” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 4 (1967), 361–363. 105 ZDR, 7.1–3. 106 ShQ, 7.1–179. Cohen, “The Story of the Four Captives,” and Ivan G. Marcus, “History, Story, and Collective Memory: Narrativity in Early Ashkenazic Culture,” in The Midrashic Imagination: Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and History, ed. Michael A. Fishbane (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 260–261. 107 ShQ, 7.362–370. 58 chapter three competent to serve in the king’s palace.”108 As the leader of the community, he earned universal respect and was a benefactor to students and to religious institutions in Jerusalem. On the other hand, Ibn Daud was quick to point out that Samuel ha-Levi’s son lacked his father’s skills and was consequently assassinated. Ibn Daud also recalls the end of the Andalusian Jewish life in some detail.109 Yet he stressed that Andalusian Jewish life continued in the northern kingdom and in particular in Toledo, where, just as in Andalusia, Jewish courtiers were well-placed at the Christian courts, and the Jewish representative of Alfonso VII, Rabbi Judah, warmly welcomed the Jews to Calatrava, “the city of refuge for the exiles.”110 Ibn Daud emphasizes the central role of Castile in intellectual Jewish history. Pointing to the larger Mediterranean, he stresses that rabbinic learning now rested exclusively in Iberia, with the possible exception of France. “We have heard,” he writes, “that in France there are great scholars and geonim, and that each and every one of them is a rabbi who inherits the Torah appropriately, [i.e.,] with the intention of passing it on.”111 He closes his report with a list of prominent rabbis who were active in Narbonne and Ramerupt, emphasizing that the ultimate Torah authority was now located in Toledo. Dorot ʿOlam turns to the past to create a story that underlines the role of Iberia in Jewish history, the place of the Jewish community in Iberia, and the central role of the Ibn Albalias, Ibn Daud’s own learned family. The work emphasizes the ancient character of the Jewish presence in Iberia. With this, Ibn Daud joins the chorus of Muslim and Christian writers who claimed ancient descent for their communities. Moreover, these first arrivals were no ordinary Jews, but aristocrats who had followed an invitation to settle in Spain issued by the Roman governor of Spain during the rule of

108 Samuel ha-Nagid (993–c. 1055), the legendary statesman, poet, scholar, and military commander. For the historical background see Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain, 192. Ibn Daud’s account of Samuel ha-Naggid has often been taken at face value and served, together with an equally uncritical use of Andalusian Arabic texts, as a vorlage for Ashtor’s account of Samuel’s life. Ashtor, Moslem Spain, vol. 2, 97–158. This use of sources has only recently come under attack. David J. Wasserstein, for example, emphasizes the dearth of historical material actually available for this period in David J. Wasserstein, “The Muslims and the Golden Age of the Jews in al-Andalus,” Israel Oriental Studies 17 (1997), 182–189; also Ross Brann, Power in the Portrayal: Representations of Jews and Muslims in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Islamic Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 13–15; 24–53. The quote is from ShQ, 7.182–184; see also 7.234–250. 109 ShQ, 7.453–465, Epilogue, 73–117. 110 ShQ, Epilogue, 101. 111 ShQ, 7.469–472. the argument of dorot ʿolam 59

Emperor Titus. His own noble ancestors, Ibn Daud tells us, had settled in “the great city of Merida” as silk workers and makers of curtains for the Holy Ark.112 Mérida subsequently grew into one of the great centers of Jewish settlement. After the destruction of the city, the Jewish community and Ibn Daud’s family relocated to Córdoba, where—and this is the heart of the argument—“they were counted among the leaders of the community.”113 Ibn Daud proudly recalls the prominent positions held by his grandfather Isaac, an advisor and astrologer to the ruler of Seville, and of his maternal uncle, who had succeeded Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi as head of the academy in Córdoba.114 Educated, well connected, and with the right lineage, Ibn Daud thus could claim authority for his family and, ultimately, himself and his writings. To further stress the importance of his person and his ideas, he closes the Midrash on Zechariah with a number of blessings usually recited after the reading of the Haftarah, the weekly prophetic readings in the synagogue—perhaps a not so subtle hint that his works should be taken seriously.115 In any case, he seems to imply that if anyone had to justify their presence in the peninsula it was certainly not the Jews who predated both Christians and Muslims. Dorot ʿOlam expresses a new awareness of the implications of recent political developments and the power of historiography. In this, too, Ibn Daud reflects contemporaneous Iberian developments.116 During his lifetime, a series of important Iberian histories emerged, such as Pelagius’ Chronicon Regum Legionensium (after 1121), the Corpus Pelagianum (1142), the Chronica Naierensis (c. 1173–1190), the Historia Roderici (bef. 1125?), the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, and the Historia Silense (both late twelfth century).117 In 1143, at least one Arabic chronicle, a genealogy of the family of the Prophet Muḥammad, was translated into Latin, known as Chronica Mendosa et Ridicula Sarracenorum (Mendacious and Ridiculous Chronicle of

112 ShQ, p. xxxiv; 7.294–309. The quote is from line 305. 113 ShQ, 7.305–306. 114 ShQ, 7.423–444 and above, p. 14. 115 MZ, p. 3576–8. 116 Jaume Aurell, “From Genealogies to Chronicles: The Power of the Form in medieval Catalan Historiography,” Viator. Medieval and Reinassance Studies 36 (2005), 237. 117 Rodrigo Díaz, TheWorldofElCid:ChroniclesoftheSpanishReconquest, trans. Simon Bar- ton and Richard A. Fletcher, Manchester Medieval Sources Series (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); Chronica Hispana saeculi XII, ed. Juan Gil, et al., vol. 12, Corpus Chris- tianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis (Turnhout: Brepols, 1990); TheLatinChronicleoftheKings of Castile, trans. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies (Tempe: Ari- zona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002). 60 chapter three the Saracens).118 These works differ markedly from Ibn Daud, but they reflect a similar insistence on the importance of history. Ibn Daud’s use of the past to legitimize claims to power also foreshadows slightly later attempts made by the kings of the new kingdoms of Castile and Catalonia, who recognized that historical texts could serve as an effective way to legitimize their expansionist politics and their very claim to power. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, some kings sponsored the pro- duction of chronicles that connected a present calling for validation through the remote past. Catalonian kings such as Jaume I (1213–1276) and Peter IV the Ceremonious (1336–1387) composed memoirs.119 In Castile, Alfonso X the Wise (r. 1252–1284) and others also wrote history, but their texts tended to focus on the more remote past rather than their own reign.120 Religious authorities, too, legitimized authority by setting themselves in relation to the past. The idea that Toledo was an heir to an earlier idealized period, for example, is reflected in the Historia de rebus Hispanie sive Historia Gothica (History of the Affairs of Spain or Gothic History), composed by Archbishop Rodrigo Jimenéz de Rada of Toledo (in office 1209–1247).121 Writing a generation after Ibn Daud, this first significant history of Spain tried to lay claim to the authority of the archbishopric of Toledo by recalling a distant Gothic past that predated the arrival of the Muslim armies in 711, when the city had

118 Described in Palma Candida de la Cruz and Oscar Ferrero Hernandez, Chronica mendosa et ridicula Sarracenorum, (Brill Online, 2012), http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/christian-muslim-relations/chronica-mendosa-et-ridicula-sarracenorum-COM _24337. 119 James of Aragon, The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon: A Translation of the Medieval Catalan Llibre dels fets, trans. Damian J. Smith and Helena Buffery, vol. 10, Crusade Texts in Translation (Aldershot, Vt.: Ashgate, 2003); Ramón Muntaner, The Chronicle of Muntaner, ed. Anna Kinsky Goodenough, Works issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2d ser. (Nendeln, Liechten- stein: Kraus Reprint, 1967); Pedro of Aragon, Chronicle, ed. J.N. Hillgarth and Mary Hillgarth, vol. 23–24, Mediaeval Sources in Translation (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Stud- ies, 1980); Pedro of Aragon, Chronicle of the Reign of King Pedro III of Aragon, A.D. 1276–1285, ed. Bernat Desclot and Frank L. Critchlow (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1928). 120 VII Alfonso, Crónica del Emperador Alfonso VII, ed. Maurilio Pérez González ([León]: Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1997); Chronica Hispana Saeculi XIII, ed. Luis Charlo Brea, Juan A. Estévez Sola, and Rocío Carande Herrero, vol. 73, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997). 121 Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, Roderici Ximenii de Rada Historia de rebus Hispanie, sive, His- toria Gothica, ed. Juan Fernández Valverde, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis (Turnhout: Brepols, 1987); Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, Sumario analístico de la historia gothica: Edition and Study, ed. Aengus Ward, Papers of the Medieval Hispanic Research Seminar (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London, 2007). the argument of dorot ʿolam 61 held ecclesiastical authority over all of Spain.122 Rodrigo’s history in a sense castilianized Spanish history and stressed the role of Castile and of his city Toledo.123 Ibn Daud, writing a generation earlier, struggled with similar ideas of legitimization and Iberian identity.

122 Rodrigo’s history was, as Pick notes, “a narrative that remained largely accepted until the last century.” Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, vi. 123 For the “Toledanization” of Spanish history in the thirteenth-century historians, see Linehan, History: 223, 316–317; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, 63–70.

chapter four

THE EARLY MODERN FASCINATION WITH DOROT ʿOLAM

From its inception, Dorot ʿOlam was frequently read, copied, and, re-written, but in the Early Modern Period, the popularity of all three sections edited in this volume increased exponentially. Whether they approached the work in Hebrew, English, German, or Latin, Jewish as well as Christian readers were attracted to the ideas expressed in the work’s pages. And so, for well over four hundred years, the views of a twelfth-century Iberian Jewish writer were absorbed by readers living as far apart as London, Lithuania, rural southern Germany, Boston, Vermont and, of course, Iberia. Ibn Daud’s readers were fascinated by the Jewish past, whether they regarded themselves as the New Israel or rejected the very existence of Jewish communities in Europe, and they turned to Ibn Daud to combat anti-Jewish exegesis, or to learn how to fight Jewish anti-Christian interpretations of the New Testament.

1. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel

Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel was one of the first Hebrew texts to be translated into the vernacular in the sixteenth century. The book circulated widely amongst German- and especially English-speaking Protestants who identified in new ways with Jews and the Jewish past. The work’s popularity was probably a byproduct of the author’s indirect identification with Josephus Flavius, the great first-century Jewish historian whose writings were particularly popular among Protestants, many of whom identified with Israel.1 Josephus suggested that Jewish society should be viewed as a political entity that knew no distinction between civil and religious law and was guided by the supreme lawgiver, Moses. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, these ideas might have resounded with the Erastians, thinkers who argued that the state should have jurisdiction over religious matters. For these political theorists, Josephus’ theocracy served as a model, and offered a divine

1 For the popularity of Josephus in the sixteenth century see Peter Burke, “A Survey of the Popularity of Ancient Historians, 1450–1700,” History and Theory 5 (1966): 135–152. 64 chapter four imprimatur for the legal monopoly of the civil sovereign.2 Their call for a readable Josephus was answered by a string of mostly Protestant-leaning scholars and publishers, and Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, was one of the books they chose to print. In 1529, the very year in which he joined the cause of the Reformation and received a call to Basel University, the Christian Hebraist Sebastian Münster (1488–1552) published Shelosh ʿEsreh ʿIqarim (Thirteen Articles). This book included a Hebrew–Latin edition of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel that was based on the Mantua editio princeps.3 The book included Hebrew– Latin editions of Maimonides’ Thirteen Articles and ‘Eser Galuyot. But Mün- ster engaged Dorot ʿOlam already in his 1527 Kalendarium Hebraeorum, a Latin and Hebrew–Latin compendium of Hebrew chronological and cal- endric works. He attached a lengthy excerpt from Sefer ha-Qabbalah to Seder ʿOlam that contained one of the sections in which Ibn Daud argued against the Christian date for Jesus.4 In his opening remarks to the Kalen- darium—meant to dispel suspicions that he might be too positively inclined towards Jews—Münster explained that he had included the text to demonstrate the arrogance of the Jews who had distorted the true message of Christ.5 In 1530, only two years after the publication of Sebastian Münster’s Latin translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, Hans Schwyntzer (d. after 1556) published a first German translation, Josippi Judische Historien (Josippon’s Jew- ish Histories).6 Born in Silesia, he was first a lector in Stieglitz. Schwyntzer joined the Radical Reformation under Kaspar von Schwenckfeld (1489– 1561)—whom he followed to Strasbourg—and worked as a printer, wrote hymns, and joined the city’s civil service. His work contains little information beyond the text.

2 Eric Nelson, The Hebrew Republic: Jewish Sources and the Transformation of European Political Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010); Fania Oz-Salzberger, “The Jewish Roots of Western Freedom (in Hebrew),” Azure 13 (2002): 88–132. 3 Münster (1529), 25. 4 Münster, Kalendarivm: 26–41. Described in Prijs, Basler Drucke: 45–48 and 493–494. Steinschneider, Geschichtsliteratur der Juden: 26–41. 5 Münster, Kalendarivm: 9; Weinberg, “Invention,” 324, p. 329 n. 58. 6 His name might originate from his Silesian birth town of Schweidnitz. It is also spelled Schweinzer, Schweinitzer, Schwintzer, Schweintzer, Schreyetzern, and Schrvyntzern. l.u. [identity unclear], “Schwyntzer, Hans,” in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, ed. Historische Commission bei der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften (Leipzig: Hermann Schulze, G. Semper, 1891). Friedrich Kapp, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels bis in das siebzehnte Jahrhundert, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels. Im Auftrage des Börsenvereins der deutschen Buchhändler (Leipzig: Börsenverein, 1886), 315. the early modern fascination 65

In 1557, the Swabian Pietist pastor Georg Wolff von Grimma (fl. 1530–1561), unaware of the previous attempt, published a second translation, his Josip- pon. Ejn kurtzer Auszug vnd Begriff Josephi / des hochberümpten Geschicht- schreibers (Josippon: A Short Excerpt of Josephus, the Very Famous Histo- rian). He divided the text into three parts with individual chapter headings, as “it was common for German chronicles and histories … without damag- ing the text’s integrity.”7 The work went through at least two editions. Like most of Ibn Daud’s Protestant editors, Wolff identified with the Jewish party in Ibn Daud’s history, and issued a stern warning: if God had not hesitated to punish his own people, how much more so would simple Christians suffer if they did not take these terrible events to heart!8 The fate of the Christians, no doubt, was prefigured in Jewish history.9 Wolff appealed to the authority of Münster, whose Latin translation he used, a choice that, he emphasized, by and itself testified to the value of the text. But, a scholar in his own right, Wolff also compared his text to Josephus Flavius and to Sefer Josippon.10 Ulti- mately, he explained that he had translated Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel because

7 As he notes, “nach art und weis Teudtscher Cronicken vnd Historian / weil ich hierinn allein dem Teudschen man hab dienen wöllen / nach dem ich jms am füglichsten in sinn geachtet hab / vnd ist doch der Histori dardurch umb ein har breit nicht abbruch geschehen.” Wolff (1557), Christlicher Leser, [16]. 8 “Bis sie vmb jr Königreich / Priesterhumb / Tempel / Stadt / Landt / Leut / Ehr und gut komen / Und letzlich in die ganze Welt verkauffe / vnd erbermlich zerstrewet worden / In ewigs gefengnis hon und spott / darinn sie noch heutigs tags / one König / Priester / Regiment / vnd als in die fünffzehen hundert Jar / elendiglich verharren / Ein verstockt / verblendt / armselig / forchtsam Volck / desgleichen in aller Welt nicht ist / die nimmermehr der hoffnung / so si sich trösten / fro und gewerdt werden / Das warlilch ein steinern hertz sein müste / so sich darob nicht entsetzen.” Wolff (1557), Den Erbarn fürsichtigen wolweisen Herrn [8]. 9 E.g. “Darnach den Erztfeinden / Papisten / Widertauffern / Sacramentschwermern / Essentialisten / vnd allen / so jnen gleich oder verwandt seindt / Wenn wir uns aber selbs vntereinander so fressen / hat der Teuffell ein gewunnen spiel / und seinen hon vnd spott an vns.” Wolff (1557), Den Erbarn fürsichtigen wolweisen Herrn [10]. 10 “In welchem Jar aber Er gelebt / ist mir noch nicht genugsam kundt / der hat aus Josepho vnd andern / als Er selbs bekandt / Einen kurtzen auszug gemacht / des so in Josepho nach der lenge / beide in den 7. Büchern des Jüdischen Kriegs / vnd der 20. von der Antiquitet / altherkommen vnd Geschichten der Jüden / verfasset ist.” Wolff (1557), Den Erbarn fürsichtigen wolweisen Herrn [11]. “Solchs hab ich also funden / Denn ich verganges Sommers / mit allem vleis den Latinischen Josephum durchlesen vnd mit diesem Josippo verglichen / nicht als ich an des tewren Munsteri zeugnis zweyfelt / vnd mir nicht genugsam gewesen were / Sonder weil ich willens ware / diese kurtze Histori dem Teudtschen Man mitzuteilen / achtet ich / es wölt mir vnd jdem solches fals gebüren / nicht allein an hören sagen anderer / von dem so Er fürgeben wil / begnügig zu sein / Sonder selbs gründtlichen bericht vnd wissenschafft zuhaben / desto bessere Rechenschafft zugeben.” Wolff (1557), ibid. [12]. 66 chapter four the book was so readable and, by virtue of being shorter than Josephus Flav- ius, less expensive and more affordable for common people: I have been moved to take on this brief history of Josephus and to translate it into German according to my abilities, for good poor folks and impecunious pastors who lack the means to purchase or read long and elaborate histories because Josephus, the very famous and noble historian of the Jews of priestly descent was doubtlessly saved by God during the war and the terrible suffering … to bear trustworthy witness in this written history of the world.11 In the meantime, two additional translations were emerging in England, both carried out by prominent intellectuals with connections to the court, yet put to very different uses. In 1558, Peter Morwen or Morvvyng (d. c. 1573), a fellow of Magdalen College at Oxford who was briefly forced to seek exile in Germany for his Protestant leanings, published A compendious and most marueilous History of the latter tymes of the Jewes commune weale.12 The work went through at least fourteen editions.13 It was divided into three parts: The State of the Machabees, The State of the Herodians, and The Warres of the Jews, a section subdivided into The Warres of the Jewes and the Historie of the Siege of Jerusalem. Rector of several churches, Morwen was elected to the canonry of Lichfield Cathedral, and carried out his translation at the insti- gation of the printer Richard Iugge or Jugge (c. 1517–1577).14 Morwen likened the biblical prophecies concerning Jerusalem to contemporary London, and thought that the warning entailed in the city’s destruction warranted a vernacular text. At the same time, he warned to take his message lightly simply because it was written in plain English.15 He explained his methodology, omissions, and additions, and, possibly thinking of the Hebrew ur-version mentioned in Josephus’ Jewish War, argued that the Greek Josephan narra-

11 Wolff (1557), Den Erbarn fürsichtigen wolweisen Herrn [11]. 12 Robert Cummings and Stuart Gillespie, “Translations from Greek and Latin Classics 1550–1700: A Revised Bibliography,” Translation & Literature 18, no. 1 (2009): 21. Discussed in Gutwirth, “L’accueil fait” and Jacob Reiner, “The English Yosippon,” JQR 58, no. 2 (1967). 13 Morwen (1558). The book “monopolized the field of popular Jewish history in England,” according to Edwin II. Wolf, “The First Book of Jewish Authorship Printed in America,” American Jewish Historical Quarterly 60, no. 3 (1971): 229. 14 Morwen (1558), Epistle to the Reader in the editions of 1561, 1567 and 1575. At the same time, the 1558 edition explains that the work had been “requested of a certayne honest man Prynter of London …” The 1615 edition explained that this had been “a friend …,” neither mentioned Iugge. See also Reiner, “Yosippon”: 128–129; Gutwirth, “L’accueil fait.” 15 “This therefore was chiefly endeuoured, that it might be framed and come most nie vnto our vulgare tongue, not to our vulgare wordes onely, and yet it shoulde not be distrained, nor disgresse from the true meanynge of the Historiographer.” Morwen (1558), Epistle to the Reader. the early modern fascination 67 tive and the version translated in his work had indeed been written by one person.16 Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel was a brief yet comprehensive account of Jewish history, and affordable: … we should plenteouslye content mens desires and satisfy our prefixed and aboundauntlye with a farre more briefe: muche lesse costlye, and as sufficiente a commentarye for oure purpose, nothing inferiour to the other in veritye: yea, written by the same Iosephus, as the tenure and contentes of bothe the bookes do importe, although he name him self in thys, Ben Gorion, that is the sonne of Gorion, and in the other the Sonne of Matthathias, whiche is a thynge so commune in the Jewes genealogies. But howsoeuer the names be unlike, thistories do so agrie, that they may wel be thought to be written bi one mā: this vnto his contrimen Jewes, or for thē that desire no more but a iust rehersal of the thinges cōcerning that onely cuntrey.17 In the seventeenth century, Ibn Daud’s History became a weapon in the altercation between Puritans and Royalists that included a vitriolic debate regarding the establishment of Jewish communities in England. The Puri- tans favored a resettlement, but the campaign met with much opposition, and many books and pamphlets were published to support or counter the readmission of the Jews. In 1652, in the midst of this debate, James Howell (c. 1594–1666), the first royal historiographer who spent some time in prison for his convictions, issued an updated translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel that included ‘Eser Galuyot.18 His book, The Wonderful, and most Deplorable History of the Latter Times of the Jews, and of the City of Hierusalem, was divided into two books, the first of which consisted of seven chapters, and the second book five chapters.19 Upon opening the book, the reader encounters, still on the title page, a quote from Hosea 13:9 in the Vulgate’s translation: “Perditio tua ex Te, Israel.” This verse was frequently read in supercessionist fashion and as a reminder that the Jews had ceased to be God’s favorite people.20 Howell

16 See Josephus, War, 1.2. “[Y]ea, and some hole mēbzes of sentēces left out which were expresly in the Hebrew, but also that the Hebraicall formes of speach so discrepant from our phrase & accustomed maner of speaking, might be reduced vn to our vulgare and familier communication, that they mighte be the better understanded: I refer it unto the judgement of thē that be expert in the tongs.” Morwen (1558), Epistle to the Reader. 17 Morwen (1558), Epistle to the Reader. 18 For this text see Chapter 1.3. 19 Howell (1652). 20 See the slightly later commentary on Hosea in Edward Pococke, The theological works of the learned Dr.Pocock, Sometime Professor of the Hebrew and Arabick Tongues, in the University of Oxford, and Canon of Christ-Church; Containing his Porta Mosis, and English Commentaries on Hosea, Joel, Micah, and Malachi. To which is prefixed, an Account of his Life and Writings, 68 chapter four approvingly noted in his introduction, that most Christian lands had followed the example set by England’s King Edward the First and had expelled the Jewish communities.21 Jews might flourish from the Maghreb to India, and especially in the Ottoman Empire, but in Europe proper, this was rare. Although Howell was surely aware of the thriving Jewish presence in the Netherlands, he associated the existence of Jewish communities with Eng- land’s adversaries, especially with Portugal, “born of a Iews bum crack,”22 and Rome where “[t]hey live … very quietly under the Popes nose, and St. Mark makes no scruple to entertain them at Venice.”23 Recalling Jewish history and the many calamities Jews had suffered in post-biblical times, he reiterated a long list of anti-Semitic statements,24 and warned Christians to change their way of life, lest they experienced a fate similar to the Jews’.25 Howell’s senti- ment did not carry the day and, following Oliver Cromwell’s petition in 1655, Jews re-established communities in England. Nonetheless, his translation was printed at least nineteen times, and scholars brought the Wonderful, and most Deplorable History of the Latter Times of the Jews to northern America where it was among the first Jewish texts to be published.26 Bill Blake & Co.

never before printed; with the addition of a new General index to the Commentaries, ed. Leon- dard Twells, (London, 1740), vol. 1, 656. I would like to thank Scott Ettinger for this reference. Rashi and Kimḥi interpret this verse similarly, although they draw different conclusions. 21 “The first Christian Prince that expelled the Iews out of his Territories, was that heroik King, our Edward the first; who was such a sore scourge also to the Scots; and it is thought divers families of those banished Iews fled then to Scotland, where they have propagated since in great numbers; witness the aversion that nation hath above others to hogs flesh. Nor was this their extermination for their Religion, but for their notorious crimes, as poysoning of wells, counterfeiting of coines, falsifying of seales, and crucifying of Christian children, with other villainies.” Howell (1652), Epistle Dedicatory. 22 Howell (1652), Epistle Dedicatory. 23 Howell (1652), Epistle Dedicatory. 24 Howell (1652), Epistle Dedicatory. In a letter to a friend from 1653, Howell notes that “[t]ouching Judaism, some corners of our city smell as rank of it as doth yours there.” Quoted according to Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, 3d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1964), 160 and Howell in a letter to a friend in Amsterdam in 1653 in Reiner, “Yosippon,” 142, n. 34; Solomon Zeitlin, “Josippon,” JQR 53, no. 4 (1963): 277, n. 5 mentions the 1688 edition in this context. 25 “The occasion of these sad calamities which fell down in such cataracts upon the Iews, the discerning Reader shall discover in this ensuing story, therefore very worthy of his perusal, in regard they may serve for cautions to all people not to provoke the High Majesty of Heaven in like kinde of sedition and profanenesse, they may serve as so many buoyus to preserve them from sinking into such gulfs of miseries. For if the natural branches were not spared how can the wild olive think to escape the fire of his displeasure?” Howell (1652), Epistle Dedicatory. 26 Wolf, “First Book,” 233. the early modern fascination 69 in Bellows Falls, Vermont printed the book for the last time in 1819, although this edition does not mention Howell as a translator.27 The publishers did not share Howell’s virulently anti-Jewish feelings, and the introductory paragraphs of this text close with a prayer and a messianic hope for a Jewish future in a Jewish land that would, needless to say, hasten the return of the Christian Messiah: Tho the Lord for a time hath cut off this his people, and “turned their fruitful land into barrenness,” yet he hath abundantly shewed us in his word, that the fullness of the Gentiles being come in, God will have mercy upon, and take into his favor this antient people, reestablish them in their own land in security, and without all doubt, restore the land to its former fruitfulness. All which let us humbly pray to God the Father, that for his infinite mercies in Jesus Christ, he will speedily accomplish “and turn the wilderness into a standing water, and dry ground into water springs.”28 Many of Ibn Daud’s early editors and printers were leading Protestant intellectuals, and connected to the new centers of Hebrew learning that were springing up across Europe during the sixteenth century.29 Münster held a chair in Basel, Wolff taught in Tübingen, and Morwen at Oxford. The list of his printers reads like a Who’s Who of the emerging publishing elite. The printer of Münster’s Latin-Hebrew edition, Peter Schöffer the Younger of Worms (d. 1540–1597), for instance, published the Tyndale translation of the New Testament.30 The two printers of Wolff’s German edition headed new Lutheran presses that disseminated one of the earliest news periodicals, the Meßrelationen, in addition to Lutheran writings in Low German.31 Peter

27 For Bill Blake and his company see John J. Duffy, Samuel B. Hand, and Ralph H. Orth, “Blake, Bill,” in The Vermont Encyclopedia, ed. Bill Blake (Lebanon, NH; London: University Press of New England, 2003), 58. 28 Howell, The vvonderful, and most deplorable history (1819), Preface. 29 Thomas Willi, “Hebraica Veritas in Basel; Christliche Hebraistik aus jüdischen Quellen,” in Vetus Testamentum Supplements. Leiden. 92 (Leiden: Brill, 2002) and G. Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: A Third Language (Dover, N.H.: Manchester University Press, 1983), 180–220. 30 Münster used the c. 1513 editio princeps of DMY in Münster (1529). For the publishing activities of the Schöffer family see Friedrich W. Roth, Die Mainzer Buchdruckerfamilie Schöf- fer während des XVI. Jahrhunderts und deren Erzeugnisse zu Mainz, Worms, Strassburg und Venedig: enthaltend die Drucke des Johann Schöffer 1508–1531, des Peter Schöffer des Jungeren 1508–1542,unddesJvoSchoeffer1531–1555, vol. 9, Beiheft zum Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1892 repr., Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1968), 141; Marvin J. Heller, The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: an Abridged Thesaurus, vol. 33, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies (Leiden: Brill, 2003), Vol. 1, xxxv. 31 Manfred Knopp, Die Druckerei zu Ursel, 1557–1623: Versuch eines Porträts (Oberursel: Magistrat der Stadt Oberursel, 1990); Manfred Knopp, Nicolaus Henricus und Cornelius Sutor: 70 chapter four

Morwen, the first English translator, was connected to Richard Iugge, whose family edited the first six editions of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. Iugge is better known as the printer of the Bishop’s Bible and was a prominent figure in the Protestant publishing business.32 Few Catholics seem to have read Ibn Daud, one of whom was the Bene- dictine Gilbert Génébrard (1537–1597), a professor of Hebrew and theology in Paris. He was connected to the radical “Seize de Paris,” served as prior of Saint-Denis de la Chartre and eventually became the Archbishop of Aix-en- Provence. A fierce opponent of Protestantism, he was an ardent student of history and chronology, applying both to confirm the unchanged character of Catholic doctrine vis-à-vis Protestant innovation.33 He translated Jose- phus Flavius, and in 1572, included Münster’s version of Sefer ha-Qabbalah in his Siue Compendium de mũdi ordine & tẽporibus. Parts of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel were incorporated in Joseph de Voisin’s seventeenth-century edition of the Pugio Fidei (Dagger of Faith) by Friar Raymond Martin, one of the most learned polemical texts of the thirteenth century.34 The German Lutheran Hebraist and jurist Johannes Friedrich Breithaupt (1639–1713) mentioned ‘Rabi Abraham Levites, Ben David’ in the Praefatio to his Josef Ben-Goryon sive Josephus Hebraicus, a book published in Gotha in the year 1707 and again in 1710.35

Bürger und Drucker zu Ursel (Oberursel: Magistrat der Stadt Oberursel, 1964). Publisher was the Magdeburg printer Wolfgang Kirchener or Kirchner (d. 1593), a prominent printer of the Bible and of Lutheran writings in Low German. Hans Lülfing, “Kirchner, Wolfgang,” in Neue deutsche Biographie, ed. Otto Graf zu Stolberg-Wernigerode and Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1977), vol. 11, 656. 32 Morwen (1558), Epistle to the Reader. Iugge, the Royal Printer under Queen Elizabeth was one of the original members of the Stationers’ Company (a corporation of papermakers, bookbinders and booksellers) and repeatedly served as its master and warden. 33 HebraeorumbreveChronicon, siue, compendiumdemũdiordine&tẽporibus, aborbecon- dito vsq; ad annũ Christi. 1112: Capita R. Mose ben Maiemon de rebus Christi Regis: Collectanea Eliae Levitis & R. Iacob Salomonis filij de eodem, quibus summatim explicatur, quicquid Iudæi de Christo sapient, 1572. Printed by Martin the Younger (d. c. 1584) in Paris. Edited by Gilbert Génébrard (1537–1597) who uses the Venice edition. Ibid., p. A4, 46. Jacqueline Boucher, “Génébrard, Gilbert” in Histoire et Dictionnaire des Guerres de Religion, ed. Arlette Jouanna et al. (Paris: R. Laffont, 1998); Benjamin Steiner, Die Ordnung der Geschichte: Historische Tabel- lenwerke in der Frühen Neuzeit, Norm und Struktur (Köln: Böhlau, 2008), 125–130. 34 Joseph de Voisin, Raymundi Martini Ordinis Prædicatorum Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judæos (Leipzig, 1687), 711–713. 35 Johann Friedrich Breithaupt, Josef Ben-Goryon sive Josephus Hebraicus (Gotha, 1707; reprint, Gotha and Leipzig, 1710), xxi, xix. the early modern fascination 71

2. Zikhron Divrey Romi

In 1724, the Swabian Pietist Andreas Christoph Zeller (1684–1743) published a multilingual edition of Zikhron Divrey Romi, the Commemoratio Rerum Romanarum. Zeller was influenced by Württemberg and Halle Pietism; he studied in Oxford and Cambridge, and served as an administrator in the Church of Württemberg.36 Descended from a prominent family of scholars, he translated a number of Hebrew works, among them Hilkhot Parah ʾadumah Rabbi Moshe Ben Maimon; Tractatus de Vacca Rusa (Maulbronn, 1711) and he wrote Dissertatio Epistolica de Schedula Incendiaria Sacra Judae- orum Qua Incendia Se Extinguere Posse Gloriantur Scripta (Stuttgart, 1722). Zeller’s text is an erudite Latin-Hebrew translation with copious foot- notes, an excursus on early Islamic history, and an index.37 Zeller describes the publication history of Zikhron Divrey Romi, beginning with the editio princeps that serves as his vorlage, taking note of Münster, Wolff, Génébrard, and Breithaupt.38 His notes refer to Latin, Hebrew, Greek, and even German works that help to elucidate the text. Appropriately called “Notæ Historicæ,” he gives historical background as well, and occasionally corrects Ibn Daud.39 Zeller identified many of the cities, landscapes, and individuals appearing in Zikhron Divrey Romi, and translated them into Latin. He dedicated his edition of Zikhron Divrey Romi to, among others, the ecclesiastical administrator and scholar of Hebrew Johann Osiander (1657–1724).

3. The Midrash on Zechariah

Ibn Daud’s Midrash on Zechariah became popular for two reasons: its anti- Christian slant and because it was embedded in a commentary on the Book of Zechariah composed by the Provençal linguist and polemicist David Kimḥi (1160?–1235). Also known under his acronym RaDaK, Kimḥi quotes the entire Midrash, with the exception of the opening and closing lines, and attributes the work to the “Ḥakham (wise man) Rabbi Abraham ha-Levi of Toledo who wrote Sefer ha-Qabbalah.”40 Like his father Joseph (c. 1105–1170),

36 Heinrich W.J. Thiersch, Christian Heinrich Zeller’s Leben, (Basel: Felix Schneider, 1876), 56–57. 37 Zeller (1724), Dedicatio. 38 Zeller (1724), Praefatio, 1–2. 39 Zeller (1724), 1. 40 RaDaK to Zech 11:14. 72 chapter four

David Kimḥi engaged Christianity in many of his writings, famously in his commentary on the Book of Psalms, and he most likely included Ibn Daud’s passage because it addressed and refuted Christian readings of Zechariah. As part of Kimḥi’s writings, the Midrash on Zechariah entered the Miqraʾot Gedolot (Great Writings). A staple in any traditional Jewish library, the MiqraʾotGedolot contains the text of the Hebrew Bible, printed with rabbinic and medieval Jewish commentaries and is, to this day, the first commentary traditional Jews turn to when studying the Bible.41 For centuries, then, Jews studying the Book of Zechariah in the Miqraʾot Gedolot would have absorbed Ibn Daud’s interpretation, along with those of other writers.42 In the sixteenth century, the Karaite scholar Isaac ben Abraham of Troki (1533–1594 or 1525–1586) referred to the Midrash on Zechariah in his Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah (Strengthening the Faith), a defense of Judaism against Christian biblical exegesis.43 Isaac ben Abraham worried about the rising number of conversions to Christianity, and his book, the only polemical work of its kind to emerge out of Lithuania before the eighteenth century, showed Jewish readers how to refute Christian readings of the Bible. Each chapter opens with a disputed verse and offers ways to respond to Christian interpretations of the same. Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah was completed by Troki’s student Joseph ben Mordecai Malinowski of Cracow (d. after 1624), who added an introduction and an index. The work circulated in manuscript form and was translated into German in 1631.44 Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah remained unprinted until the book came to the attention of the Christian Hebraist Christoph Wagen- seil (1633–1705), a professor of oriental languages, history and canon law at the University of Altdorf near Nuremberg. Wagenseil, who had a complex relationship with Jews and Judaism, edited a number of Jewish anti- Christian works for Christian consumption, and in order to demonstrate their blasphemous character. He translated Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah into Latin, bun-

41 Kimḥi (and Ibn Daud) are already included in the first edition of the Miqraʾot Gedolot, compiled by the Jewish convert Felix Pratensis that was published by Daniel Bomberg in Venice, 1517. They also appear in the version that became the basis for all later editions of the Miqraʾot Gedolot that was carried out by Jacob ben Ḥayyim and printed by Daniel Bomberg in Venice, in 1524/5. 42 The commentary written by Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508), for example, reflects Ibn Daud’s approach to Zechariah. See Isaac Abravanel on Zech 11 in Miqraʾot Gedolot. 43 Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah (ed. Deutsch), Part II, chap. 25 (Matt 27:9–10 and Zech 11:12–13) and chap. 44 (John 10:16 and Zech 14:16). Stefan Schreiner, “Isaac of Traki’s Studies of Rabbinic Literature,” Polin 15 (2002): 65–76. 44 See Rosemarie Sievert, Isaak ben Abraham aus Troki im christlich-jüdischen Gespräch der Reformationszeit (Münster: Litverlag 2005), 14. the early modern fascination 73 dled it with a number of important medieval anti-Christian writings, and published his work as Tela ignea Satanae (Fiery Darts of Satan) in 1681.45 The commentary accompanying his voluminous edition is mostly held in Latin, with Arabic, German, Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac references. It offers ways in which to reply to the Jewish anti-Christian arguments. Tela ignea Satanae was reprinted for a Jewish audience in Amsterdam in 1705, and translated into Yiddish (1717), Spanish (18th c.), and English (1851, published 1866).46 David Deutsch’s translation into German, first published in 1865 with the Hebrew text, is usually regarded as the first Jewish printed edition.47

45 Johann Christoph Wagenseil. Tela ignea Satanae (Altdorf, 1681; reprinted Amsterdam, 1705; Jerusalem, 1845; Leipzig, 1681; Farnborough, 1970). Wagenseil called on the authorities to take a tough stand against Jews mocking Christianity, but he was also opposed to forced bap- tisms and to ritual murder charges. For a re-assessment of Wagenseil see Peter Blastenbrei, Johann Christoph Wagenseil und seine Stellung zum Judentum (Erlangen: Fischer, 2004). 46 Livro da Fortificacao da fee, trans. Solomon Beneveniste (AMST EH 48 C 14); Sefer Ḥizuḳ ʾEmunah iber gezetsṭ in ṭayṭsh oys di druḳ ṿos do iz gedruḳṭ miṭ laṭayn tsu Alṭ dorf durkh Krisṭofer Ṿagen zel (Amsterdam, 1716/17); Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah, trans. Moses Mocatta (London: Wertheimer, 1851); Tela ignea Satanae: the Original Latin text and a new English Translation of J.C. Wageneil’s [sic] Introduction to his 1681CE Book, trans. Wade Blocker (Dayton: Blocker, 2001). 47 Befestigung im Glauben, trans. David Deutsch (Breslau: Commissionsverlag H. Skutsch, 1865, 1873).

chapter five

PREFACE TO THE CRITICAL EDITION

1. The Manuscripts of the Hebrew Text

The three sections of Dorot ʿOlam edited in this volume have been transmitted in eleven manuscripts. They are today housed in libraries and collections in London, Moscow, New York, Oxford, Paris, Parma, and Philadelphia. Fre- quently copied with Sefer ha-Qabbalah, the first section of Dorot ʿOlam, they appeared in miscellanies of historical texts or halakhic discussions.1 One text, the Epstein manuscript, has not been seen since the Holocaust and is presumed lost, two others have recently been sold into private hands.2 None of the surviving manuscripts is an autograph, and all texts were copied centuries after Ibn Daud’s death: one manuscript originates in the fourteenth, three in the fifteenth century, five in the sixteenth/seventeenth and two in the seventeenth/eighteenth century. Only one complete copy of Dorot ʿOlam has been preserved, PHIL UP HB 13, a manuscript that is based on the editio princeps.3 The next most complete texts are LONDON BETH DIN 28 and MOS 1420. The works have been preserved to various degrees. Zikhron Divrey Romi, a text that fills rarely more than two folios, is available in one partial (LON BETH DIN 28) and four complete texts, namely MOS 1420, PARIS BN 585, PARMA 2420, and PHIL UP 13. Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, the longest section of Dorot ʿOlam, has been transmitted in two complete (LON BETH DIN 28, PHIL UP HB 13) and four partial copies: LON MON 474, MOS 1420, NY JTS 2274, and PARIS BN 585. The brief Midrash on Zechariah, about as long as Zikhron Divrey Romi, has been preserved in nine copies and can be found in MON 474, MOS 1420, NY JTS 2274, OX 2799, OX OPP. ADD. 252, PARMA 2298, PARMA 2420, PHIL UP HB 13, as well as the lost Epstein manuscript. The Midrash shows the highest degree of variants between the various manuscripts.

1 Only NY JTS 2274 does not contain ShQ. 2 LON BETH DIN 28 and LON MON 474. 3 See ShQ, 9–22 (Hebrew part). 76 chapter five

In the following, I list all texts that contain parts of Dorot ʿOlam edited in this volume. Each entry opens with the siglum, the text’s location and year of authorship. This is followed by the contents, and by notes of codicological interest.

Oxford Bodleian Library Ms. Heb e.8 (OX 2799 Cat. Neubauer), 16th–17th ב Century Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (16v–28r) and the Midrash on Zechariah (28r– 28v). 1r–13r Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 13v–16r Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ 16v–28r Sefer ha-Qabbalah 28r–29r Midrash on Zechariah 29r–35r Solomon of Torrutiel’s additions to Sefer ha-Qabbalah 35v–36v Various brief texts: a poem by Judah Halevi and historical notes 35 folios. 30 to 31 lines. Written on paper in Sephardic handwriting. Acquired in 1887 from A. Harkavy of St. Petersburg.4 This is a copy of the editio princeps.

New York Jewish Theological Seminary 2274, 17th–18th Century ו Contains a fragment of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (71r) and the Midrash on Zechariah (70r–v). 1r–12r Maimonides’ ʾIggeret Teḥiyyat ha-Metim 12r–28r Maimonides’ ʾIggeret Teman 28v–29v ʾIggeret ʾel Joseph ben Simeon 31r–33v Sefer ha-Ṣivvuy 33v–36v Teshuvah ‘al Geʾullah 37r–45r Maimonides’ Maʾamar ha-Yiḥud 45v–52v Naḥmanides’ Iggeret ha-Ḥemdah 52v–54v Bi-Yemey Parʿosh ha-Poreaḥ 55r–68r ʾIggeret Musar 70r–v Midrash on Zechariah 71r A fragment of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel

4 IMHM F 16714. A.E. Cowley and Adolf Neubauer, Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, vol. 2, Catalogi Codicum Manuscritorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae (Oxford: Clarendon, 1906), 215–216. The manuscript has been numbered in reverse order in Arabic numbers, that is, from left to right. I follow this system, although it does not correspond with the Hebrew text. Milikowsky dates this text to the eighteenth century; see Milikowsky, “Seder ʿOlam,” 58–59. preface to the critical edition 77

Sephardic handwriting, not too carefully carried out. 39 to 46 lines per page.5 This is a copy of the editio princeps.

Paris Bibliothèque Nationale Heb. 585 (Paris BN Supp. 79), Late 15th ח Century Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (93r–96r), Zikhron Divrey Romi (96r–99r) and a part of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, (99r–117v). 1r–21v Announcements of the rabbinical assembly in Valladolid 1432 22r–85r Teshuvot ha-Geʾonim 86r–88v The last two chapters of Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah 89v Fragment of text 90r–91v Fragment of a text on ritual purity 92r–v Fragment of Jewish history in Spain 93r–96r End of Sefer ha-Qabbalah 96r–99r Zikhron Divrey Romi 99r–117v Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (partial) 118r–147v Book of the Maccabees 147 folios. On paper. 24 lines to a page. The manuscript is carried out in Sephardic square script. It contains a colophon on fol. 22r indicating its owners, the heirs of Samuel Halevi.6

Philadelphia University of Pennsylvania HB 13, 17th–18th Century ט Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (36r–54v), Zikhron Divrey Romi (64v–69v), Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (69v–101r), and the Midrash on Zachariah (101r–102r). 1v–20v Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 21r–25r Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ 25r–35v Megillat Taʿanit 36r–64v Sefer ha-Qabbalah 64v–69v Zikhron Divrey Romi 69v–101r Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (missing 99–100) Before f. 102r: 1 folio of laws on slaughtering, bound together with Dorot ʿOlam 101r–102r Midrash on Zachariah

5 IMHM F 28527. 6 IMHM F 24837; Hermann Zotenberg and Moritz Steinschneider, Manuscrits orientaux. Catalogues des manuscrits hébreux et samaritains de la Bibliothèque impériale (Paris: Imprimerie impériale, 1866), 186. 78 chapter five

102 leaves. 22 to 29 lines to a page. The texts are held in an Italian or Sephardic script. They formed part of David Amram’s collection and were donated to Dropsie College in 1924 from whence they entered the collection of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.7 This is a complete text of Dorot ʿOlam and a copy of the printed edition.

[Epstein, 1509 [Lost י This text disappeared during the Holocaust. It contained Sefer ha-Qabbalah (190c–212b) and the Midrash on Zechariah (212c–213b). 1c–79b Pirqey de Rabbi Eliezer ha-Gadol 80c–128b Avot de Rabbi Natan 128b–154d Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 155a–156d ʿEser Galuyot 156d–158b Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ 158b–159c Seder ha-Ḥakhamim 159c–181b ʾIggeret Sherira Gaʾon 181b–190c Seder ha-Yeshivot 190c–212b Sefer ha-Qabbalah 212c–213b Midrash on Zechariah 213c–216b Seder ha-Melakhim 216c–224b Mishnat ha-Mishkan 224c–245a Massekhet Soferim 245b–256c Seven small tractates 256c–284b Massekhet Kallah Rabbati 284b–293a Derekh Ereṣ Rabbaʾ 294a–298d Derekh Ereṣ Zuṭaʾ 299a–310b Megillat Taʿanit 301c–327d Massekhet ʾEvel Rabbati 327d–328c Din Ḥibuṭ ha-Qever 328c–330a Massekhet Gehinnom 330a–331a Massekhet Gan ʿEden 333a–b Seder Gan ʿEden 331c–334b Pereq ha-Shalom 14×20cm. 333 folios. Written on vellum and copied in Thessaloniki in 1509. N.N. Coronel, a book dealer, sold the manuscript to S.Z.H. Halberstam. The text then passed into the possession of A. Epstein in Vienna and, after his death in 1918, into the holdings of the Israelitisch-Theologische Lehranstalt. In 1926, the work came into the hands of the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde,

7 IMHM F 38369; Milikowsky, “Seder ʿOlam,” 59. preface to the critical edition 79 also in Vienna, and it disappeared during the Second World War.8 Halber- stam noted variants to Sefer ha-Qabbalah in the margins of his 1513 copy of the Mantua edition. These in turn reached Alexander Marx via A. Neubauer and were passed on to Gerson Cohen, but I have not been able to locate them.9 According to Cohen, this text belongs to Group [B] and was close to OX OPP. ADD 2521, and possibly served as its vorlage.10

London Beth Din and Beth Hamidrash 28 (Jews’ College 28), 15th ל Century Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (106r–116v), Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (121r–139r), the Midrash on Zechariah (138v–139r) and the beginning of Zikhron Divrey Romi (139r–140r). 1r–43r Ritual rules according to the German rite collected by R. Samuel in 1450 with an index 43v–50v R. Jonah’s Seder Ḥayye ʿOlam, dated to 1453 51r–53v Sheḥiṭot u-Bediqot by Jacob Weil 54r–61r Taḥkemoni by Judah b. Shabbetai 61v–63v Joseph Ezobi’s Qeʿarat Kessef 64r–79v Midrash ʿAseret ha-Diberot 80r–81r Maimonides’ pseudo-biography 81v–89v Ruaḥ Ḥen 90r–95r Beginning of the preface to the Mishneh Torah, followed by aggadic and ethical passages 95v–101v Extract from an ethical treatise 102r–105v Two letters by Hillel b. Samuel 106r–116v Abraham Ibn Daud’s Sefer ha-Qabbalah 116v–117v Continuation of Sefer ha-Qabbalah 118 Chapter of Isaac Israeli’s Yesod ʿOlam 119r–120v Joseph ibn Aquin’s Maʾamar gam lo 121r–138v Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel

8 Schwarz discusses the transfer to the Lehranstalt and to the Kultusgemeinde. Arthur Zacharias Schwarz, Die hebräischen Handschriften der Nationalbibliothek in Wien (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1925), 16–17; Alexander Marx, “Eine Sammelhandschrift im Besitze des Herrn A. Epstein,” ZHB 5, no. 1 (1901): 54–61; Milikowsky, “Seder ʿOlam,” Vol. 1, 60–61; ShQ, 17 (Hebrew part). 9 The variants are noted in Alexander Marx, “Seder ʿOlam (Cap. 1–10): nach Handschriften und Druckwerken herausgegeben, übersetzt und erklärt” (Ph.D., Albertus-Universität zu Königsberg, 1903), xiii; Milikowsky, “Seder ʿOlam,” 60–61, 109 n. 156. In an email conversation on May 6, 2010, Ellen Kastel, an archivist at the Jewish Theological Seminary, informed me that this list had not surfaced among the still unprocessed collections of the papers of Gerson Cohen and Alexander Marx. 10 ShQ, 17 (Hebrew part). 80 chapter five

138v–139r Midrash on Zechariah 139r–140r Zikhron Divrey Romi (beginning) 140v Some haggadic sayings 141r Megillat Taʿanit 141r Pereq Gan ʿEden 141v–143r ʾOtot shel Mashiaḥ 144r–146r Maʿasiyyot 146v–149v Massekhet Derekh Ereṣ 150 Massekhet Kallah 151r–163r 21 Gezerot 163v–181r Berachiah b. Natronai’s Mishley Shuʿalim 181v–182v Judah Halevi’s Mi khamokha shel Purim 183 Divrey ha-Yamim me-Moshe Rabbenu 187 folios. 41 lines to a page. Written on vellum in a square Ashkenazi script. The name of the scribe of fol. 64–187, Isaac b. Mordechai Halevi is noted in a colophon on fol. 119r, and repeatedly throughout the text (68r, 96v, 97r, 104v, 117a). As owner is mentioned Asher b. Rabbi Naftali ha-Cohen.11 This text was probably part of a lot auctioned off at Sotheby’s in 2002.12 The text of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel in the Institute of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts at the National Library in Jerusalem is missing a few pages … תיבינפלע] presumably preserved in the original. It breaks off in chap. 76 I have not .[ ולפיו … הצראוינפל ] and continues in chap. 78 [ ףרשיתיבהושדקמה been able to obtain a complete copy of the text. LON BETH DIN 28 is close to MOS 1420.

Parma Biblioteca Palatina 2420 (de Rossi 1409), Late 15th Century ס Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (1r–14v), Zikhron Divrey Romi (14v–16r) and the Midrash on Zechariah (16v). 1r–14v Sefer ha-Qabbalah 14v–16r Zikhron Divrey Romi 16v Midrash on Zechariah 17r–20v Various short chronicles on events from the destruction of the Second Temple period until the third crusade by Aaron Lunel; two short notes on the persecutions of 1096 and a note on the persecutions in Spain in 1391; a letter on the 1391 persecutions sent to Avignon by Don Has- dai Crescas; a chronicle of the expulsion from Spain in 1492 and of Charles VIII’s occupation of Italy in 1495; a list of chronological lists and another chain of tradition from Moses to Saadiah Gaon.

11 IMHM F 4699; ShQ, 16 (Hebrew part). 12 Meir Ronnen, “London Parts With Unique Judaica,” Jerusalem Post (June 20, 1999): 8–9. preface to the critical edition 81

20v Copy of a colophon from Toledo 1295 26r–27v Extracts on halakha and history, including David Kimḥi’s commentary on Genesis 1:1–1:2 and lists of judges, prophets, and members of the Great Assembly 28r Extracts on the members of the Great Assembly 28r–v List of rabbis from the Great Assembly until R. Ashi and Rabina 28v–32v First part of the Spanish redaction of Sherira’s Epistle 33v A commentary on the Baraita of R. Ishmael 34r–103r Jonah Gerondi’s Shaʿarei Teshuvah 103v–116v ’Iggeret ha-Teshuvah 117 folios on paper. 214×137mm. 38 to 43 lines to a page. Elyakim Dunat is noted as a scribe and owner on fol. 29r, and Mordechai Samuel Ossimo appears on fol. 28v. Our texts originate in Italy, were written in Italian semi- cursive script and show signs of an older pagination. A second hand has added numerous corrections, many of whom are lost since the manuscript was cut to size in order to fit a book it was bound with.13 Of particular interest for Ibn Daud is a note mentioning ‘Eser Galuyot (Ten Exiles) in the margins of fol. 16v.

London Montefiore Library 474 (Halberstam 372), 1572 ע Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (41r–55v), the first paragraphs of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (56r–56v), and the Midrash on Zechariah (56v–57v). 1–37v Jeshua b. Joseph’s Sefer Halikhot ʿOlam 38r–40v Samuel ha-Nagid’s Mevo’ ha-Talmud with a postscript by Judah ben Joseph ha-Sephardi or Estella in Navarra (on fol. 39v) 41 r–55v Sefer ha-Qabbalah 56r–56v Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (beginning up to end of DMY chap. 3) 56v–57v Midrash on Zechariah 58r–67v Isaac Abravanel’s commentary on Isaiah 53:13 68r–70v Gloss on Isaiah 5 by Isaac Abravanel (end missing) 70 folios. Copied in Rivoli in Italian cursive handwriting.14 55 lines to a page. This text was sold into private hands in 2004.15

13 IMHM F 13285; Benjamin Richler, Hebrew Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem/The Jewish National and University Library, 2001), 475–476; ShQ, 16 (Hebrew part). 14 IMHM F 6104; Hartwig Hirschfeld, CatalogueoftheHebrewMSSoftheMontefioreLibrary (Farnborough: Gregg, 1969), 142; ShQ, xlii–xxxiv. 15 Important Hebrew Manuscripts from the Montefiore Endowment. New York. October 27 & 28, ed. Sotheby’s (Hong Kong: Sotheby’s, 2004), 412–413; Accessed June 20, 2012. http://www .montefioreendowment.org.uk/collections/about/manuscripts/ 82 chapter five

Parma Biblioteca Palatina 2298 (De Rossi 117), 1357–1389 פ Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (1r–27v) and the Midrash on Zechariah (28r–29v) alongside various halakhic works. 1r–27v Sefer ha-Qabbalah 28r–29v Midrash on Zechariah 29v–53r Epistle of Sherira Gaon 53r–84v Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 84v–91r Megillat Taʿanit 91r–105r Sefer ha-Geʾullah by Naḥmanides 105v–106v Extracts from Yalquṭ ha-Makhiri on the birth of David 106v–125v Jonah b. Abraham Gerondi’s ʾIggeret ha-Teshuvah 128r–v Fragment from Massekhet Ḥibbuṭ ha-Qever 129r–v Extracts from Hekhalot Rabbati 130r A list of the tractates and chapters of the Mishnah 130 folios. 206×139mm. 20 lines to a page. Written on paper in a Sephardic semi-cursive script. This manuscript has ruled lineation and contains an early foliation in Hebrew letters that shows evidence of 148 leaves. Missing folios are 93, 96–103, 107–113. On fol. 70v, Jacob b. Solomon b. Mattathias and Mattathias David Portaleone are mentioned as owners. Censorship, perhaps executed by the censors mentioned on fol. 130v (Domenico Irosolomitano, Laurentius Franguellus 1596, Alessandro Scipione, 1596) has obliterated references to Kutim and Christianity but the ink has faded, so that these terms now appear as highlighted rather than concealed. Cohen regarded this text as particularly reliable, and categorized it as belonging to Group [B].16

Moscow Russian State Library, Ms. Guenzburg 1420, 16th Century צ Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (1r–11r), a partial copy of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (23r–38r), Midrash (37v–38r), and Zikhron Divrey Romi (38v–39v). 1r–11r Sefer ha-Qabbalah 11v–14r Abraham ben Isaac’s Yesod ʿOlam (Sefer Qabbalah ʾaḥer be-koṣer) 14v–22r Joseph ibn ‘Akhnin’s Mevo’ ha-Talmud 22v–38r Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel with some material missing at the beginning 37v–38r Midrash on Zechariah 38v–39v Zikhron Divrey Romi 40r–44r Reshimat Pirqei ha-Mishnah lefi Sedarim u-Massekhtot 45r–66v Mafteaḥ la-Muvaʾot min ha-Miqra ba-Talmud u-va-Midrashim17

16 IMHM F 13205; Milikowsky, “Seder ʿOlam,” Vol. 1, 50–52; ShQ, 16 (Hebrew part). 17 Amos Geulah, “Ḥidat mafteaḥ ha-pesuqim she-be-k”y Mosqvah, Ginzberg 1420/7: hazmanah le-bayt ha-yoṣer shel ha-Yalqut Shimʿoni la-Torah,” Tarbiṣ 70, no. 3–4 (2000). preface to the critical edition 83

32 lines to a page. Written in a clear Italian Ashkenazic script, this is , רדאלכבקא a carefully executed manuscript. The margin of fol. 35r notes and fol. 38r contains three lines of superscript that have remained illegible. Two owners, Isaac Heylperin and Salomon Judah Heylperin, are noted on fol. 44v. An additional owner, Moshe Birgel appears on fol. 63v. Some pages are damaged.18 This text is close to LON BETH DIN 28, and serves, as one of the most complete copies of Dorot ʿOlam, as the controlling version of this edition.

Oxford Bodleian 2521 (MS Opp. Add. 4° 162), 16th Century ק Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (1r–13v) and the Midrash on Zechariah (13v–14r). 1r–14r Sefer ha-Qabbalah 14r Midrash on Zechariah 14v–27r ʾIggeret of Rav Sherira 27r–37v Darkhey ha-Talmud 37v–47r Darkhey ha-Nikkud by Moses of London 47r–58v ʿAyn ha-Koreʾ by Moses of London 59r–115r Sefer ha-Yashar la-Ḥakham ha-Yevani Rabbenu Zeraḥyah 115 folios. 31 lines to a page. Written on paper, five-sheet quires (Oriental and Italian practice). Written in Sephardic semi-cursive script, probably in Greece. Some pages cut to size (2, 4, 6, 10, 11, 17, 18, 23). The watermark suggests that the last text originates in North Africa, mid-15th century.19

2. Printed Hebrew Editions

In the following, I list all printed editions that contain significant portions of one or more of the sections of Dorot ʿOlam that are edited in this volume. The descriptions are divided into Hebrew Editions and Bilingual Editions and Translations. The texts are listed according to the year in which they appeared.

18 IMHM F 48486. Benjamin Richler, “Microfilming the Baron Guenzburg Collection of Hebrew Manuscripts in the Russian State Library in Moscow,” Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1/2 (1983–1984): 142–144. 19 IMHM F 22233. Adolf Neubauer, Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and in the College Libraries of Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon, 1886), 906; Malachi Beit- Arié, R.A. May, and A. Neubauer, Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library: Supplement of Addenda and Corrigenda to Vol. 1 (A. Neubauer’s Catalogue): 490; ShQ, 17 (Hebrew part). 84 chapter five

(Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513 ד Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ, Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ, Megillat Taʿanit, Sefer ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad, Zikhron Divrey Romi, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel be-bayit sheni. Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (20r–30r), Zikhron Divrey Romi (30r–31v) and Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (31v–51r). 1–11v Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 11v–13v Seder ʿOlam ve-Zuṭaʾ 14r–19r Megillat Taʿanit 20r–30r Sefer ha-Qabbalah 30r–31r Zikhron Divrey Romi 31v–51r Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel Format 4°, 51 folios. 20cm. Printed by Samuel Latif (fl. in Mantua 1513–1515). The colophon states that Sefer ha-Qabbalah was completed in Mantua on 4 Marheshvan 24, 274,i.e. 5274,or October 19, 1513. This is the first book printed in Mantua by Samuel ben Meir Latif who died soon thereafter.20 The book lacks any ornamentation. Like other Mantua prints, it has no title page or catch words and is unpaginated.21

V Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1545) Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ, Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ, Megillat Taʿanit, Sefer ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Ra”bad, ve yesh boʾ Seder Tanaʾim ve-Amoraiʾm, Zikhron Divrey Romi, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel be-bayyit sheni. Contains Zikhron Divrey Romi (24r–25r), Sefer ha-Qabbalah (25v–33r), Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (33v–61r), the Midrash Zechariah (62r–62v).

20 Samuel Latif is mentioned at the end of the 1514 edition of Sefer ha-Tanya, printed by the same workshop. He was the proofreader for the Soncino editions of Ketubot in 1487 and Gittin in 1488. See Bernhard Friedberg, Toledot ha-defus ha-ʿivri be-medinot ʾIṭalyah, ʾEspanyah-Porṭugal ve-Togarmah (Tel Aviv: Bar Yoda, 1956), 17, n. 15; David W. Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy; Being Chapters in the History of the Hebrew Printing Press (London: Holland, 1963, 1909), 116; Milikowsky, “Seder Olam,” Vol. 1, 7 p. 77, 115. 21 Reprinted as Abraham Ibn Daud, Ḥiburei ha-kronografiyah shel Harabad ha-riʾshon: dfus Mantuba, shnat Veyerahmaḥ [Z”a ve-rahmaḥ]: ḥomer le-shiʿur uletargil “ha-historiografiyah ha-yehudit shel yamey ha-benayim shel Professor Ḥ.H. Ben-Sasson, ed. Haim Hillel Ben- Sasson (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1963/1964); Heller, Sixteenth Century, 33: Vol. 1, 53 has a different numbering than the copy I consulted at the library of the Jewish Theologi- cal Library: 1–13b: Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ; 13b–14a: Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ; 14a–19a: Megillat Taʿanit; 20a–51a: Sefer ha-Qabbalah; Milikowsky, “Seder Olam,” Vol. 1, 76–82. preface to the critical edition 85

2r–15v Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 15v–17v Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ 18r–24r Megillat Taʿanit 24r–25r Zikhron Divrey Romi 25v–33r Sefer ha-Qabbalah 33v–61r Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel 61r–62r ʿEser Galuyot 62r–62v Midrash on Zechariah Book 62 (i.e. 124) p.; 20cm. Two columns at 36 lines a page. Printed by Marco Antonio Giustiniani (fl. 1543–1552) in Venice. The colophon dates the book to the New Moon of Kislev, 5306 or November 6, 1545.22

A Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1711) Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ ve-Megillat Taʿanit ve-Sefer ha-Qab- balah le-ha-Ra”bad ve-Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel be-bayyit sheni ve-Zikhron Divrey Romi. Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah (31v–47v); Zikhron Divrey Romi (48r–49v); Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (50r–77r); Midrash Zechariah (70r–v). 2r–19v Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ 19v–22v Seder ʿOlam ve-Zuṭaʾ 23r–31r Megillat Taʿanit 31v–47v Sefer ha-Qabbalah 48r–49v Zikhron Divrey Romi 50r–77r Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel 77v–79r ʿEser Galuyot 70r–v Midrash on Zechariah Book 79 (i.e. 158) pages. 15cm. Printed by Solomon ben Joseph Proops (d. 1734) in Amsterdam. Proops, a wealthy book seller, was also a prominent printer of Hebrew and Yiddish books and his family remained in the publishing business until the nineteenth century.23

Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (1820) Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ ve-Sefer ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad ve-Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel.

22 Milikowsky, “Seder Olam,” Vol. 1, 83. The title page is printed in EJ (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971) vol. 8, column 559. 23 Milikowsky, “Seder Olam:” vol. 1, 84. 86 chapter five

Contains Sefer ha-Qabbalah and Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel (Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel) Book. 30 folios. Printed in Krakow by Herz B. Shapiro 1820.24

Editions Listing Ibn Daud’s Books on the Title Page without Containing Them: – Sefer Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ, Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ, Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad z”l ve-Seder Malkhey Israʾel. Seyder Oylom, 1785. Printed by Naftali Herz and Aharon Solomon in Krakow. The title mentions Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel, but the book contains only Sefer ha-Qabbalah.25 – Sefer Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ ve-Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad z”l ve-Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel, 1850. Printed in Lvov by Michael F. Poremba. This book contains, according to its title page: “Sefer Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ; Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ; Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad and Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel.”26 This is a copy of the 1820 edition and lists all sections of Dorot ʿOlam, but Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel is omitted in favor of Seder ʿOlam. – Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ ve-Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad z”l ve-Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel, 1877. Printed by Israel Alafin in Warsaw. Contains Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ, Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ, and Sefer ha-Qabbalah. The title page also mentions Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel, but Zikhron Divrey Romi does not appear here.27

3. Bilingual Editions and Translations

For a discussion of these texts, their editors and publishers see also Chap- ter 4.

24 Milikowsky, “Seder Olam:” vol. 1, 85. 25 The text is based on Giustiniani’s edition of Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (Venice). The title page has 5545, but the colophon shows that the book was completed on May 24, 1785. Milikowsky, “Seder Olam:” vol. 1, 84, esp. 118, n. 249. 26 The title page claims Amsterdam as place of publication, and Milikowsky deduces the correct date from a statement made by the printer. This edition has the same contents as the Korets edition from 1785. Milikowsky, “Seder Olam:” vol. 1, 86, 119 n. 257. 27 Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭṭa ve-Seder HaQabbalah le-ha-Rabad z”l ve-Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel, (Warsaw: Israel Alafin, 1877). This edition has the same contents as the Warsaw 1820 edition. Milikowsky, “Seder Olam:” vol. 1, 86. preface to the critical edition 87

M Münster (1529) Shelosh ʿEsreh ʿIqarim. Divrey] םירקיעהרשעשלש : ינשתיבהרבד : תויולגרשע : ha-bayt sheni: ʿEser Galuyot]. Tredecim articuli fidei Iudaeorum: item, Com- pendium elegans historiarum Iosephi, complectens: acta LXX interpretum, gesta Machabeorum, facta Herodum, excidium Hierosolymitanum; item, Decem captivitates Iudæorum / hæc per Sebastianum Munsterum & Hebræis & Latinis legenda exarantur. Contains Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (36–347) in Hebrew and Latin on facing pages. Pagination from left to right: 2–5 Introduction 6–36 Maimonides Thirteen Articles in Hebrew and Latin 36–347 Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel in Hebrew and Latin Pagination from right to left: 347 Some remarks 348–360 ʿEser Galuyot in Hebrew and Latin 364 pages. 16cm. Translated by Sebastian Münster (1489–1552). Printed in Worms by Peter Schöffer or Schoefer.28 Digitized by the National Library of Israel.

Sch Schwyntzer (1530) Josippi Judische Historien. Zum Leser. Was dir weiter in disem büch zewarten sey ( fromer Leser) zeyget an da ander teyl dises blats Wend umb: Ist new transferirt / und im teutschen vor nie gelesen. Contains a German translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. Translated in Strasbourg by Johann or Hans Schwyntzer (d. after 1556).29 The text follows and refers to Sebastian Münster’s 1529 edition.

28 For the publishing activities of the Schöffer family see Roth, Die Mainzer Buchdrucker- familie Schöffer 9: 141; Heller, Sixteenth Century, 33: Vol. 1, xxxv. 29 His name might originate from Schweidnitz, where he was possibly born. It is also spelled Schweinzer, Schwyntzer, Schweinitzer, Schwintzer, Schreyetzern, and Schrvyntzern. l.u., “Schwyntzer, Hans,” 364–365. Kapp, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels bis in das 88 chapter five

W Wolff (1557) Josippus: Ejn kurtzer Auszug vnd Begriff Josephi / des hochberümpten Ge- schichtschreibers / von allem so sich fürnemlich mit den Jüden zugetragen / von der Maccabeer zeit an / bis zur endlichen zerstörung Jerusalems vnd gantzen Jüdischen Reichs / Erstlich durch den hochgelerten Herrn Sebastian Münster / aus dem Ebreischen ins Latin / Jtzt aber Christlichen vnd Gottes- fürchtigen Herzen zu lieb und dinst / durch Georgen Wolffen in gut Teudtsch bracht / Weniglichen nützlich und lieblich zu lessen / Auch Regiments Perso- nen / Geistlichen und Weltlichen wol zubetrachten. Contains a German translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. [4–14] Den Erbarn / fürsichtigen / wolweisen Herrn / Burgermeistern vnd Rathmannen / der Fürstlichen Stadt Oschatz an den Grenzen Oester vnd Meissner Landes gelegen / Meinem günstigen lieben Herrn und forderern [15–16] Christlicher Leser (Introductory remarks) [16–17] Von dem Herrn Jesu Christo [18–95] Josippus. Das Erste Teil des Buchs Josippi / von den Handlungen der LXX Dolmetschen / und den manlichen Thaten der Maccabeer / bis auff Herodem den grossen [96–167] Das Ander Teil des Buchs Josippi / von Herode und seinen Thaten auch allen dieses Namens biss auff Vespasianum [167–222] Das Dritte Teil Josippi / von Vespasiano / der den rechten Jüdischen Krieg angefangen / vnd die zerstörung des Reichs Jerusalem / Und alles durch seinen Son Titum vollendet hat. 222 folios, no page numbers. Translated by Georg Wolff von Grimma (fl. 1530–1561).30 Printed in Ursel by Nikolaus Heinrich the Elder (c. 1530–1600).31 Digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.32 The text follows and refers to Sebastian Münster’s 1529 edition.

siebzehnte Jahrhundert: 315; Steinschneider, Geschichtsliteratur der Juden: 47; Winter, Die jüdische Litteratur seit Abschluss des Kanons: 310. 30 Fürst notes an insertion from Philo’s De Temporibus on p. 221. Julius Fürst, Bibliotheca Judaica: bibliographisches Handbuch der gesammten jüdischen Literatur mit Einschluss der Schriften über Juden und Judenthum und einer Geschichte der jüdischen Bibliographie nach alfabetischer Ordnung der Verfasser (Leipzig: W. Engelmann, 1849–1851), vol. 2, 15. 31 Manfred Knopp, Nicolaus Henricus und Cornelius Sutor: Bürger und Drucker zu Ursel (Oberursel: Magistrat der Stadt Oberursel, 1964).2 32 http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0002/bsb00022290/images/index.html?fip=193 .174.98.30&id=00022290&seite=1. preface to the critical edition 89

Reprinted: Ursel, 1560 by Nikolaus Heinrich. Magdeburg, 1561 by Wolfgang Kirchner or Kirchener (d. 1593).33 Digitized by SUB Göttingen.

M Morwen (1558) A Compendious and Most Marueilous History of the Latter Tymes of the Iewes Commune Weale Beginnynge Where the Bible or Scriptures Leaue, and Con- tinuing to the Vtter Subuersion and Laste Destruction of That Countrey and People: Written in Hebrew by Ioseph Ben Gorion, a Noble Man of the Same Countrey, Who Sawe the Most Thinges Him Selfe, and was Aucthor and Doer of a Great Part of the Same.34 Contains an English translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel (partially). 2–7 Letter to the Reader 8–135 The siege of Hierusalem 48–80 The estate of the Herodians 80 The wars of the Jews 81 The estate of the Ievves 82–285 The battails of the Ievves 135–192 The Historye of the siege of Hierusalem 193–285 An oration of Iosephus to the Citisins of Hierusalem 286–290 The ten captiuities [8], cclxxviii, [1] leaves. Translated by Peter Morwen or Morvvyng. Printed for Richard Iugge (c. 1517–1577), dwellyinge at the northe dore of Paules, at the signe of the Bible.35 The book has some decorated initials and an image of the siege of Jerusalem on fol. i (p. 7). This text inserts a passage about Jesus on fol. 68 and ceases to use Ibn Daud on fol. 59 (i.e. 69). The first and many of the following editions have been digitized by Early English Books Online.

33 Lülfing, “Kirchner, Wolfgang,” 656. 34 Wolf, “First Book,” 231, n. 2. Isaac Landman, The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia … an Authoritative and Popular Presentation of Jews and Judaism Since the Earliest Times (New York: The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, 1939), Vol. 6, 210; Vol. 39, p. 170; also Clarissa P. Farrar and Austin P. Evans, Bibliography of English Translations from Medieval Sources, ed. Austin P. Evans, Records of Civilization Sources and Studies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946), 272, n. 2298. 35 H.R. Tedder and Joyce Boro, “Jugge, Richard (c.1514–1577),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 90 chapter five

Morwen follows and refers to Sebastian Münster’s 1529 edition. Reprinted: London, 1561 by Rycharde Iugge in Paules Churche yarde London, 1567 by Richard Iugge in Powles Church yarde London, 1575 by Richard Iugge, printer to the Queenes Maiestie by Newgate marget (sic) next vnto Christes Churche London, 1575 by William Seres (d. 1579) London, 1575 (i.e. 1579) by Joan Jugge (d. 1588) Iohan Iugge’s widow, dwelling neare vnto Christes Churche London, 1575 (1579) by John Wallie or Wallly London, 1593 by James Roberts (c. 1540, d. 1618)36 for Thomas Adames, dwelling in Paules Church-yarde, ouer against the great north doore London, 1596 by V. Sims, for Thomas Adams (1701–1784), dwelling Paules Church- yard, ouer against the great North doore37 London, 1602 by (Richard Reade?) for Thomas Adams, dwelling in Paules Churchyard, ouer-against the great north doore London, 1608 by Thomas Adams, dwelling in Paules Church-yard, ouer against the great North doore London, 1615 by (T. Creede for) Thomas Adams, dwelling in Pauls Church-yard, at the signe of the bell London, 1671 by John Sims, at the sign of the Kings head at Sweethings Alley end in Cornhil, next the Royal Exchange London, 1673 by William Thackeray in Duck-lane, near Smith-field London, 1688 by William Thackeray, to be sold by James Gilbertson at the Sun and Bible on London-Bridge

Lepusculus (1559) Iosippvs de bello Iudaico: Deinde decem Iudæorum captiuitates & Decalo- gus cum eleganti commentariolo Rabbi Aben Esra. Hisce accesserunt Col- lectanea aliquot, quae Sebastianus Lepusculus Basiliensis colligebat … Omnia Hebraicolatina. Cum Gratia et priuilegio Caesareo ad quinquennium. Contains a “corrected” version of Sebastian Münster’s Latin text of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel.38 2 Table of contents 3–20 Dedicatory letter to Severinus Ertzberger

36 F.M. O’Donoghue and Tina Fiske, “Roberts, James (b. 1753, d. in or after 1809),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 37 A.B. Grosart and D. Bruce Hindmarsh, “Adam, Thomas (1701–1784),” in Oxford Encyclo- pedia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 38 Lepusculus explains that “quantum fieri posset, correctior,” Iosippvs de Bello Ivdaico, 3. preface to the critical edition 91

1–275 Historiarum Iosephi elegans compendium 276–287 ʿEser Galuyot—Decem Captivitatis 289–343 Decem praecepta cum expositione sapientissimi Rabbi Aben Ezra. ‘Col- lectanea’ include selections from Pirke Abot in Hebrew and Latin, with Latin commentary. 23, (1), 96, 234 (i.e. 342), (1) p.; 15cm. Published by Sebastian Lepusculus (1501–1576) in Basel. The printer was Heinrich Petri (1508–1579), his name name can be deduced from the colophon on p. 343.39

H Howell (1652) The vvonderful, and most deplorable history of the latter times of the Jews, and of the city of Hierusalem. Beginning where the Holy Scriptures do end. Written first in Hebrew, and now made more methodical and corrected of sundry errors. 1652. London: Printed for John Stafford, and are to be sold at the George at Fleet-bridge, and by Humphrey Moseley at the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church-yard. Contains an English translation of Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel. 1–8 Dedication 8–10 A brief Description of Asia, and the Holy Land 11–109 The Warres of the Jews 111–223 The Second Book. Containing the history of the siege of Ierusalem 224–227 The Ten Captivities of the Jewes 227–228 A Corollary 228–232 A Table and brief Description of the chief places mentioned in the history of Josephus (16), 432, (8) p. 4 leaves of plates: ill., port. Translated by James Howell. Printed in London for John Stafford. The portrait of Josephus Ben-Gorion on the title page is signed: Iohn Stafford Excudit. There are additional illustrations: several illustrated initials, a portrait of Asia on the last page of the Epistle Dedicatory, and illustrations of war machines on the opening pages of the Warres of the Jewes.40 Howell ceases using Ibn Daud on p. 109 at the same instance as Morwen. The first and many of the following editions have been digitized by Early English Books Online.

39 Described in Prijs, Basler Drucke: 151–153. 40 Howell (1652), 1. 92 chapter five

Reprinted: London, 1652 by John Stafford, and are to be sold … by Humphrey Moseley London, 1653 by William Thackeray in Duck-lane, near Smith-field London, 1662 by Christopher Eccleston, to be sold at his shop in St. Dunstance Church-yard London, 1669 by John Syms, to be sold at his shop in Bishops-gate street at the Entrance into Gresham College London, 1671 by John Sims at the sign of the Kings head at Sweethings Alley end in Cornhil, next the Royal Exchange London, 1673 by William Thackeray in Duck-lane, near Smith-field London, 1678 by William Thackeray in Duck-lane, near Smith-field London, 1681 by William Thackeray London, 1682 by E. Vize and J. Phillips London, 1684 by William Thackeray in Duck-lane, near Smith-field London, 1688 by W. Thackeray, are to be sold by James Gilbertson at the Sun and Bible on London-Bridge London, 1689 by William Thackeray, London London, 1694 by J. Wilde for J. Thackeray London, 1698 London, 1699 by W. Wilde; H. Rhodes, at the Star, the Corner of Bride-Lane in Fleet street London, 1706 by H. Rhodes Boston, 1718 (1722) by John Allen (c. 1660–1723), for the bookseller Nicholas Boone (1679–1738) at the Sign of the Bible in Cornhill, 171841 Leominster, Mass., 1803 by Adams & Wilder for Isaiah Thomas Bellow Falls, Vt. 1819 by Bill Blake & Company42

Z Zeller (1724) -Zikhron Divrey Romi] seuCommemora] ימורירבדןורכז .R.AbrahamibenDior tio Rerum Romanarum: Ab U. C. usque ad tempora Muchammedis. Latinitate donavit & notis historicis quibus vel corrigitur, vel illustrator Auctor, instruxit & amplificavit Andr. Christoph. Zeller, Mulifontanus.

41 The title page is dated 1718, but as an inserted bookseller’s advertisement is dated to 1722, Wolf suggested that the 1718 publication date was deferred because of the publication of a competing 1719 edition of The Wars. See Wolf, “First Book,”, 340; Robert Singerman, Judaica Americana: A Bibliography of Publications to 1900, vol. 1, Union List of Nineteenth-Century, Jewish Serials Published in the United States (New York: Greenwood, 1990), 0020. Discussed, with reproduction of illustrations from the Boston, 1719, that is, 1718 [1722] edition in Barbara E. Lacey, From Sacred to Secular: Visual Images in Early American Publications, The University of Delaware Press Studies in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2007), 93–97, although the book is not attributed to Ibn Daud. 42 For Bill Blake and his company see Duffy, Hand, and Orth, “Blake, Bill,” 58. preface to the critical edition 93

Contains the Brief History of the Kings of Rome in Hebrew with facing Latin translation on the same page. Dedications to Johann Osiander, Suicard Weinreich, and Wilhelm Eber- haber Praefatio 1–167 Zikhron Divrey Romi in a Latin-Hebrew edition 156–161 Excursus: Testamentum & Practiones. Initiæ inter Mahmedem, Apos- tolum Dei, & Christianem fidei cultores INDEX RERUM PRÆCIPUARUM (8), 194 pages, 17cm. Edited and translated into Latin by Andreas Christoph Zeller (1684–1743). Printed by Mezler & Erhard in 1724 in Stuttgart, heavily annotated in Latin, with Greek, Hebrew, and German quotes. The book has a few decorations, such as flowers to the left and right of the page numbers, a flower still life on p. 167 and an abstract illustration on the last page. Digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. This text follows the editio princeps.43

4. The Hebrew Text of This Edition

Dorot ʿOlam is a remarkably stable text, and while the extant texts can be divided into two distinct textual traditions, few genuine variants occur. The first group, Group [A] consists of LON BETH DIN 28, LON MON 474, MOS 1420, PARIS BN 585, NY JTS 2274, OX 2799, PHIL UP HB 13, and PARMA 2420. Among these texts, LON BETH DIN 28 and MOS 1420 are particularly close. A second textual tradition [B] is made up of OX OPP. ADD. 2521, PARMA 2298, and the lost Epstein manuscript, all partial copies. Cohen— who had access to a list of variants in Epstein—suggested that OX OPP.ADD. 2521 and Epstein either rested on a third (lost) manuscript or that OX OPP. ADD. 2521 should be seen as a copy of Epstein.44 Since MOS 1420 is the most complete text that is not a copy of the editio princeps, and close to LON BETH DIN 28, one of the oldest surviving texts, I have used it as my main text. Folio numbers in the text correspond to those in MOS 1420. Wherever necessary, for instance because of material damage to a page, the text has been supplemented, and this is indicated in square brackets.

43 Zeller (1724), 1–2. 44 ShQ, 17 (Hebrew). 94 chapter five

There is no agreement concerning the sequence of the individual sections, although the positions of Sefer ha-Qabbalah and of the Midrash on Zechariah seem fixed. They mostly appear in first and last place respectively, while Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel and Zikhron Divrey Romi switch positions depending on the text.45 This edition adheres to the order of the editio princeps in which the texts are best known to readers of all ages: Zikhron Divrey Romi (preceded by Sefer ha-Qabbalah), Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, and Midrash on Zechariah. This sequence is supported by PARMA 2420, PARIS BN 585, and PHIL UP HB 13. The reverse order of the sections edited here—Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, Zikhron Divrey Romi of Rome, Midrash on Zechariah—is supported by HALB 474, LON BETH DIN 28, and NY JTS 2274. The first printed edition of Mantua (c. 1513) is based on traditions represented by PARMA 2420 and MOS 1420. All following printed editions are based on this edition.46 PHIL UP HB 13, and NY JTS 2274 depend on the printed text and are less relevant for the compilation of our text, although their variants are generally listed. The Hebrew text has three types of critical notes. The first apparatus contains allusions to biblical and rabbinic literature. The remaining notes are devoted to text-critical issues. The second apparatus notes variants of all Hebrew manuscripts and the following: the Hebrew printed editions of Mantua (1513), Venice (1545), and Amsterdam (1710), as well as the Hebrew texts in Sebastian Münster (1529) and Andreas Zeller’s edition of Zikhron Divrey Romi (1724). A third apparatus refers to the English, German, and Latin material and considers Sebastian Münster’s Latin text, (1529), the German translations by Hans Schwyntzer (1530) and Georg Wolff (1557) as well as the English renderings carried out by Peter Morwen (1558) and James Howell (1652), and Andreas Zeller’s Latin, Greek, and German comments in Zikhron Divrey Romi (1724). Variants of a purely orthographical nature, such as plene or defective writings, are not registered unless they represent genuine alternatives. Also largely omitted are obvious copying errors or corrections added in by the scribe of the text (that is, by the same hand), or phrases repeated at the opening and end of a page. Yet,wherever these variants represent significant differences in the meaning of the text, this is pointed out in both the Hebrew and the English texts. No note is taken of different numbering systems

45 MOS 1420 has Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Divrey Malkhey Yisraʾel, Midrash on Zechariah, and Zichron Divrey Romi. 46 Richler, Parma: 475–476; ShQ, 16 (Hebrew part). preface to the critical edition 95 as long as their numerical value remained identical. Chapter headings in square brackets have been added.

5. The English Translation and Commentary

Hebrew is Ibn Daud’s second or third language, and Dorot ʿOlam, while at times immensely readable, is not great literature. He wrote in a Hebrew idiom that is heavily indebted to the narrative sections of the Bible, with a fondness for rabbinic Hebrew. The register of his language changes from section to section, at times even within individual books. My goal is to preserve the character of Ibn Daud’s language, and I hope that my translation allows the reader to gain a glimpse at Ibn Daud’s language without diminishing the works’ readability. The translation permits me to discuss what is happening in the Hebrew, not only for specialists who can read the original, but also for readers who have limited or no access to Hebrew. For that reason, I have transliterated and translated every Hebrew phrase or word discussed in the commentary. In the case of personal names, I have tried to preserve Ibn Daud’s partic- ularities. Wherever there is a familiar English equivalent, I have used it. But where Ibn Daud differs significantly from the one commonly known to readers, I use his version, indicating the more familiar form in square brackets. The text rarely offers headings, and all chapter headings in square brackets have been added by me. Two types of commentary accompany the English text. A first apparatus lists literary references and indicates how other texts, especially the Bible but, also historical works widely read in twelfth-century Iberia, have shaped Ibn Daud’s language and thought. Since it is unclear which version of these books he read—not even their language has always been conclusively identified—I usually refer to standard editions to illustrate where and, if possible, to what purpose Ibn Daud adapted material from his sources. One of Ibn Daud’s main texts was Sefer Josippon, for instance, quoted here mostly according to David Flusser’s 1978 edition that guides the reader to other versions of Josippon. In addition, although Ibn Daud, like the rest of medieval Jewry, did not read Josephus Flavius, I reference the Antiquities and the Jewish Wars. The second commentary elucidates Ibn Daud’s interpretation of history. For that reason, I have sometimes included references to the events described in the text. This apparatus also indicates important variants in the Hebrew text. SIGLA

* obscured letter | additional variants located in additional manuscripts > a phrase has been changed: A > B means that A was changed to B >> … << an alternation or insertion in a second hand > …. < an alternation or insertion in the scribal hand H Howell, The vvonderful, and most deplorable history (London, 1652) LON BETH DIN 28 London, Beth Din and Beth Hamidrash 28 MON 474 London Montefiore Library 474 (m.) an alteration or insertions located in the text’s margin M Morwen, A Compendious and most Marueilous History, Lon- don, 1558 MOS 1420 Moscow, Russian State Library, Ms. Guenzburg 1420 Mü Münster, Shelosh ʿEsreh ʿIqarim (Worms, 1529) NY JTS 2274 New York, Jewish Theological Seminary 2274 OX OPP. ADD. 2521 Oxford, Bodleian 2521 OX 2799 Oxford, Bodleian Library Ms. Heb e.8 (OX 2799 Cat. Neubauer) PARIS BN 585 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Heb. 585 PARMA 2298 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2298 PARMA 2420 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2420 PHIL UP HB 13 Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania HB 13 Sch Schwyntzer, Josippi Judische Historien (Strasbourg, 1530) Tem Temurah V Seder ʿOlam Rabba (Venice, c. 1545) W Wolff, Josippus: Ejn kurtzer Auszug vnd Begriff Josephi (Ursel, 1557) Z Zeller, Zikron Divre Romi (Stuttgart, 1724) (Oxford, Bodleian Library Ms. Heb e.8 (OX 2799 Cat. Neubauer ב (Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513 ד New York, Jewish Theological Seminary 2274 ו Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Heb. 585 ח Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania HB 13 ט London, Beth Din and Beth Hamidrash 28 ל Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2420 ס London, Montefiore Library 474 ע Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2298 פ Moscow, Russian State Library, Ms. Guenzburg 1420 צ Oxford, Bodleian 2521 ק PART TWO

DOROT ʿOLAM זכרון דברי רומי מיום בנותה עד תחלת מלכות ישמעאל

[1. מיסוּד רומי עד ימי ברוטוס]

כרך גדול של רומי בנוהו שני ְשׁלישים אחים. הגדול שמו רומלוש והשני רמלש בנוהו בשנת שש לחזקיהו מלך יהודה. והוסיפו בשנת החמה ב׳ חדשים מאיה ופירושו גדול 5 ויוניה ופירושו קטן כי לפניהם שנת החמה ח׳ חדשים היתה נחלקת. ורומלוש הגדול קשר על אחיו רמלש ויכהו וימת. ולאחר מות רומלוש מלכו בה מלכים עצומים כמו ר״י שנה עד שנת בניין בית שני בימי ארתחשסתא מלך פרס. היה ברומי מלך עז ושמו טורכיוש

Isa 19:4 [מלך עז 2Sam 1:15 7 [ויכהו וימת bShab 56b; bMeg 6b 6 [כרך גדול של רומי 3

1 זכרון] +וזה זכרון דחטסAV 1 בנותה] הבנותה חטסAV 3 שלישים] > שלישים< ח הוסף בשוליים 3 רומלוש] רומילוש טס | רומולוש דחAV 3 רמלש] ראמלוש דחטסAV 3 בנוהו] בנאוהו חטסA | בנאהו ד 4 מאיה] מאייו דחטלספAV 5–4 ופירושו גדול ויוניו] -ל 5 ויוניו] ויונייו דחטלספAV | ופירושו גדול ויוניו]-ט 5 ח׳] לח׳ דחטסAV 6 רמלש] רומולוש ח | רימולוש ד 7 שנת]-ח 7 ארתחשסתא] ארתאששתא ח | הארתחששתא טV | ארתשסתא דסלפ 7 היה ברומי מלך עז] היה ברומי עז מלך דחטסA 7 היה] היו צ 7 טורכיוש] טורכיוס דחטסAV | טורטוש ל THE CHRONICLE OF ROME FROM THE DAY OF ITS FOUNDATION TO THE RISE OF THE KINGDOM OF ISHMAEL1

[1. The Beginnings of Rome until Brutus]2

The great city of Rome was built by two generals who were brothers. 5 The elder was named Romulus, and the younger Remulus [Remus].3 They built it in the sixth year of [the reign of] Hezekiah, King of Judea.4 They added two months to the solar year: May, meaning ‘big,’ and June, meaning ‘small,’ for until then, the solar year had been divided into eight months.5 Then Romulus the elder conspired against his brother Remulus and struck 10 him down, and he died. After the death of Romulus, powerful kings ruled for approximately 210 years until the year of the construction of the

5 The great city of Rome] bShab 56b; bMeg 6b; Naḥmanides, “Sefer ha-geʾulah,” 284; ShQ, 225 10–11 struck him down and he died] 2Sam 1:15

1 Medieval Jewish writers often used Ishmael as a generic term for Muslims or Islam, see Steinschneider, Polemische und apologetische Literatur, 6/3: 256–258 and Krauss, “Die hebräischen Benennungen,” 396–397. 2 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 4.87–95; 226–229. Discussed in chap. 2. 3 ‘Remulus’ is a wide-spread variant for ‘Remus;’ see Orosius, Adv. Pag., 2.4.1. For the foundation of Rome by Remus and Romulus in rabbinic literature see mTeh (Buber) 17:12, EstR (Buber) 3:5; GenR (Buber) 49:9, GenR (Theodor/Albeck) 49:25. Abraham Sulzbach, “Die Romulussage in Talmud und Midrasch,” in Jahrbuch für jüdische Geschichte und Literatur (Berlin: A. Katz, 1899), 75–82; Rieger, “The Foundation of Rome in the Talmud. A Contribution to the Folklore of Antiquity,” 227–235; Krauss, Persia: 14–19. 4 For messianic views of King Hezekiah in rabbinic literature see bBer28b, bSanh 94a, bSanh 99a, and Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (Milikowsky), 23.14–25. The connection between the foundation of Rome and King Hezekiah also appears in Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 37; Augustine, City of God, chap. 22 and Orosius, Adv. Pag., 2:4 Mireille Hadas-Lebel, “Hezekiah as King Messiah; Traces of an Early Jewish-Christian Polemic in the Tannaitic Tradition,” in Jewish Studies at the Turn of the Twentieth Century; Proceedings of the 6th EAJS Congress, Toledo, July 1998, ed. Judit Targarona Borrás (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 275–281. Cohen suggests that Ibn Daud alludes to the fall of Samaria in the sixth year of Hezekiah, described in 2Kgs 18:9–10 and the Midrash ʿEser Galuyot, ShQ, 226–227. 5 Discussed in Baer, “Sefer Yosifon ha-ʿivri,” 194, n. 24 and Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289; Hüttig, Macrobius im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Commentarii in SomniumScipionis. See Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.3–21; Isidore, ChronicaMaiora, 153; Sefer Josippon (Flusser) Vol. 2, 25–26 n. 64, 38 n. 96. זכרון דברי רומי 100

והכביד את עולו על כל יושבי רומי עד אשר קצו בחייהם מפניו. ויקשרו עליו קשר ונקהלו ועמוד על נפשם ויבריחוהו מן הארץ. ולא די שהסירוהו עד שנשבעו כולם וקיימו וקבלו עליהם ועל זרעם שלא ימלוך ברומי מלך לעולם כי יועצים היו להם שלש מאות ועשרים ולמעלה מכולם זקן אחד.

5 ויעמידו זקן ושמו ברוטש וש״כ יועצים נקראים בלשונם קנשאליוש. וישפוט ברוטש זה משפטי צדק. וזקן זה ויועצים אלו שולחים שלישים מתחת ידם להלחם עם כל הגוים אשר סביבותיהם. ובמות הזקן היו מעמידים גדול שביועצים תחתיו.

ויקשרו עליו … 2Chr 25:27; 2Kgs 14:19 1–2 [ויקשרו עליו קשר cf. Gen 27:46 1 [קצו בחייהם 1 [וישפוט ברוטש זה משפטי צדק Esth 9:27 5–6 [וקבלו עליהם ועל זרעם Esth 9:16 2–3 [על נפשם Deut 16:18

1 עד אשר קצו] ויקוצו דחטAV 2 וקיימו]-ל 5 ברוטש] ברונש ט | ברוניש דחטסVA | ברומיש פ 5 קנשאליוש] קונשיליירוש דחספVA | קונשייליירוש ט chronicle of rome 101

Second Temple in the days of the Persian King Artaxerxes.6 There was a ruthless king in Rome, named Turcius [Tarquinius].7 He oppressed the Romans until, because of him, they were disgusted with their lives. A conspiracy was formed against him; they assembled, fought for their lives, and chased him out of the country. Not only did they remove him, but they 5 undertook and irrevocably obligated themselves and their descendants that no king would ever again rule in Rome, for they had 320 senators headed by an elder.8 They appointed an elder named Brutus,9 as well as 320 senators, called consulius in their language. Brutus governed with due justice. This elder 10 and the senators appointed generals to fight all the surrounding nations. When the elder died, they appointed the most prominent man amongst the senators to serve in his place.

2 ruthless king] Isa 19:4 3 they were disgusted with their lives] cf. Gen 27:46 3–4 A conspiracy was formed against him] 2Chr 25:27; 2Kgs 14:19 4 they assembled and fought for their lives] Esth 9:16 5–6 they undertook and irrevocably obligated themselves and their descendants] Esth 9:27 10 governed with due justice] Deut 16:18

6 Jerusalem was fortified during the reign of Artaxerxes (Ezra 7:7, 11, 21; 8:1), either Artaxerxes I Makrokheir or Longimanus (r. 465–425bce) or Artaxerxes II Mnemon (r. 404 to 359bce). For the use of 210 see ShQ, 2.52, 225. Pseudo-Orosius divides the periods of government in a similar way, Levi Della Vida, “La traduzione araba,” 280 n. 1. 7 Lucius Tarquinius Priscus (r. 616–579bce), the legendary last king of Rome, was unseated by an uprising in 509bc that led to the establishment of the Roman republic. Beginning with Tarquinius, Ibn Daud evaluates rulers according to their adherence to communal consensus and religious righteousness, although the latter plays a larger role when he assesses Jewish leadership in DMY. For the name see Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. 8 Ibn Daud compares the Roman struggle against tyranny with the struggle against Haman in the Book of Esther, the official at the court of Ahasuerus who resented the Jews. For this usage see Kohut 4:170; Abraham Even-Shoshan, Ha-milon he-ḥadash 7:1061 and bAZ 8b; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 10.14.503c; Augustine, City of God, 18.22; Isidore of Seville, Chronicon, 35, 43. 9 Lucius Junius Brutus (fl. 6th c. bce), the legendary founder of the Roman republic. See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. Identified as “Brunis seu Bruti” in Zeller (1723), 24. זכרון דברי רומי 102

[2. מלכות יוליוס קיסר]

ככה עשו כמו ק״ע שנה. עד אשר נולד יוליוס אשר הזכרנו ונקרא שמו קיסר כי קצוצה היתה אמו. וישלחהו הזקן למלחמותיו וכל אשר עשה הצליח. ובשובו אל רומי בחזקה ירא ממנו הזקן והיועצים ויתייעצו אשר לא יבא קיסר אל רומי אך יעמוד חוצה לעיר 5 ויעשה ככל אשר יצוהו הזקן וילך אל כל אשר ישלחהו. ויוליוס כאשר בא ולא הובא אל רומי החזיק מלחמתו על העיר עד אשר כבשה. ויך את הזקן ואת יועציו וימיתם ואת כל גדולי העיר וטוביהם וימלוך בחזקה. וילחם את פפמיוס השליש אשר שלחו הזקן אל ארץ המערב כי כשמעו כי הכה יוליוס את הזקן ואת יועציו

cf. 1Kgs 16:10 [ויך את הזקן ואת יועציו וימיתם Cf. Gen 39:3 6–7 [וכל אשר עשה הצליח 3

2 כמו]-דחטסVA 2 אשר נולד] שנולד דחטסVA 2 יוליוס] יוליאוס דחטסAV 2 אשר הזכרנו] -דחטסVA 5 ככל] בכול חט 5 אשר] >יצוו< ס 6 על] אל דחטסVA 7 פפמיוס] פמפיוס חפVA | מפמיוס ד 8 כי הכה] שהכה דחטVA 8 את] אל ח 8 ואת יועציו] דחטסVA chronicle of rome 103

[2. The Reign of Julius Caesar]10

They were ruled in this manner for approximately 170 years until the birth of the previously mentioned Julius, who was called Caesar because his mother was Cetsutsah [i.e. dissected].11 The elder sent him to fight his wars and he had success in all that he undertook. When he returned to Rome 5 in all his might, the elder and the senators feared him. They took counsel that Caesar should not enter Rome, but should rather remain outside the city, and that he would do as ordered by the elder and would go wherever he was sent. When Julius arrived and was not brought to Rome, he waged war 10 against the city until he had conquered it. He struck down and killed the elder and the senators, along with all the magnates and aristocrats in the city, and he ruled with a heavy hand. When General12 Popmey [Pompey]13—whom the elder had sent to the western land—heard that Julius had killed the elder and the senators, he proceeded against him with 15

5 he had success in all he undertook] cf. Gen 39:3 11–12 he struck down and killed] cf. 1Kgs 16:10

10 Gaius Julius Caesar (100–44bce), the Roman leader and general, opens the chronography of Roman and Spanish emperors. This is closely modeled on Orosius and Isidore who both construct their chronicles around the reigns of Roman emperors. See Orosius, Adv. Pag., 6.16–17; Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 232–234; Malalas, Chronicle, 113–115; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 38. A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 4.110–129. Discussed at length in Zeller (1724), 25–33. 11 This association rests on an onomatopoeic association of ‘Caesar’ with Hebr. qaṣaṣ to cut.’ Similarly Pliny, Natural History Book 7, 7. The attribution of this episode to an‘ ,( ץצק ) individual appears in Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 9.3.12 and Malalas, Chronicle, 113–115. See Karl-Ludwig Elvers and Helmuth Schneider, “Iulius,” in Brill’s New Pauly: Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World: Antiquity, ed. Hubert Cancik (Leiden: Brill, 2002); David Flusser, “‘Josippon’, a Medieval Hebrew Version of Josephus,” in Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity ed. Louis H. Feldman and Gohei Hata (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), 391, 97 n. 16; Zeitlin, “Josippon,” 289; Levi Della Vida, “La traduzione araba,” 279 n. 71. Already Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin (Shamir), 247. 12 For this use see Naḥmanides, “Sefer ha-geʾulah,” 284; Even-Shoshan, Milon: 7:2707. 13 Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (r. 106–84bc), a Roman general and triumvir with Julius Caesar and Crassus, and called Popmey in MOS 1420. Georgius Wolff takes note of Ibn Daud’s unusual varients and explains: “Zum anderen so hab ich gemeiniglich die eigenen oder Tuffnamen der Fürsten und Herrn / oder andern Personen … gesetzt … Nachdem ich gemeindt / das es am bequemlichsten were / weil Josippus darinn etwas enderung helt / Als Pompeium nennet er Pampium etc.” Wolff (1557), Christlicher Leser [15–16]. A parallel account can be found in DMY, p. 21917–23. זכרון דברי רומי 104

הלך אליו בחיל ובפרשים. ויכהו יוליוס וימיתהו ותכון מלכות יוליוס. אחרי כן קשר עליו כסיאו שלישו והוא משתחוה בית שיקוצו.

[3. מאוגוסטוס עד אדריינוס]

ויבא אל רומי לנקום נקמתו אכתבינוס אגוסטוס בן אחיו וינס כסיאו מפניו וימלוך 5 אגוסטוס בן אחיו נ״ו שנים וימת. ועל שם יוליוס ואגוסטוס הוסיפו רומיים בשנת החמה חדש יוליה וחדש אגושטה ועלתה שנתם י״ב חדש. וימלוך תחתיו טיבריש כ״ג שנה והיה מלך צדק וימת. וימלוך תחתיו גיוש ד׳ שנים וימת. וימלוך תחתיו בלאודיש ד׳ שנים וימת. ובימי בלאודיש זה העלה הים שירטון ונראה בו 10 אי ארכו י״ב מיל ולא היה לפנים הלא הוא באיי יון.

Gen [וימלוך תחתיו … שנה Judg 9:40 7 [וינס כסיאו מפניו 2Sam 1:15 4 [ויכהו יוליוס וימיתהו 1 36:6

1 אחרי כן] אחר כך A | ואחר כן ס 2 כסיאו] כאסיאו טספV 4 אכתבינוס אגוסטוס] אכטביאנוס אגושטוש דחAV 5 שנים] שנה דחטלA | שנים -V 6 יוליה] לוליו דחטV | יוליו פסA 6 וחדש]-ל 6 אגושטו] אגושטו דוחטסVA 7 טיבריש] תיביריש דAV | תיבריש ל | טיביריש חס 7 כ״ג]-ל 7 שנה] שנים דחטA 9 בלאודיש] בלאוריש דחלסAV 9 וימת]-ל 9 שירטון] שרטון דחטספAV 9 ונראה] -ל

Mare Sardonium Z [הים שירטון 9 chronicle of rome 105 his band of soldiers and horsemen. Julius struck down and killed him, and established the Julian rule. Then his general, Cassius,14 conspired against him, as he was worshipping in his house of abomination.

[3. From Augustus to Hadrian]15

When Octavian Augustus,16 Caesar’s nephew, came to Rome to take 5 revenge, Cassius had to flee before him. Caesar’s nephew Augustus ruled for 56 years, and then he died.17 On account of Julius and Augustus, the Romans added the months July and August to the solar year, and the number of their months increased to twelve. Tiberius18 succeeded him as king and ruled for 23 years. He was a 10 righteous king and then he died. Gaius19 succeeded him as king and ruled for four years, and then he died. Blaudius20 [Claudius] succeeded him as king and ruled for four years before he died. During the reign of Blaudius, the sea formed a sandbar,21 15 and an island that was twelve miles long became visible. Nothing like it had ever occurred in the Greek islands.

1 struck him down and killed him] 2Sam 1:15 6 had to flee before him] Judg 9:40 9 cf. Malalas, Chronicle, 187.113. 10 succeded him as king and ruled for] Gen 36:6 et al.

14 Gaius Cassius Longinus (d. 42bce), a Roman general, and a co-conspirator in the plot against Julius Caesar. A parallel account can be found in DMY, p. 11513–17. 15 Ibn Daud’s chronography is, especially from Tiberius onwards, influenced by the language of Genesis, e.g. Gen 36:33. See Orosius, Adv. Pag. 7.6, 7.8–11, 7.27; Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 235–268. 16 Octavian Augustus (r. 27bce–14ce), the first Roman emperor. 17 52 years in ShQ, 4.120 where Cohen suggests that Ibn Daud used an Arabic text -his paternal uncle’ or ‘stepfather.’ See Albert de Biberstein‘ ,( ﻪﲻ ) calling Julius ʿammuhu Kazimirski, Dictionnaire arabe-français: contenant toutes les racines de la langue arabe, leurs dérivés, tant dans l’idiome vulgaire que dans l’idiome littéral, ainsi que les dialectes d’Alger et de Maroc, (Paris: Barrois, 1846), 2:358 and Levi Della Vida, “La traduzione araba,” 273 n. 3. 18 Tiberius (r. 14–37ce), a step-son of Octavian Augustus and one of Rome’s greatest generals. For a parallel acount see DMY, p. 28718–20. 19 Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, better known as Caligula (r. 37–41), Tibe- rius’ grand-nephew and adopted grandson. See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289; DMY, p. 31111. 20 Claudius (r. 41–54) was a gifted admininstrator. He was co-consul with his nephew Caligula (37), and declared emperor by the Praetorian Guard after Caligula’s assassination. See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. A parallel account can be found in DMY, p. 28911. Translated as “Beloris, seu Claudius” in Zeller (1724), pp. 40–41. 21 Translated as “Mare Sardonium” in Zeller (1724), 41. זכרון דברי רומי 106

וימלוך תחתיו נירון י״ד שנה וימת. וימלוך תחתיו גילבא ורומיים קוראין אותו קליקא קיסר. וימלוך [שנה] אחת ויכוהו רומיים וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו אספסינוס קיסר עשר שנים ובימיו חרב הבית על ידי טיטוס חורגו וימת 5 אספסינוס. וימלוך תחתיו טיטוס והיה חכם גדול בחכמת אל מנטק ולשון יון ולשון רומי. והיה שופט בצדק ועל כרחו חרב בית המקדש על דברי פריצי ישראל כאשר הזכרנו. והוא ִחבר

2Sam 1:15 [ויכוהו רומיים וימיתוהו 3–2

2 שנה] +דוחטסVA 4 אספסינוס] אספסיינוס דחטפAV 4 טיטוס חורגו] חורגו טיטוס דחטVA 6 אל מנתק] אלמביק דחטסVA | אל מנטק ל 6 יון ולשון]-ט 7 חרב הבית] נחרב הבית > חרב בית ט 7 חרב] +הבית ל 7 דברי] ידי דחטVA | ידי טיטוס ס 7 הזכרנו] הוזכר ביוסיפון דחטסVA | הוזכרנו ל

6 intelligitur sine dubio ars & scientia Chymica, & Alchymistarum. Esther autem origine sua Arabica, vel potius Indic. Idemque significant ac Alembicum, quod denotat foramen, vel fistulam quondam, per quam aqua Exod balneo effluit, vel in balneum iafluit, vas destillatorium, quo & Chymici uruntur. Anglice: An Allembeck, or still, or stillatory Z chronicle of rome 107

Nero22 succeeded him as king and ruled for 14 years, and then he died. Galba succeeded him as king, whom the Romans called Caligula Cae- sar.23 He governed for one year, and then the Romans struck down and killed him. Vespasian24 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for ten years. 5 During his reign, the Temple was destroyed by his stepson Titus,25 and then he died. Titus succeeded him as king.26 He was well versed in rhetoric,27 as well as in Greek and Latin. He was a righteous judge, and destroyed the Temple against his will on account of the violent Jews, as we previously 10

3–4 struck him down and killed him] 2Sam 1:15

22 Nero (r. 54–68) was the adopted son of his great-uncle Claudius. Parallel accounts can be found in ShQ, 2.160–161 and DMY, p. 28912. Translated as “Privignus” in Zeller (1724), p. 49. 23 Galba (r. 68–69), conflated here with Caligula. A parallel account can be found in DMY, p. 31111–12. 24 Vespasianus (r. 69–79), led the expedition against Judea and founded the Flavian dynasty. Parallel accounts can be found in ShQ, 1.166, 1.203–205, 2.162–163. 25 Titus (r. 79–81), the son of Vespasian, completed the war in Judea. ShQ regards Titus as Vespasian’s stepson (ShQ, 1.193, DMY , p. 2999) or nephew (2999), but also his son according to other instances (ShQ, 2.163 and DMY , p. 29913, 30521, 31313). Lieberman shows that the idea does not originate with Ibn Daud but appears in an earlier source that had reinterpreted the criticism of Titus, Saul Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine. Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950; repr., Second edition), 164–165. For more on his activities see ShQ, 7.297–300, ZDR, p. 1077–1093; DMY, chap. 77–80; MZ, p. 35517. See Sefer Josippon (Hominer); 403–404; Judah Hadassi, Eshkol ha-Kofer, 48b; and already Suetonius, Divus Titus 3, 2. 26 Parallel accounts can be found in ShQ, 1.165, 1.205–209, 2.162–168, 3.52, 7,297; p. 138, 222, 247. ’.logic, rhetoric‘ ,(اﳌ ﻖﻄﻨ ) logic,’ derives from Ar. ʾal-mantiq‘ ( קטנמלא ) Hebr. ʾal-mantiq 27 This varient is preserved in MOS 1420 and LON BETH DIN 28. All other texts have ʾal-maviq logic.’ Translated as “la science de‘ ,(اﳌ ﻖﻄﻨ ) a common misspelling for ʾal-mantiq ,( קיבמלא) -in Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289. Zeller explains “regnavit Titus, qui pertis ” קיבמלא ,l’Alambic -Linguarumque Graeæ & Romanae” and “intellig קיבמלא .simus erat saptientiæ Alchymiæ s itur sine dubio ars&scientiaChymica, &Alchymistarum. Esther autem origine sua Arabica, vel potius Indic. Idemque significant ac Alembicum, quod denotat foramen, vel fistulam quondam, per quam aqua exod balneo effluit, vel in balneum iafluit, vas destillatorium, quo & Chymici uruntur. Anglice: An Allembeck, or still, or stillatory.” Zeller (1724), 49–51. זכרון דברי רומי 108

ספרים | הרבה בחכמת לשון יונים ורומיים וחכמות אחרות וימלוך שנתים ימים וימת. 39r וימלוך תחתיו דמשטיאן ט״ו שנה ויקשור עליו עבדו ויכהו וימיתהו וישלך את נבלתו לכלבים. וימלוך תחתיו נופא קיסר שנה אחת וימת .

5 וימלוך תחתיו אדריינוס קיסר י״ט שנה.

1Kgs 16:10 [ויכהו וימיתהו 2

4 נופא] נופה דחפAV 4 קיסר]-דחטסVA 5 אדריינוס] אדריינוס חל | אדריאנוס ט | אדירייאנוס ס 5 י״ט] ט׳ ח chronicle of rome 109

39r mentioned.28 He composed many | books dealing with the Greek and Roman language, as well as other sciences. He ruled for two years, and then he died. Domitian29 succeeded him as king and ruled for 15 years. His servant conspired against him, struck down and killed him, and threw his corpse 5 to the dogs. Nopa [Nerva]30 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for one year, and then he died. Hadrian31 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for 19 years.

5 struck him down and killed him] 1Kgs 16:10

28 Ibn Daud modifies the rabbinic rejection of Titus (e.g. bGit 56b, ARNB 1:1). For a discussion of Titus and Vespasian in medieval Latin texts that seemingly mirror Talmudic stories see Yuval, “Shared Myths,” 95–98. For Titus in Josephus and Josippon see Yavetz, “Reflections on Titus and Joseph,” 411–432; James S. McLaren, “Josephus on Titus: the Vanquished Writing About the Victor,” in Josephus and Jewish History in Flavian Rome and Beyond, ed. Joseph Sievers and Gaia Lembi, Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 279–295. See also Azariah de Rossi, Light of the Eyes, Section 2. Zeller has a lengthy note on this episode Zeller (1724), 54–63 and refers to Josippon. 29 Titus Flavius Domitianus (r. 81–96). Translated as “Demastian s. Domitianus” in Zeller (1724), 66. 30 Marcus Cocceius Nerva (r. 96–98). Called “Nova s. Nerva” in Zeller (1724), 67. 31 Hadrian (r. 117–138) suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt in Judea and renamed the province Syria Palaestina. Hadrian was an active builder e.g. of the Hadrian’s Wall that marked the northern limit of Roman Britain. See Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 64–65; LamR (Buber) 2; Rossi, Light of the Eyes: section 1. Translated as “Adrianus s. Trajanus” in Zeller (1724), 68. זכרון דברי רומי 110

[4. מרד בני כוזיבא]

ובימי דמשטיאן עמד כוזיבא ובימי נופא ובימי אדריינוס מלך כוזיבא ובנו ובן בנו. ונלחמו מלחמות גדולות עם כל הגוים וגברו על ארץ מצרים. ויתחזק אדריינוס ויעל על ארץ יהודה ויכה את בן כוזיבא וימיתהו וימת עם רב מישראל. לא הצר להם נבוכד נצר ולא 5 טיטוס כאדריינוס. ובימי אדריינוס היו בארץ מופתים כי נבקעה ארץ איסיה ותרדנה ארבע מדינות גדולות וכל יושביה שאולה ותאבדנה מן העולם. וכן בארץ יון שתי מדינות

[נבוכד נצר Num 21:6 4 [עם רב מישראל וימת cf. 1Kgs 16:10 4 [ויכה את בן כוזיבא וימיתהו 4 cf. Ezek 31:17 [ותרדנה ארבע מדינות גדולות וכל יושביה שאולה bSanh 96b 5–6

4 וימיתהו] וימיתה ל 5 כאדריינוס] +קיסר דחטסA 5 איסיה] איסיאה צס | איסיא דחטVA | איסי ל 6 יושביה] יושביהן דחסAV | יושביה ל

Nerva Trajanus Z [אדריינוס 5 chronicle of rome 111

[4. The Rebellion of the Sons of Koziva]32

In the days of Domitian, Koziva33 [Bar Kokhba] rose in rebellion, and in the days of Nerva and Hadrian, Koziva ruled, as did his son and grandson. They waged great wars with all the nations and defeated Egypt. Then, Hadrian’s power increased and he struck down Judea and killed Ben 5 Koziva and many of the Jews died. Neither Nebuchadnezzar34 nor Titus had dealt with them as harshly as Hadrian had.35 In the days of Hadrian, miraculous events took place in the land. Asia was split open, and four great cities and their inhabitants descended to Sheol and were wiped out. The same happened to two great cities and their residents in the land of 10

5 he struck down Judea and killed] cf. 1Kgs 16:10 6 many Jews died] Num 21:6 9 descended to Sheol] cf. Ezek 31:17

32 Ibn Daud’s unique and influential story of a three-generational Kozivan dynasty, culled from Christian and Jewish sources, is discussed in chap. 2 and has been studied by Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 59–81. For the historical background see Peter Schäfer, “Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis,” in The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, ed. Peter Schäfer (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) and Hanan Eshel, “The Bar Kochba Revolt, 132–135,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. Steven T. Katz, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Parallel accounts can be found in ShQ, 2.72–80, 3.40–52. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 32.1–33.62 (pp. 127–137); ARNA 38.3; bGit 57a–58b; GenR 65.21 (on 27:22); LamR 1.16 par. 45 and 2.2 par. 4; SER 151; Justin Martyr, First Apology 31.5–6 and Dialogue with Trypho 108.1–3; Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.12.1–14.3; Eusebius, History of the Church, 4.5.2, 4.6.1–4; Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah 2.15 and Commentary on Daniel 9.24–27; Saadiah Gaon, Book of History, 27–28. Ibn Daud’s version impacted many later texts, cf. Saadiah Ibn Danan ben Maimon (ca. 1430–1493) and his Taʾrīkh Malkhey Yehudah u-Malkhey Yisʾrael (History of the Kings of Judah and Israel); Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), 83; ʿEmeq ha-Bakha (Almbladh), 3–4; Voisin, Raymundi Martini Ordinis Prædicatorum Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judæos: 3.3.21.9. At length discussed in Zeller (1724), 68–82. 33 Bar Koziva, the leader of a failed Jewish revolt against the Romans (132–135). He was known under a mishnaic messianic title, Bar Kokhba, son of a star, or, more frequently, as Ben Koziva, son of the lie—the one who had claimed and failed to fulfill the messianic promise. See Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand: Studien zum zweiten jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom, 1: 51–77; bSanh 93b; bBQ 97b; yTaan 4:8 (68d). 34 Both Nebuchadnezzar and Titus play crucial roles in the destruction of the First and Second Temple respectively. For more on Titus see Chap. 3.3. Nebuchadnezzar was in charge of the destruction of the First Temple (2Kgs 25:8). Ibn Daud’s spelling of the name might refer to bSan 96b where the act is seen as retribution for the murder of the Priest Zechariah at the time of King Yehoash (2Chr 24:20–22). 35 For emperors called Hadrian in rabbinic literature see Baron, Social History, Vol. 6: 429–430, n. 73. A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 3.48. Translated as “Nerva Trajanus” in Zeller (1724), 67–68. זכרון דברי רומי 112

גדולות ויושביהן. ותרעש ארץ גליסיה ותרדנה ג׳ מדינות שאולה כל יושביהן. ואש אלהים ירדה מן השמים על מדינה ושמה בנטה ותהי לשריפה היא וכל יושביה כסדום ועמורה. וכל יושבי העולם זעו וחלו ודמו כי אלהים רוצה להפוך את העולם. וימת אדריינוס. וימלוך תחתיו טובאנוס ימים מעטים.

5 [5. מימי אדריאנוס ועד דיוקלטיאנוס]

וימלוך תחתיו אדריינוס אחר. גם הוא עלה לארץ ישראל ויך בשארית הנשארה מכה גדולה. והימים אשר מלך כ״א שנה וימת. ויחן יי׳ את ישראל וירחמם.

ואש אלהים ירדה cf. Ezek 31:17 1–2 [ותרדנה ג׳ מדינות שאולה cf. 2Sam 22:8 1 [ותרעש ארץ 1 [ויך בשארית הנשארה מכה גדולה Gen 36:6 et al. 6–7 [וימלוך תחתיו cf. 2Chr 7:1 6 [מן השמים ויחן יי׳ cf. 1Kgs 2:11; 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 7 [והימים אשר מלך כ״א שנה וימת cf. 1Sam 19:7 et al. 7 2Kgs 13:23 [את ישראל וירחמם

1 גליסיה] גליציא טA | גליציאה דחספV | גליסיא ל 1 ג׳] לג׳ ט 1 שאולה]-ל 1 כל] >וכל< ס 2 בנטה] בנניאה דחט ספAV | כנטה ט | בנתה? ל 2 לשריפה] לשרפת אש דחטסA 3 אדריינוס] אדריאנוס סA 4 טובאנוס] בובאנוס דחטספV | ביבאנוס A 6 אדריינוס] אדריאנוס דטסA 6 בשארית] את השארית דחטסA 7 ויחן] ויחנן דחטסA chronicle of rome 113

Greece. The land of Galatia36 quaked and three cities descended to Sheol with their inhabitants. Divine fire descended from heaven on the city37 of Bantah,38 and it was consumed by fire with all its residents, like Sodom and Gomorrah.39 All around the world, people trembled and shivered and imagined that God wanted to overturn heaven and earth. Then, Hadrian 5 died. Bubanus [Pupius]40 ruled briefly after him.

[5. From Hadrian to Diocletian]

A different Hadrian succeeded him as king. He, too, went to the land of Israel and inflicted a crushing defeat on its remnant population. The 10 length of his reign over Israel was 21 years before he died, and the Lord was gracious and merciful to Israel.

1 The land of Galatia quaked] cf. 2Sam 22:8 1 descended to Sheol] cf. Ezek 31:17 2 descended from heaven] cf. 2Chr 7:1 5 God wanted to overturn heaven and earth] bSan 23a; David Kimḥi on Zech 1:8; Orosius, Adv. Pag. 7.12 8 See Orosius, Adv. Pag. 7.12–25; Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 268a–329. 9 succeeded him as king] Gen 36:6 et al. 10 inflicted a crushing defeat on] 1Sam 19:7 et al. 11 length of his reign over Israel was 21 years] cf. 1Kgs 2:11 et al. 11–12 and the Lord was gracious and merciful] 2Kgs 13:23

36 “Galicia seu Cilicia” in Zeller (1724), 83. for ‘large place.’ I follow Ibn Daud’s ,( הנידמ ) Rabbinic texts, e.g. bPes 51a use medinah 37 use that is influenced by Arabic. See Federico Corriente, A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic, Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, der Nahe und Mittlere Osten (New York:Brill, 1997), 495; Biberstein-Kazimirski, Dictionnaire: 2:1079. 38 Bantah in MOS 1420 and LON BET DIN 28, Bananiah in most other texts. Does this refer to a city or perhaps to the pantheon in Rome, struck by lightning? See Orosius, Adv. Pag. 7.12. “Bananiah” in Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba: 66 and translated as “quæ .vocabatur Bononia” in Zeller (1724), p. 83 האיננב 39 See Deut 29:22, Gen 18, and echoes in Isa 1:9–10, 3:9, 13:19–22, Jer 23:14, Ezek 16:48–50. 40 Perhaps Marcus Pupius Piso who briefly ruled as consul (r. 61). See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289; ʿEmeq ha-Bakha (Almbladh), 44. זכרון דברי רומי 114

וימלוך אנטונינוס בן אסוירוס הוא ואחיו אנטיפוס והוא גדל את רבינו הקדוש והניח לישראל והיה מלך צדיק. והימים אשר מלך ט״ו שנה. ויהי היום והוא יושב על כסא מלכותו וימת חציו בחלי הנקרא אלפאלג. וישאוהו עבדיו וישכיבוהו על ערש דוי ולא עלתה לו ארוכה וימת.

5 וימלוך תחתיו אנטונינוס הקטן י״ח שנה וימת.

Ps 41:4 [על ערש דוי Esth 5:1 et al. 3 [יושב על כסא מלכותו 3–2

1 אסוירוס] אסוירוש דחסAV 1 הוא ואחיו אנטיפוס]-דחטסVA 1 את] -ל | והניח לישראל +V 2–1 והניח לישראל]-V 2 כסא]-דחטסVA 3 אלפאלג] אלפלאג דחטסVA | אל פלאג ל qui vocatur [אלפאלג M AURELIUS ANTONINUS PHILOSOPHUS Z 3 [אנטונינוס בן אסוירוס 1 s. apoplexia Z ,אלפלאג chronicle of rome 115

Antoninus ben Severus41 and his brother Antipus42 ruled. He promoted our holy Rabbi43 and gave Israel rest, and was a righteous king. The length of his reign was 15 years. One day, while he was sitting on his royal throne, a disease called ʾafflāj44 struck him and half of his body died. His servants took him and laid him out on a sickbed, but he did not heal and died. 5 Antoninus the Younger45 succeeded him as king and ruled for 18 years. Then he died.

3 One day] 1Sam 14:1; 1Kgs 2:8 et al. 3 his royal throne] Esth 5:1 et al. 5 sickbed] Ps 41:4

41 Many rabbinic texts mention ‘Emperor Antoninus’ and his cordial relations with Judah ha-Nasi. In these stories, Antoninus shows deep respect for the patriarch, and he is even seen as the first convert to Judaism of the messianic era (yMeg 3:2 (74a)). Like Ibn Daud, rabbinic literature distinguishes between different rulers bearing the same name. While the historical background remains unclear, the stories seem to reflect the stable situation under the Antonines. It is possible that the rabbinic emphasis on Antoninus’ support of the Jews countered Emperor Constantine’s fourth-century turn to Christianity. See Richard A. Freund, “Alexander Macedon and Antoninus: Two Graeco-Roman Heroes of the Rabbis,” in Crisis and Reaction: The Hero in Jewish History ed. Menachem Mor, Studies in Jewish Civilization (Omaha: Creighton University Press, 1995), 62. Antoninus was identified as Antoninus Pius or Antoninus Verus, Samuel Krauss, Antoninus und Rabbi (Frankfurt a. M.: Sänger & Friedberg, 1910), 74–84, 88–102 or perhaps Marcus Aurelius Alexander Severus (r. 222–235ce). See ShQ, 3.82–88; 4.130–135; ZDR, p. 1171–2; bNid 45a and bAZ 10a; Zacuto (Shamir), Book of Lineage, 228. 42 Maybe an alternative name for Antoninus the Younger. Also ShQ, 3.86–88. See Krauss, Antoninus: 52–53. Translated as “M AURELIUS ANTONINUS PHILOSOPHUS” in Zeller (1724), 93. 43 In rabbinic literature, Rabbi usually refers to Judah the Prince, the editor of the Mishnah who was often associated with Emperor Antoninus (see note above). Translated as “Rabbinum Sanctum (R. Jehuda)” in Zeller (1724), 91. Fulija can refer to a paralysis that afflicts one half of .( גאלפלא ) The word is ʾafflāj 44 the body, see Biberstein-Kazimirski, Dictionnaire: 2:627. ʾAflaj can also mean ‘gap-toothed,’ see Lane, Vol. 2, 2438. Faalija is defined as “semble le mot πζηξία, et signifie hémiplexie, paralysie” in Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy, Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes, (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1991), 2:227. Similarly in Corriente, Dictionary: 404. Mark R. Cohen whom I would like to thank for this reference translates maflūj/maflūja—a term frequently used in the lists of charity recipients in the Cairo Geniza—as ‘semi-paralyzed.’ Mark R. Cohen, Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt, Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 171. See Adolf Neubauer and Wilhelm Bacher, eds., The Book of Hebrew Roots by Abuʾl-Walîd Marwân Ibn Janâh, called Rabbî Jônâh (Amsterdam: Philo, 1968), col. 360, l. 9–12; Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 194 n. 6. Translated as “… dimidium ejus corpus .s. apoplexia” in Zeller (1724), 92 , גאלפלא moreretur morbo quordam, qui vocatur 45 Titus Aurelius Flavius (r. 138–161)? זכרון דברי רומי 116

וימלוך תחתיו קומודוס וירשיע לעשות מכל אשר היו לפניו. ויהי כשבתו על כסא מלכותו. הכה את כל בית אנטונינוס ואנטיפוס ולא השאיר להם נשמה וגואליו ורעהו חוץ מרבינו הקדוש שלא הסירו מגדולתו עד יום מותו. בימי קומדוש נפלה אש מן השמים על בניין הגדול שהיה ברומי נקרא דמבטוליו ופירושו בית עצה והיום קורין לו קמפטליו והוא 5 היום בית העצה ברומי. וישרוף היכל יאניש הצלם הגדול העשוי על שם מזל טלה והמלך קומודוש משתחוה בית תועבתו וישרף באש הוא ועבדיו וישרפו בתי ספרים שהיו ברומי והיו בהן חכמות כאין חקר ואין מספר. וגאלינוס הרופא הזכיר דבר זה בספרו כי בימיו היה. וימלוך אלגנוש תחתיו והימים אשר מלך אלגנוש שנה אחת כי זקן היה וכבד ויקשרו 10 עליו עבדיו ויכוהו וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו ספארוס קיסר וימלוך י״ח שנה וילחם מלחמות גדולות וימת.

[הכה את כל בית אנטונינוס ואנטיפוס ולא השאיר להם נשמה Esth 5:1 et al. 2 [על כסא מלכותו 1 cf. Job 5:9; Ps 147:5 [חכמות כאין חקר ואין מספר Job 1:16 7 [נפלה אש מן השמים cf. 1Kgs 15:29 3 2Kgs 15:10 [ויכוהו וימיתוהו 10

1 קומודוס] קומדוס ל 1 ויהי] והיה ל 2 נשמה]-סV 2 וגואליו] וכל גואליו דחטA 2 ורעהו] ורעיו דחטסA 3 קומדוש] קומדוס דחטל 3 בניין] הבניין דחטVA 4 דמבטוליו] דמבטולין ד 4 ופירושו בית עצה]-ל 5–4 ופירושו בית עצה והיום קורין לו קמפטליו והוא היום בית העצה ברומי] >והיום קורין לו קמפטליו והוא היום בית העצה ברומי< צ הוסף בשוליים | והיום קורין קמפיטליו והוא היה הבית העצה ופירושו בית העצה ס | והיום קורין קמפיטליו והוא היה בית העצה ופירושו בית העצה דחV | והיום קורין לו קמפטליו והוא היום בית העצה ברומי ופירושיו בית עצה ל 5 העשוי] >לו< ל 6 הוא] >כל< ט 7 כאין] לאין ח 7 וגאלינוס] גליאינוס חס | גאלינוס לצ | וגאליאינוס דחVפ 7 בספרו] בספריו ס 9 אלגנוש תחתיו] תחתיו אלגאנוס ס 9 אלגנוש] אלגנוס ט 9 היה]-ס

Algenos s. Pertinax Z [אלגנוש 9 chronicle of rome 117

Commodus46 succeeded him as king, and he acted more wickedly than anyone before him. As he was sitting on the royal throne, he struck down all the houses of Antoninus and Antipus. Not a single soul remained alive, no redeemers or friends apart from our holy Rabbi, whom he did not remove from grace until the day of his death. In the days of Commodus, 5 fire came down from heaven [and struck] the great building in Rome called dambetolio,47 which means house of council. Today, it is called capitolio48 and it is the house of council in Rome. The temple of Janus burnt down, and with it the great statue, created in the name of Janus,49 as King Commodus was worshipping in the temple of his abomination. He and 10 his servants were consumed by the flames,50 and the libraries of Rome burnt down. They were filled with wisdoms, which cannot be fathomed and are beyond reckoning.51 Galen the Physician recalls this event in his book since it took place during his lifetime.52 Algenus [Helvius]53 succeeded him as king. The length of his reign was 15 [only] one year because he was old and obese. His servants conspired against him, attacking and killing him. Severus54 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for 18 years. He fought great wars, and then he died.

2 on the royal throne] Esth 5:1 et al. 6 fire came down from heaven] Job 1:16 8 cf. Malalas, Chronicle, 171 12–13 wisdoms which cannot be fathomed and beyond reckoning] Ps 147:5; Job 5:9 17 attacked him and killed him] 2Kgs 15:10

46 Lucius Aurelius Commodus (r. 180–192), co-emperor with Marcus Aurelius (176–180). Translated as “vocatem Dambedolin, quod hodie .( וילוטבמד ) Literally dambeṭolio 47 vocant Capitolium” in Zeller (1724), p. 97 and footnote f: “Errat hic auctor tum in denomi- natione Capitolii & singificatione, tum in descriptione.” 48 See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289; Eisenstein, Ozar Midraschim, Vol. 6, 115, 183, 191, 262, 264, 269. 49 The Temple of Janus or Temple of Peace housed a library and was destroyed by fire in 191. See Josephus, War, 7.158–161. 50 Commodus was strangled in the bath by his wrestling partner Narcissus. 51 Psalm 147, quoted here, describes God’s wisdom. Ibn Daud applies the verse to secular knowledge and the libraries of Rome. 52 Galen (c. 130–200) possibly lived through the great fire of Rome in 191. See ShQ, 3.99; Gotthard Strohmaier, “Galen in den Schulen der Juden und Christen,” Judaica 62, no. 2 (2006): 140–156. 53 Publius Helvius Pertinax (r. 193). 54 Lucius Septimius Severus (r. 193–211). See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289. זכרון דברי רומי 118

וימלוך תחתיו אנתיניאן קיסר ז׳ שנים וימת במלחמותיו עם מלך פרס. וימלוך תחתיו מקרין קיסר שנה אחת ויכוהו עבדיו וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו אורליוש קיסר ד׳ שנים ויכוהו חיל רומיים וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו אלכסנדר קיסר וימלוך שלשים שנה ויכוהו חיל רומיים וימיתוהו.

5 וימליכו תחתיו מכשמיאן קיסר וימלוך ג׳ שנים וימיתוהו. וימליכו תחתיו גרדיאן קיסר וימלוך ז׳ שנים ויכהו וימיתוהו. וימליכו תחתיו פליפוש קיסר ובשנת ג׳ למלכו היא שנת אלף שנים לבנין מדינת רומי ויעשו כל רומיים חג גדול ויום טוב בשמחה | וחללו את תועבותיהם. אחרי כן הכו חיל 39v רומיים את פליפוש.

10 וימלוך תחתיו קיסר וימלוך שנה אחת ויכוהו וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו גליוש קיסר ובנו. בימיהם היה ברומי דבר גדול וכמעט תשם הארץ ומלואה ומת המלך ובנו.

Ps 24:1 [הארץ ומלואה 2Kgs 21:24 et al. 11 [וימליכו תחתיו 5

2–1 אנתיניאן קיסר ז׳ שנים וימת במלחמותיו עם מלך פרס וימלוך תחתיו] -ל 1 שנים] שנה ס 3 אוררליוש] אורליאוש דחטס | וארליאוס V 3 רומיים] מצרים דחטסVA 5 מכשמיאן] מרשימיאון ס | מכשימיאן דחA 6 וימלוך ז׳ שנים ויכהו וימיתוהו]-ס 7 פליפוש] פיליפוס ס | פליפיש ט | פליפש ח 7 למלכו] למלכותו ל 8 בשמחה] ושמחה ס 8 וחללו] הללו A 10 חלסZV שם המלך חסר | דיציאו Aט | בכ״י סצ ובדפוס הראשון יש לקונה בטקסט 10 וימלוך]-דטחסA 11 גליוש] גאליוש דחטספVA 11 קיסר ובנו] של גליוס קיסר הנזכר מלכו ימים הרבה +דחטסVA 11 בימיהם] בימי מלכותם דחסטVA 11 תשם] תשב ל 12 המלך ובנו] +הנזכר דחסAV

AVITUS & PSEVDO ANTONINUS, alter Sardanapalus, ab inducto Deo peregrine [אורליוש 3 Heliogalo Z chronicle of rome 119

Antoninus55 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for seven years. He died in the course of his wars with the king of Persia. Macrinus56 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for one year, before his servants struck down and killed him. Aurelius57 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for four years, and 5 then the Roman58 army struck down and killed him. Alexander59 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for thirty years, and then the Roman army struck down and killed him. Maximinus60 Caesar was made king in his stead. He ruled for three years, and then he was killed. 10 Gordian61 Caesar was made king in his stead for seven years, before they struck down and killed him. Philip62 Caesar was made king in his stead. In the third year of his rule, which marked the year 1,000 since the founding of the city of Rome, all 39v Romans prepared a great feast, a joyful holiday, and they | defiled their 15 abominations.63 Then the Roman army struck down Philip. Caesar succeeded him as king64 and ruled for one year, before they struck down and killed him. Gallus65 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled with his son. During their rule, a great plague befell Rome and almost all of the land became 20 desolate, and the king and his son died.

9 was made king in his stead] 2Kgs 21:24 et al. 20 all of the land] Ps 24:1

55 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (r. 211–217), co-emperor with Septimius Severus (198– 211). Translated as “Anthinian s. Antoninus Caracalla” in Zeller (1724), p. 103. 56 Macrinus (r. 217–218). Missing: Diadumenian (r. 217–218). 57 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (r. 218–222). See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. 58 All texts with the exception of MOS 1420 and LON BET DIN 28 have “Egyptian.” 59 Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander (r. 222–235), identified with Severus, the son of Antoninus in bNid 45a; bAZ 10a. ZDR, p. 1195. 60 Maximinus (r. 235–238). Missing: Gordian I, Gordian II, Pupienus Maximus (r. 238). 61 Marcus Antonius Gordianus (r. 238–244). 62 Marcus Iulius Philippus (r. 244–249). to‘ ,( וללה ) to defile,’ used instead of hallelu‘ ,( וללח ) Ibn Daud puns on the word ḥallelu 63 . וללה praise.’ Only Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1711) has 64 PARMA 2928, MOS 1420 and Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513) have a lacuna here. Zeller (1724), 111 has Decius, perhaps referring to the emperor Trajan Decius (r. 249–251). All other manuscripts omit the emperor’s name. A number of rulers are missing. 65 Gallus who ruled with his son Volusianus (r. 251–253). Is the ‘great plague’ mentioned here an allusion to a Jewish revolt? For the considerable discussion surrounding this question see Joshua Jay Schwartz, “Gallus, Julian and anti-Christian Polemic in Pesikta Rabbati,” Theologische Zeitung 46, no. 1 (1990):1. Rendered as “Kothil” in Zeller (1724), 115. זכרון דברי רומי 120

וימלוך תחתם קוטיל י״ז שנה ויכוהו וימיתוהו. וימלוך תחתיו קארוש ושני בניו וימלוך שנתים ותפול עליו אש מן השמים וימת. וימלוך תחתיו דצפלשיאן עשרים שנה. ויסר עצמו לעת זקנתו מן המלוכה ויפקד עליה שני שלישים וימת דצפלשיאן.

5 [6. צמיחת הנצרות]

וימלוך תחתיו קסטנטין קיסר. הוא חקק תורת הנצרים ושב לעבודתם ולתורתם לאחר שלש מאות שנה לישו על חשבונם. אבל לחשבוננו ליתר מארבע מאות ועשרים שנה.

cf. 2Kgs 1:10 [אש מן השמים 2

1 תחתם] תחתיו דטחVס 3 דצפלשיאן] רצפולשיאן דטחס 4 שלישים] שלישיו דחטVA 6 קסטנטין] קוסטנטין דחס 6 חקק] חזק ס 7 לישו] לאמונתם? ט | לאמונתם A 7 על חשבונם] לחשבונם דחטסA

.Qua ratione hoc nomen Razpolchian formavit auctor, ego quidem non video [עשרים שנה 3 Z chronicle of rome 121

Kutill [Quintillius]66 succeeded them as king and ruled for 17 years, then they struck down and killed him. Carus and his two sons succeeded him as king and ruled67 for two years; then, fire came down on him from heaven and he died. Datseflesian [Diocletian]68 succeeded him as king and ruled for 20 5 years.69 In old age, he renounced his kingship, and appointed two of his generals [as stewards]. Then Datseflesian died.

[6. The Emergence of Christianity]70

Constantine71 Caesar succeeded him as king. He legislated72 the Christian doctrine,73 and turned to their teachings and their worship three hundred 10 years after Jesus according to their calculations. According to our calculation, however, more than 420 years had passed. In order to make [this fact]

4 fire came down on him from heaven] cf. 2Kgs 1:10

66 Aurelius Quintillus (r. 270). See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. 67 Marcus Aurelius Carus (r. 282–283) and his sons Carinus and Numerian. 68 Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus (r. 284–305). Missing: Maximinan (r. 268–305) ”. ןאישלפצר to Martinianus (r. 324). Schwab, “Zikhron,” 88 notes: “le plus bizarre est celui de Translated as “Razbolschian s. Diocletian … qua ratione hoc nomen Razpolschian formarit auctor, ego quidem non video” in Zeller (1724), 118–119. 69 Translated as “Qua ratione hoc nomen Razpolchian formavit auctor, ego quidem non video” in Zeller (1724). 70 Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 329–372; Orosius, Adv. Pag., 6.34. For the historical background see Raymond van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine (New York: Cam- bridge University Press, 2007); Klaus M. Girardet, Der Kaiser und sein Gott: das Christentum im Denken und in der Religionspolitik Konstantins des Grossen, Millennium-Studien = Mil- lennium Studies (Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2010); Thomas G. Elliot, “Constantine and the ‘Arian Reaction after Nicea’,” JEH 43, no. 2 (1992): 169–194. 71 Constantine the Great (d. 337). Ibn Daud stresses Emperor Constantine’s role in establishing Christianity as described e.g. in Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 5.1.7 (but see Historia Maiora, 329–334). See the similar account in Al-Masʻūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, vol. 2, 744–755. Discussed and quoted in Tayyara, “Reflection of Non-Islamic Cultures,” 362–383, 402–403. ,( קזח ) to legislate, to inscribe,’ to ḥizzeq‘ ( קקח ),MSS PARMA 2420 emends ḥaqqaq 72 ‘to strengthen.’ This might reflect a later scribe’s awareness of the historical background of the rise of Christianity. For a similar use of ḥizzeq see ShQ, Epilogue, 407 (Hebrew part). Ben-Shalom argues that the correct reading is ḥizzeq. Ben-Shalom, Facing Christian Culture: 159–160, n. 42. according‘ ( הנומאל) Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1711) and PHIL UP HB 13 have le-ʾemunah 73 to their belief.’ This variant further disassociates Jesus from the beginnings of Christiantiy. For this argument see Chap. 3.4. זכרון דברי רומי 122

ולהודיע ִחברנו דבר זה בזכרון דברי רומי. והוא יצא מרומי ונתנה לכומרי אדום עד היום הזה. ובנה מדינת קסטנטיניה נובלה ופירושו קסטנטיניה נכבדת. ובימיו היה אריוש וִחבר מגילה שיש בה תשובות על תורתם וראיות ולא שמע קוסטנטין. וימת קסטנטין בשנת כ״א למלכו.

5 וימלוך בנו תחתיו קסנטש קיסר. והוא שמע מאריוש וקלקל בתורת אדום וימלוך לד׳ שנה וימת. וימלוך תחתיו יליאן קיסר שנתים ושב לעבודת הצלמים כמשפט הראשון ולא שמע לתורת אדום וימת. וימלוך תחתיו בלאנת קיסר עשר שנים וימת.

1 ולהודיע] זה +דחטסVA 1 לכומרי] לכומר ח | לכנהי ל 1 אדום] הנצרים טA 2 קסטנטיניה נובלה] קוסטנטינה נובילה דחטסA 2 ופיורשו] ופיורש ס 2 קסטנטיניה] קוסטנטינה ד | קוסטנטיני ל | קוסטנטינה ס | קוסטאנטינה טV | קוסטנטיניה A 3 על תורתם וראיות] וראיות על תורתם דחV 3 קוסטנטין] קושטנטין ס 3 קסטנטין]-ס 5 קסנטש] קסנטס ס 5 מאריוש] לאריוש דחטסVA 5 וקלקל בתורת אדום] תורת אדום ח | הנוצרים סטA 5 בתורת] תורת ס 7 יליאן] יוליאן דחטסA 7 שנתים] +שנה ס 8 לתורת אדום] הנוצרים טA 9 בלאנת] בלשינט דחטסVA chronicle of rome 123 known, we recorded it in the Chronicle of Rome.74 He left Rome and gave the city over to the Christian priests [who hold authority over the city] until this very day.75 He built a city, Kustantiniyyah novela, which means Constantinople the Noble.76 In his days lived Arius77 who wrote a book containing responses to the [Christian] doctrines and proofs, but 5 Constantine did not heed to him. Constantine died in the 21st year of his rule.78 His son Constantine79 Caesar succeeded him as king. He followed Arius and defiled the doctrines of Christianity.He ruled for four80 years, and then he died. 10 Julian81 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for two years. He re- established idolatry as was custom formerly and did not heed to Christian doctrines, and then he died. Valentinian82 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for ten years, and then he died. 15

3 Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.28.27; Ahimaaz 6b; cf. Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, 11

74 ShQ, 2.109–114, 4.127–128, Epilogue, 171. See Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filikowski) 14–15, 82. For a discussion of Ibn Daud’s date of Jesus see chap. 2. 75 This is one of the earliest allusions to the ‘Donation of Constantine’ in medieval Hebrew literature. See Fried, Donation, 3; Falbel, “On a Heretic Argument,” 44; Krauss, Persia: 11; Linder, “The Myth of Constantine”; Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289. 76 Ibn Daud possibly plays on the word novelah, stressing that the city was both ‘new’ and ‘noble.’ Translated as “Condiditque Constantinam Nobilem, i.e. Constantinam claram” in Zeller (1724), 123–125. 77 Arius (c. 250–336) opposed co-equal Trinitarianism. His ideas were rejected in the First Council of Nicea, convenend by Emperor Constantine in 325. 78 31 years in Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.28 and Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 329 (long version). Constantine initially had to consolidate his power in both east and west (306–213). He ruled as as undisputed Augustus over the west and senior Augustus over the empire (312–324), and, finally, over the entire emperor (324–337). 79 There were three co-rulers with similar-sounding names: Flavius Claudius Constanti- nus, Constantine II (r. 337–340) who is probably meant here, Constantius II (r. 337–361), and Constans (r. 337–350). See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. Missing: Nepotianus (r. 350). 80 Zeller has four years in the Hebrew text, but he translates “Regnavit autem xxxiv. annos.” Zeller (1724), 127. 81 Flavius Claudius Julianus (r. 361–363). While modern literature on Julian and the Jews is vast, medieval Jewish writers tended, like Ibn Daud, to ignore Julian and in particular his Temple building activities. See Schwartz, “Gallus, Julian and anti-Christian Polemic in Pesikta Rabbati,” 11–14. 82 Flavius Valentinianus (r. 364–375) 11 years in Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.32. זכרון דברי רומי 124

וימלוך תחתיו גרסיאן קיסר ז׳ שנים וימת. וימלוך תחתיו תודוס קיסר י״א שנה ושב להחזיק תורת אדום וימת. וימלוך תחתיו אנדרש קיסר ו׳ שנים וימת.

[7. התנצרות ספרד]

5 בימיו נכנסו בני עוץ והם אלקוט לספרד. שלש כתות היו בנדלש ואלאכוש ואלשאוש. ועל שם בנדלש קראו לספרד אנדלוס והם לקחו כל ארץ ספרד מיד גוי הנקרא אשפאן

2 תודוס] אנדרש > תודוס ח 2 אדום] הנוצרים טA 3 אנדרש] אגרש דטלפ | אנדירס ס | אנדש V 5 אלקוט] אליקוט דחVA 5 בנדלש] בנדליש ס s. Scythae & Tattari sese congregantur אליקוט Ejus temporibus filii Uz & quidem [לספרד 5 & occuparunt Hispania. Z chronicle of rome 125

Gratian83 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for seven years,84 and then he died. Todos [Theodosius I]85 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for eleven years. He returned to uphold the Christian doctrine, and then he died. 5 Andres [Honorius]86 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for six years, and then he died.

[7. The Christianization of Spain]87

In [Honorius’] days, the Uzides,88 who are the Goths, entered Spain89 in three groups: the Vandals,90 the Alans,91 and the Suevi.92 After the Vandals, 10 Sepharad [Spain] was called Andalusia,93 and they conquered all of Spain

83 Flavius Gratianus (r. 375–383 in the west). There are a number of rulers missing here. See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. 84 Six years in Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.34; Isidore, Chronica Maiora, 352. 85 Theodosius I (r. 378–395). Translated as “Thodos s. Theodosius Cæsar” in Zeller (1724), 133. 86 Honorius (r. 395–423) who was emperor in the west while his brother Flavius Arca- dius (r. 395–408) ruled in the east. See Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. 87 Taking note of competing claims to the history and lands of Iberia, Ibn Daud relates the terms Sepharad, Andalusia, and Hispania to Iberian history. Discussed in chap. 3. For a German translation of this passage see Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 187–188. Andreas Zeller (1724) already identified many the place names in his edition of ZDR. The first modern scholar to do so was Leopold Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften vorkommenden hispanischen Ortnamen,” ZfWJ 1, no. 1 (1823): 133–176. See Orosius, Adv. Pag., 7.41–43. Lengthy remarks on the period can be found in Zeller (1724), 135–148. s. Scythae & Tattari sese טוקילא Translated as “Ejus temporibus filii Uz & quidem 88 congregantur & occuparunt Hispania” in Zeller (1724), 135–137. 89 Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften,” 154–157; Krauss, “The Terms Ashkenaz and Sefarad (Hebrew),” 431, 35. See also Jerome to Obad 20. 90 Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften,” 144. 91 Zunz dismisses Ibn Daud’s versions as mistakes. Ibid., 136–137. 92 Ibid., 139. Translated as “Gothorum” in Zeller (1724), 139. 93 Andalusia appears for the first time on eighth century coins. The word’s origins remain uncertain, but the reference to the Vandals, a tribe that had traversed the Iberian Peninsula in the fifth century on its way to northern Africa, is still current. See Wyci- chl, “‘Al-Andalus’ (sobre la historia de un nombre),” 449–450; Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften,” 139; Vallvé, “Sobre algunos problemas de la invasión musulmana,” 361–363. זכרון דברי רומי 126

ועל שמם נקרא לארץ אשפאניה. ומבני תובל בן יפת היו ויכום בני עוץ וימיתום וישבו תחתם. אבל יושבי ארץ נבארה לא הורישו ונקראים בסכנסיש עד היום הזה נשארה להם פליטה בארצם. ואחרי כן גבר רדריק מלך אלשאוש ויך את כל מלכי בנדלש ואלאכוש. ויקח מידם ברגלונה וסרקסטה עד לארדה ועד קרטבה ואשביליה וטליטלה ומארדה 5 ואסתורגה עד נהר רודאנה הכל כבש והוא עודנו עובד צלמים. וימת אנדרש מלך רומי.

1 נקרא לארץ] נקראת ארץ דחטVA | נרקא ארץ ס 1 אשפאניה] אשפאנייה דטפ | אשפנייא חסAV 2 תחתם] תחתיו ל 2 נבארה] נבארא ס 2 בסכנסיש] בושקיינין ס | בסקיינוש דחטפA 3 בארצם] -A 3 רדריק] דרדיק דחטסAV 3 ויך] > ויך< ח 3 ואלאכוש] ואלכוש ט 4 ברגלונה] ברצלונה דחטפ | ברגילונה ס | ברגתינא ל 4 וסרקסטה] וסרקסאטה דטל | וסרקאסטה ס | וסרקאסטה פ 4 לארדה] לירידה ס 4 קרטבה] קורטבה ח | קורטובה ס 4 ואשביליה] אשביליא חס | אשביליה דטלפV 4 וטליטלה] וטליטולה ח | וטיליטלה ס | טוליטלה A 4 ומארדה] מראדה ס 5 ואסתורגה] ואשתורגא ס | אסתורנה דחטפV 5 רודאנה] דודאנה ח | רודאנו ס | רודאנה ד chronicle of rome 127 from a nation called Espan.94 After them, the country is called Spain95 and [its inhabitants] are descendants of Tubal the Japhethite.96 The Uzides attacked and killed them, and they settled there in their stead. But they did not dispossess the inhabitants of Navarre, who are called Basques, and who to this day have refuge in their own land. Afterwards, Roderic 5 [Theodoric I],97 the King of the Suevi struck down all the Vandal and Alan kings. He conquered Barcelona and Zaragoza up to Lerida, Córdoba, Seville, Toledo, Mérida and Astorga to the river Rhône.98 He conquered the entire region when he was still an idol worshipper.99 Andres [Honorius],100 the king of Rome, died. 10

2 Gen 10:2; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 1.1–33 (pp. 3–9); Josephus, Ant., 1.122; Book of Memory 127, 148; Chronicle of Jerahmeʾel 67; Augustine, City of God, chap. 2; bMeg 9b; Isidore, Etymologies, 7.6.16–22; cf. al-Ḥimyarī, La péninsule Ibérique, 1.1. 5 cf. al-Ḥimyarī, La péninsule Ibérique, 150:20.21.

94 Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften,” 141–142. 95 This use is first attested in the 780s, by Christian refugees in Septimania and Provençe who referred to formerly Visigothic territories, including areas north of the Pyrenees. The term was soon applied to Muslim-held territory and with it to all of Iberia. See María R. Menocal, “Visions of al-Andalusia,” in The Literature of Al-Andalusia, ed. María R. Menocal, Cambridge History of Arabic Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, 2000), 15–17. For other explanations see Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 9.2.29, 13.21.31, 14.4.28; al-Ḥimyarī, La péninsule Ibérique, 1.1. 96 In rabbinic texts, Japheth, the eldest of Noah’s sons, is associated with the Greeks, and he is seen as the least wise (Gen 6:10; bSanh 69b) who still merits partaking in the messianic age (GenR 36:6) and has white descendants (whiteness did not have the same connotations it came to have later). Virtually all medieval Christian commentaries (e.g. Isidore, Etymologies, 9.2.1–37) associate Japheth with Europe. See Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea, Revised ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968), 8–15; Benjamin Braude, “The Sons of Noah and the Construction of Ethnic and Geographical Identities in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser. 54, no. 1 (1997): 111–115; Krauss, “Die hebräischen Benennungen,” 396. 97 Theodoric the Great (r. 471–526)? Theodoric, an Arian, became king of all Goths in 507, uniting Spain and Italy under one rule. 98 There is some discussion concerning the identity of the ‘Rhône.’ See ShQ, Epilogue, 35/7.347 (Hebrew part), pp. 143–144; Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 188; Zunz, “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften,” 148–149, 70; Isidore, Etymologies, 8.21.30. Translated as “Rhodanum” in Zeller (1724), 151. 99 The Suevi converted to Arian Christianity in the fifth century and to Catholicism in the 560s. For a discussion of Arius and Arianism in Ibn Daud see chap. 3.3. Zeller comments “Errat vero auctor, qui Theodoricum, Gentili religioni adhuc addictum suisse refert; Nam Gothi ab aliis expulsi, cum sedes in Thracia nanciscerentur ingratiamVelentisChristianam, sed Arianem fidem amplexi sunt.” Zeller (1724), 149. 100 Honorius. A parallel acount can be found in ZDR, p. 1256. זכרון דברי רומי 128

וימלוך תחתיו טודוש עשר שנים ויתחתן במלך עוץ. ותשקוט המלחמה ביניהם כי גבר מלך עוץ ויקח את כל ארץ רומי מיד רומיים עד אשר התחתן במלך טודוש. וימת טודוש. וימלוך תחתיו מרגיאנוש קיסר עשר שנים וימת.

[8. עליית האיסלם והנצרות בספרד]

5 וימלוך תחתיו שבשתיאן קיסר. ובימיו יצא מחמד לעולם. ובימיו היה גורגוריוש הגמון רומי והוא פילוסוף גדול. ובימיו היה בספרד יגירדו וליאנרד אחיו הגמונים ובמדינת אשביליא היו ושם עירו של ליאנרדו לוקיליארדוש.

Todos [Theodosius II]101 succeeded him as king and ruled for ten years, during which he established a marital alliance with the Uzidic royal family. War ceased between them because the Uzidic king had the upper hand, and he seized all the land of Rome from the Romans up to the point that he established marital ties with Todos, and then Todos died. 5 Marcian102 Caesar succeeded him as king and ruled for ten years, and then he died.

[8. The Rise of Islam and Christianity in Spain]103

Sebastian [Sisebut]104 Caesar succeeded him as king. In his days, Muḥam- mad came into the world,105 and Gregory was the bishop of Rome106 and a 10 great philosopher. Isidore and his brother Leander were bishops in Spain, in the city of Seville.107 Leander’s city was called Lukiliardoz.108

101 Theodosius II (r. 408–450), Theodosius the Younger or the Calligrapher legislated what came to be known as the Theodosian Code. Isidore, Etymologies, 8.21.30 “Thodos s. Theodosius” in Zeller (1724), 152. 102 Marcianus (r. 450–457). See Samuel Krauss, Studien zur byzantinisch-jüdischen Ge- schichte (Wien: Gustav Fock, 1914), 144, n. 2; Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289. 103 Zeller inserts here a lengthy excursus, titled “Testamentum & Pactiones. Initiæ inter Mahmedem, Apostolum Dei, & Christianem fidei cultores.” Zeller (1724), 156–161. 104 Sisebut (r. 612–c. 620) was the Visigothic king of Hispania, Septimania and Galicia and supported Isidore of Seville. A parallel account can be found in ShQ, pp. 254–255. See also Orosius, Chronica Maiora, 415 and Hydatius, Chronicle, par. 444. Samuel Krauss corrects to the name to ‘Justitian;’ Krauss, Studien: 144 n. 1. 105 See ShQ, 5.37–38. For the dating of the Prophet Muḥammad in medieval Jewish texts see still Steinschneider, PolemischeundapologetischeLiteratur, 6/3: 305–308. For polemical texts on Muḥammad see Norman Roth, Jews, Visigoths, and Muslims in Medieval Spain: Cooperation and Conflict, vol. 10, Medieval Iberian Peninsula. Texts and Studies (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 219–221. Muḥammad’s date is similar in ʿEmeq ha-Bakha (Almbladh), 6. 106 Gregory the Great (590–604). Gregory, like Isidore of Seville, and Leander, is called leader or bishop. This is the only occurrence of the term in Ibn Daud, but ,( ןומגה ) hegemon the word appears frequently in other Iberian versions of Josippon. For hegemon in rabbinic literature see Samuel Krauss, “Über Siedlungstypen in Palästina in talmudischer Zeit,” MGWJ 82 (1938): 137–138; Schwab, “Zikhron,” 288. Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 34. Translated as “Gorgoras Dux Romanus, s. Pontifex, qui etiam Philosophus fuit magnus” in Zeller (1724), 162–163. 107 The great historian Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636) and his brother and predecessor as bishop of Seville, Leander (534–c. 600). Ibn Daud knew some of Isidore’s historical texts. Discussed in chap. 2. 108 A copyist possibly amended Lukiliardos from Lucianus, the name appearing after Leander in Isidore of Seville’s De Viris Illustribus (Migne PL 83: 1103–1104) or misread Ar. .seat,’ and linked it to Leocadia. See ShQ, pp. 254–255, n. 153‘ ,( ةرڍ ) monastery, for זכרון דברי רומי 130

וכל מלכי עוץ לא היו שומעין לתורת אדום עד אשר מלך רוכריד. הוא חזק אותה וכל אשר לא שמע ויך עד אשר שבו כולם לתורת אדום גדולים וקטנים. ופשטה תורת אדום בכל ארץ ספרד כאשר פשטה בארץ רומי ואיטליא ושאר ארצות בני יפת. תם ונשלם. ברוך נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה.

5 בריך רחמיו דסייען מריש ועד כאן.

Isa 49:29 [ברוך נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה 4

1 אדום] הנוצרים טA 1 עד אשר מלך] עד שמלך ס 1 רוכריד] דוסדיר דחטסלVA 1 אותה] +ויך כל ס 2 אדום] הנוצרים טA 2 אדום] הנצרים טA 3 ואיטליא] ואיטליאה דחסVA 3 יפת] סוף כ״י ל 5 רחמיו] רחמנא טV 5 תם ונשלם בריך רחמיו דסייען מריש ועד כאן] בארצותם לגוייהם בכל מקומות ממשלתם ומחלקותיהם וישוביהם עד היום ס | בארצותם לגוייהם בכל מקומות ממשלתם ומחלקותיהם וישוביהם עד היום. ברוך נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה דחטA | +בריך רחמנא דסייען: מריש ועד כאן ח | בארצותם לגוייהם כבל מקומות ממשלתם ומחלוקותיהם וישוביהם עד היום. ברום נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה: Z in omnibus locis dominii earum, pro variis [תם ונשלם בריך רחמיו דסייען מריש ועד כאן 5 distinctionibus terminorum & habitationum usque ad hæc tempora. Benedictus, qui dat lasso vires, & quibus vires non sut, eas augeat Z chronicle of rome 131

And all the kings of Uz did not heed to the Christian doctrine prior to King Reccared.109 He promoted [the religion] and oppressed everyone who did not obey it until all, great and small, had converted to Christianity. Now, Christianity held sway over all of Spain as it did in the land of Rome, in Italy, and in the rest of the lands of the sons of Japheth.110 5

Finished and complete. He gives strength to the weary, fresh vigor to the spent.

Blessed be the Compassionate who helped us from beginning to end.

6–7 He gives strength to the weary, fresh vigor to the spent] Isa 49:29

109 Reccared, Visigothic king of Spain (r. 586–601) converted from Arianism to Catholic Christianity. 110 Zeller adds “in omnibus locis dominii earum, pro variis distinctionibus terminorum & habitationum usque ad hæc tempora. Benedictus, qui dat lasso vires, & quibus vires non sut, eas augeat.” Zeller (1724), 166. דברי מלכי ישראל בבית שני

[1. מבוא]

וזה שמצאנו בספר יוסף הכהן בן גוריון ובספרים אחרים כנים. נזכיר אותם מפני נחמות שיש בכך שכל הנביאים שנבאו לעתיד לבא כולם אמרו שמלכות בית דוד עתידה 5 שתחזור בבית שני. אילו היו המלכים מבית דוד היינו מסתפקין ואבדה תקותנו. אבל מלכות לבית דוד לא היתה בו לעולם אלא שררה לזרובבל ונחמיה ומלוכה לבית חשמונאי ועבדיהם. ואלו הם נועם וחובלים וכלי רועי אוילי שרמז זכריה הנביא עליו השלום כמו שנפרש לאחר כן.

cf. Zech 11:7, 15 [נועם וחובלים וכלי רועי אוילי Ezek 37:11 7 [ואבדה תקותנו 5

1 דברי] ואלה דברי +דחטA 3 וזה ] כפי מה דחטלעAMü 5 מסתפקין] מספקין AMü 5 ואבדה תקותנו]-A 5 ואבדה] שכבר אבדה דחטעMü |>שכבר< ל הוסף בשוליים 6 מלכות] מלוכה טלע 4.2–7 ואילו הם נועם וחובלים וכלי רועי אוילי שרמז זכריה הנביא עליו השלום כמו שנפרש לאחר כן. אבל] -דHMü 7 זכריה] זכריהו חע

In the great volume of Josephus, there were Historical Narrations made [וזה שמצאנו בספר 3 of things, as they had reference in chief, to the Romans and other Nations: This lesser Piece or Epitome rather, declares matters as they relate principally to the Jews them selves, and the State of their Common-wealth, from the Maccabees unto their final subversion, and ruine of the second House, therfore according unto those things that we have found in the [ובספרים אחרים כנים Book of Joseph the Priest, son of Gorion and in other books +H 3 writtē accordyng to the most certain veritie M | Written according to most certain truth Weil alle Propheten das / so sie [כולם אמרו שמלכות בית דוד עתידה שתחזור בבית שני H 4–5 dominion [שררה geweissaget / von zukünftiger zeit wider auffgerichtet werden sol W 6 MH THE HISTORY OF THE KINGS OF ISRAEL IN THE SECOND TEMPLE PERIOD

[1. Introductory Remarks]

This is what111 we found in the book of Joseph the Priest ben Gorion112 and in other trustworthy113 works, which we will mention due to the comfort 5 that lays in the fact that the prophets who prophesized of the future all said that the reign114 of the house of David would be reinstated with the Second Temple. Now, if these kings had indeed been of Davidic decent, we would have to concede that our hope was gone. However, no Davidic kingdoms115 existed during [this entire period], only the rule116 of Zerub- 10 babel and Nehemiah, and the kingship117 of the Hasmoneans and their servants. And they are Unity and Favor, and the gear of a worthless shepherd, which the prophet Zechariah—peace be upon him—alludes to as we shall explain below.118

9 our hope was gone] Ezek 37:11 12–13 they are Unity and Favor, and the gear of a worthless shepherd] cf. Zech 11:7, 15

111 Howell adds “In the great volume of Josephus, there were Historical Narrations made of things, as they had reference in chief, to the Romans and other Nations: This lesser Piece or Epitome rather, declares matters as they relate principally to the Jews them selves, and the State of their Common-wealth, from the Maccabees unto their final subversion, and ruine of the second House, therfore according unto those things that we have found in the Book of Joseph the Priest, son of Gorion and in other books.” Howell (1652), 102. 112 In the Middle Ages, Josephus Flavius was widely seen as the author of the Book of Josippon, the single most popular source of post-biblical history in the Jewish Middle Ages and the vorlage of DMY. For a discussion of Ibn Daud’s use of Josippon see chap. 2. See Rossi, Light of the Eyes: Section 2. 113 Translated as “wahrhafte Schriften” in Elbogen, “Abraham ibn Daud,” 196; “writtē accordyng to the most certain veritie” in Morwen (1558), li. kingdom, sovereignty, reign, dominion.’ See Ernest Klein and‘ ,( תוכלמ ) malkhut 114 Baruch Sarel, A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary: 353. royalty, reign, kingdom.’ See Klein and Sarel, A Comprehensive‘ ,( תוכלמ ) malkhut 115 Etymological Dictionary: 350–351; Even-Shoshan, Milon: 3:1368. rule, rulership, authority.’ See Klein and Sarel, A Comprehensive‘ ,( הררש ) serarah 116 Etymological Dictionary: 684; Even-Shoshan, Milon: 7:2797. Translated as “dominion” in Morwen (1558), li and Howell (1652), 2. -kingdom, kingship, reign, dominion.’ See Klein and Sarel, A Com‘ ,( הכולמ ) melukhah 117 prehensive Etymological Dictionary: 349. 118 See MZ. Omitted in Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513), Münster (1529), Morwen (1558) and Howell (1652). דברי מלכי ישראל 134

[2. אלכסנדר מוקדון]

אבל עתה נאמר כי אלכסנדר המלך הראשון ליון כשעצמה מלכותו מת ועודנו בחור. ונחלקה מלכותו לארבעת שלישיו כדכתיב וכעמדו תשבר מלכותו ותחץ לארבע רוחות השמים. והניח המלך בן קטן שמו הרקלש וכשראה השליש אומנו כי גדל השקהו סם 5 המות.

Dan 11:4 [וכעמדו תשבר מלכותו ותחץ לארבע רוחות השמים 4–3

2 כשעצמה] כשעצמו ט 3 לארבעת שלישיו כדכתיב וכעמדו תשבר מלכותו ותחץ]-ט 4 הרקלש] אירקולש חטA | אירקולוש ע

Arkolas Mü | Arcolas Z | Hercules [הרקלש Schwyntzer (1530) begins here 4 [אלכסנדר 2 W | | MH Archelaus history of the kings of israel 135

[2. Alexander the Great]119

For now, let us say that Alexander,120 the first King of Greece, died at the height of his power when he was still a young man. His kingdom was divided among his four generals, as it is written: after his appearance, his kingdom will be broken up and scattered to the four winds of heaven. The 5 king left behind a young son by the name of Heracles121 [of Macedon], and when the general who was his guardian saw that he was growing up, he gave Heracles a poisoned drink.

4–5 after his appearance, his kingdom will be broken up and scattered to the four winds of heaven] Dan 11:4

119 Alexander III of Macedon (r. 336–323). Tutored by Aristotle, he created a large empire and was the subject of much fascination in the Middle Ages. Ibn Daud ignores popular Alexander material. See Wout Jacques van Bekkum, “Medieval Hebrew Versions of the Alexander Romance,” in Medieaval Antiquity, ed. Andries Welkenhuysen (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1995), col. 365–366; J.-H. Niggemeyer, “Alexander d. Gr. in Kunst und Literatur, XI. Hebräische Literatur,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1977–1999), vol. 1; Richard Stoneman, “Jewish Tradition on Alexander the Great,” Studia Philonica Annual 6 (1994): 37–53. Parallel accounts can be found in ShQ, 1.221 and 2.5. See also Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 10.1–85; 1Macc 1:1–9; Josephus, Ant., 11.304–305, 12.1, War, 360; bYom 69a; Megillat Taʾanit, 3. 120 Hans Schwyntzer’s Josippi Judische Historien (1530) begins here. 121 Heracles of Macedon (327–309bce), son of Alexander by Barsine, daughter of the Satrap Artabazus of Phrygia, was killed by the Macedon general Polyperchon. דברי מלכי ישראל 136

[3. תלמי ותרגום השבעים]

וגם השלישים נלחמו זה בזה. ואחד מהם היה תלמי שנכתבה לו התורה בלשון יונית. שהיה מתעולל ומתאנה על ישראל ומבקש תואנה בתורתם להוציאם מן הכלל כי רבת צררוני מנעורי יאמר נא ישראל כתבוה ע׳ זקנים. הפריד ביניהם תלמי המלך ושם כל 5 אחד ואחד בבית אחר בפני עצמו. והסכימה דעת כל אחד מהם להחליף לו י״ג מקומות. ונעשה להם נס והסכימה דעת כולם לדעת אחד מהם.

Ps 129:2 [רבת צררוני מנעורי יאמר נא ישראל bBer 49b 3–4 [להוציאם מן הכלל 3

5 אחר] אחד חט 6 והסכימה] והסכימו ל

Ex Mosaica Mü | gsatzs Mosi Sch | Moses lawe M | H Moses law [התורה 2 history of the kings of israel 137

[3. Ptolemy and the Septuagint]122

The generals, too, fought each other. One of them was Talmai [Ptolemy],123 for whom the Torah was written in Greek. He used to abuse and provoke the Jews, and sought pretexts in their Torah to cause them to apostatize, as [it says:] since my youth they have often assailed me.124 Seventy 5 elders composed [the translation], and King Talmai separated them, plac- ing each in a separate lodging. Their minds lead them to alter thirteen instances [in the biblical text] and, miraculously, they all changed the text in the same way.

5 to cause them to apostatize] bBer 49b 5 since my youth they have often assailed me] Ps 129:2

122 Rabbinic versions of the story—e.g. bMeg 9a–b; yMeg 1:11 (71d); SofT 1,8–9 (Hig- ger 1.6); MSof 1.7–8 (Müller 1,8)—differ in context, sequence, goal, and contents. Ibn Daud lists, like yMeg 1,11 (71d) and Sof 1,7, thirteen changes. He views the translation as a precursor to Antiochus’ rule that ultimately led to the Maccabean revolt and the eventual decline of Jewish sovereign power. See Katja Vehlow, “The Rabbinic Legend of the Septuagint in Abraham Ibn Daud’s Writings,” in The Multiple Meaning of Scripture: the Role of Exegesis in Early Christian and Medieval Culture, ed. Ineke van’t Spijker, Com- mentaria (Leiden: Brill, 2008); Abraham and David J. Wasserstein, The Legend of the Sep- tuagint From Classical Antiquity to Today (London: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 208–216; Emmanuel Tov, “The Rabbinic Tradition Concerning the “Alterations” Inserted into the Greek Pentateuch and Their Relation to the Original Text of the LXX,” JSJ 15 (1984): 66–67. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 12; Josephus, Ant., 12.11–117. For a Ger- man translation of this passage according to the 1711 edition see Giuseppe Veltri, Eine Tora für den König Talmai: Untersuchungen zum Übersetzungsverständnis in der jüdisch- hellenistischen und rabbinischen Literatur, vol. 41, Texte und Studien zum Antiken Juden- tum (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1994), 246–247. This version influenced Usque, Consolation, 116–118. 123 Talmai is Ptolemy II Philadelphus (r. 283–245), a medieval Hebrew variant that alludes to the biblical Talmai (2Sam 13:37; Josh 15:14 et al). The word assimilates ‘Pt’ [Πτ] to ‘T.’ See Der Kleine Pauly 4:121; Samuel Krauss and Immanuel Löw, Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum (Hildesheim: Olms, 1964), 589. 124 This verse frames Ibn Daud’s list of changes. In Maimonides’ Epistle to Yemen (1172), the same verse serves as proof for Israel’s steadfastness. See Halkin and Hartmann, Epistles: 101. דברי מלכי ישראל 138

ואילו הן י״ג מקומות: א׳: אלהים ברא בראשית. שלא להקדים שום דבר על שם אלהים ומפני שבלשון יוון המוקדם הוא הפועל והמאוחר הוא הפעול. שלא ישמע כאילו בראשית הוא היוצר ואלהים הוא היצור.

5 ב׳: אעשה אדם בצלם ובדמות. שלא ישמע כמי שמתייעץ עם אחרים. ג׳: ויכל אליהם הששי וישבות ביום השביעי. שלא יראה כאילו עשה ביום השביעי כלום והשלים בו. ד׳: הבה וארדה ואבלה שם שפתם שלא יראה כלשון רבים. ה׳: ותצחק שרה בקרוביה לאמר שלא יתעולל המלך ויאמר: מי הודיעם מה שבקרבה?

וישבות ביום cf. Gen 1:26 6 [אעשה אדם בצלם ובדמות cf. Gen 1:1 5 [אלהים ברא בראשית 2 .cf [ותצחק שרה בקרוביה cf. Gen 11:7 9 [וארדה ואבלה שם שפתם הבה cf. Gen 2:2 8 [השביעי Gen 18:12

1 מקומות] +אשר נ**יר ע 3 הפעול] הפועל דחMü 6 הששי] בשישי דטחעAMü 6 שלא יראה כאילו עשה ביום השביעי]-ט 9 הודיעם] הודיעכם דחטעMüA history of the kings of israel 139

These are the thirteen instances: 1. God created in the beginning—so that nothing would precede the name of God since in the Greek language, the earlier term is the agent and the latter term the object. [They changed this] lest he understood that ‘in the beginning’ was the Creator and ‘God’ the created.125 5 2. Let me make humanity in [my] image and after [my] likeness, lest it appear that He consulted with others.126 3. And [God] ended [His work] on the sixth [day] and rested on the seventh day—lest it appeared as if [God] had done any work on the seventh day and completed [creation].127 10 4. Let me, then, go down and confuse their speech there—lest [God] appeared as a plurality [of Gods].128 5. And Sarah laughed among her relatives—that the king might not abuse [Israel] and say: “Who told you what [was going on] in her mind?”129

2 God created in the beginning] cf. Gen 1:1. For this alteration see also ʾEmunah Ramah (Weis), 105 / (Samuelson) 224 6 Let me make humanity in [my] image and after [my] likeness] cf. Gen 1:26 8–9 And God ended God’s work on the sixth day and rested on the seventh day] cf. Gen 2:2 11 Let me, then, go down and confuse their speech there] cf. Gen 11:7 13 And Sarah laughed among her relatives] cf. Gen 18:12

125 The masoretic text reads literally: “In the beginning, God created heaven and earth” (Gen 1:1). Ibn Daud’s word order strengthens the idea of creatio ex nihilo; ditto Naḥmanides ad loc. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 25–31; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 78, 87. For medieval discussions of the philosophical implications of creatio ex nihilo with regard to Gen 1:1 see Seymour W. Feldman, “‘In the Beginning God Created’: A Philosophical Midrash,” in God and Creation. An Ecumenical Symposium, ed. David B. Burrell and Bernard McGinn (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), 3–26. 126 The masoretic text reads literally: “Let us make man in our image, after our likeness” (Gen 1:26). Ibn Daud, like the rabbis, reads the plural as singular. See Jarl E. Fossum, “Gen 1.26 und 1.27 in Judaism, Samaritanism, and Gnosticism,” JSJ 16, no. 2 (1985): 202–239; Stefan Schreiner, “Partner in Gottes Schöpfungswerk: zur rabbinischen Auslegung von Gen 1,26–27,” Bulletin der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Judaistische Forschung 2, no. 131–145 (1993): 131–145; Veltri, Talmai, 41: 33–47; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 78, 86. For this alteration see also ʾEmunah Ramah (Weis), 116 / (Samuelson) 235; Fontaine, Defence, 189–190. 127 The masoretic text reads literally: “On the seventh day God finished the work that He had been doing, and He ceased on the seventh day from all the work that He had done” (Gen 2:2). Like Rashi and the tosafists, Ibn Daud emphasizes that God had completed the creation on the sixth day. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 47–51; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 86. 128 The masoretic text reads literally: “Let us, then, go down and confuse their speech there” (Gen 11:7) but Ibn Daud emphasizes the divine act. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 51–58; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 78. 129 The masoretic text reads literally: “And Sarah laughed to herself” (Gen 18:12), but Ibn her‘ ,( היבורקב ) to herself,’ to bi-qroveyah‘ ,( הברקב ) Daud and the Rabbis emend be-qirbah relatives.’ See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 58–62; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 78–79. For this alteration see also ʾEmunah Ramah (Weis), 105 / (Samuelson) 225. דברי מלכי ישראל 140

ו׳: כי באפם הרגו שור וברצונם עקרו אבוס. שלא ילעיג המלך ויאמר: מה עניין איש אצל שור? ז׳: ויקח משה את אשתו ואת בניו וירכיבם על נושא אדם. שלא יבזה המלך למשה רבינו שרכב על החמור ושלא יאמר: היאך נשא חמור אשה וב׳ בנים? אין זה אלא מפני עניות 5 ובזיון! ח׳: ומושב בני ישראל אשר ישבו במצרים ובשאר ארצות שלשים שנה וארבע מאות שנה. שאילו במצרים לא ישבו אלא ר״י שנה. וזהו שרמז להן יעקב אביהם: רד״ו שמה וחשבון ת״ל שנה הוא משנת לידת יצחק שהיו לו לאברהם זרע קדש.

משה את אשתו ואת בניו וירכיבם ויקח cf. Gen 49:6 3 [כי באפם הרגו שור וברצונם עקרו אבוס 1 ומושב בני ישראל אשר ישבו במצרים ובשאר ארצות שלשים שנה cf. Exod 4:20 6–7 [על נושא אדם cf. Gen 42:2 [רד״ו שמה cf. Exod 12:40 7 [וארבע מאות שנה

4 על]-דחטעMü 4 החמור] חמור חעMü 4 ויאמר]-ט 4 חמור] אחד+טחעMü 7 שרמז] שאמר > שרמז ל 8 שהיו] שהיה דחטעMü history of the kings of israel 141

6. For, when angry, they slay oxen and when pleased they uproot a trough—that the king might not tease them and say: “What does a man have to do with an ox?!”130 7. So Moses took his wife and sons, and mounted them on a carrier of humans—lest the king regarded Moses Our Teacher with contempt 5 because he rode on a donkey, and lest he said: “How could one donkey carry a woman and two children? This happened because of [Moses’] poverty and the contempt [in which he was held]!”131 8. The length of time that the Israelites lived in Egypt and in the other countries was 430 years—since they had only stayed in Egypt for 210 10 years.132 This is what their father Jacob hinted at when he said: “Go down [to Egypt]”133—[indeed,] the calculation resulting in 430 years begins with the year of the birth of Isaac, who was of the holy seed of Abraham.

1–2 For when angry they slay oxen and when pleased they uproot a trough] cf. Gen 49:6 4–5 So Moses took his wife and sons, and mounted them on a carrier of humans] cf. Exod 4:20 9–10 The length of time that the Israelites lived in Egypt and in the other countries was 430 years] cf. Exod 12:40 11–12 Go down] cf. Gen 42:2

130 The masoretic text reads literally: “For when angry they slay men, and when pleased they maim oxen” (Gen 49:6). This alteration omits royal opposition, and refers to Jacob’s sons Simon and Levi who were excluded from Jacob’s blessing because of their revenge for the rape of their sister Dina (Gen 34). Ibn Daud disassociates them from the mindless ’.oxen,’ as ‘aristocrat’ or ‘man‘ ,( רוש ) violence indicated in the Targum’s translation of shor See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 63–69; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 79–80, 87–88. 131 The masoretic text reads literally: “So Moses took his wife and sons, mounted them on an ass” (Exod 4:20). Reflecting rabbinic traditions that reject the donkey—either because it was regarded as unworthy of Moses or insufficient, or because of Christian messianic associations—Ibn Daud calls the donkey a “carrier of humans.” His reading differs slightly from the rabbis who shifted the break in the sentence and read “So Moses took his wife, and his sons he seated on a donkey.” See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 70–73, Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 88–89. 132 The masoretic text reads literally: “The length of time that the Israelites lived in Egypt was four hundred and thirty years” (Exod 12:40). This conflicts with Gen 15:13, according to which the Israelites reached Israel after a total of 400 years. Rabbinic exegetes frequently harmonized the numbers found in these two instances and calculated, like Ibn Daud, from the birth of Isaac onwards in order to explain the gap. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 73–78. For alternative calculations see J. Heinemann, “210 Years of Egyptian Exile. A Study in Midrashic Chronology,” Journal for Jewish Studies 22 (1971): 29, n. 17; Hartmut Hahn, Wall- fahrt und Auferstehung zur messianischen Zeit: eine rabbinische Homilie zum Neumond- Shabbat (PesR1), vol. 5, Frankfurter Judaistische Studien (Frankfurt a. M.: Gesellschaft zur Förderung Judaistischer Studien, 1979), 331–333. raddu ,( המשודר ) ’,The masoretic text of Gen 42:2 reads literally: ‘Go down there 133 shamah. Like Rashi, Ibn Daud reads this as a gematria or numerological interpretation .(210) ודר = (6) ו + (4) ד + (200) ר :for the 210 years the Israelites spent in Egypt דברי מלכי ישראל 142

ט׳: ואל זאטוטי בני ישראל לא שלח ידו. כלומר ואפילו לקטנים שבהם לא שלח ידו שלא יאמר: האצילים נמלטו אבל נערי בני ישראל לא נמלטו. י׳: לא חמוד אחד מהם נשאתי. שלא יאמר: חמור לא נשא, אבל שוחד אחר לקח! יא׳: אשר חלק יי׳ אלהיך אותם להאיר לכל העמים. שלא יאמר: הרי חלק הקדוש ברוך 5 הוא אותם לכל העמים ונתן להם רשות שיעבדום. יב׳: וילך ויעבד אלהים אחרים אשר לא צויתי לעבדם. שלא יאמר: כבר קראתם לע״ז אלהים.

cf. Num 16:15 [לא חמוד אחד מהם נשאתי cf. Exod 24:11 3 [ואל זאטוטי בני ישראל לא שלח ידו 1 וילך ויעבד אלהים אחרים אשר לא cf. Deut 4:19 6 [אשר חלק יי׳ אלהיך אותם להאיר לכל העמים 4 cf. Deut 17:3 [צויתי לעבדם

3 חמוד] חמור ל 6 לע״ז] לאלילים ט history of the kings of israel 143

9. And [God] did not raise His hand against the little ones of Israel— meaning, that [God] did not raise a hand even against their youngsters, lest [the king] say: “The noble men escaped but the children of Israel did not.”134 10. I have not taken anything of value from any of them—lest he could 5 say: “He did not take a donkey, [but] he took another bribe.”135 11. [The sun, the moon and the stars] that the Lord, your God allotted so that they be a light to all peoples—lest he say: “See, the Holy One Blessed be He, distributed the stars to all the nations and gave them permission to worship them.”136 10 12. Turning to the worship of other Gods I never commanded you to serve—lest they say: “You already called idols a God!”137

1 And God did not raise a hand against the little ones of Israel] cf. Exod 24:11 5 I have not taken anything of value from any of them] cf. Num 16:15 7–8 that the Lord, your God allotted so that they be a light to all peoples] cf. Deut 4:19 11–12 Turning to the worship of other Gods I never commanded you to serve] cf. Deut 17:3

134 The masoretic text reads literally: “Yet He did not raise His hands against the leaders remains uncertain, and Ibn ( םיליצא ) of the Israelites” (Exod 24:11). The meaning of ʾaṣilim Daud’s syntax is not clear. Ibn Daud understands Exod 24:11 like the rabbis who, in order to bolster their claims to leadership, read this verse on the background of Exod 24:5: “and he among the Israelites.” For a reading of Exod ( םירענ ) designated some young men naʿarim 24:11 on the background of Exod 24:5 see the next alteration. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 87–88; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 80–82. 135 The masoretic text reads literally: “I have not taken the ass of any of one of them, nor have I wronged any of them” (Num 16:15). See Wasserstein (Septuagint, 213) who translates: ass,’ to ḥimmud‘ ,( רמח ) I have not taken one ass from them.” Ibn Daud emends ḥamor“ beautiful, valuable,’ an alteration that already appears in the Septuagint where‘ ,( דומיח ) it is understood as desire, and in bMeg 9a–b. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 89–92; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 74, 83–84. 136 The masoretic text reads literally: “These the Lord your God allotted to other peoples everywhere under heaven” (Deut 4:19). Star worship, forbidden to Israel (Deut 17:3, see the twelfth alteration below) was usually seen as permitted to the nations (Deut 4:19), but Ibn Daud emphasizes that the prohibition affected all nations. 137 The masoretic text reads literally: “Turning to the worship of other gods and bowing down to them, to the sun or the moon or any of the heavenly host, something I never commanded” (Deut 17:3). Ibn Daud’s change preempts possible polytheistic interpretations. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 92–97; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 84. In bMeg 9b, too, only the beginning and the end of the referenced verse are quoted. דברי מלכי ישראל 144

יג׳ ואת הארנבת קראו צעירת הרגלים מפני שאשתו של המלך ארנבת היה שמה, שלא תאמר הלעיגו בי היהודים. בא וראה כמה היו נשמרים מגזרת יון ולא יכלו. ותלמי זה כבד ע׳ הזקנים בלבושי מלכות ומתנות גדולות. והחזירם שמחים וטובי לב ושמח בחכמתם מאד. ושלח בידם קרבנות 5 לאלוהינו.

[4. ראשית מלכות אנטיוכוס]

ומת סליקוס השליש חברו של תלמי ומלך תחתיו במקדוניה אנטיוכוס. ונלחם בתלמי ולקח את כל ארצו מידו והרגו וכבש את ארץ ישראל שהיתה תחת יד תלמי.

Ps 129:2 [ולא יכלו Ezek 8:9 3 [בא וראה cf. Deut 14:7 3 [ואת הארנבת קראו צעירת הרגלים 1 .2Kgs 15:10 et al [ומלך תחתיו 7

3 מגזרת] מגזרות דחטעMü 5 לאלוהינו] כאן המעתיק של כ״י ע מפסיק להעתיק את דברי מלכי ישראל ועובר להעתיק את המדרש על זכריה 8 יד] ידי חט

[לאלוהינו Hare H 5 [ארנבת parulum pedibus Mü | klein beinigen W 1 [צעירת הרגלים 1 +At that time there were many contented to folow the lawes of the Grecians, but these seuentye refused. M | +At that time there were many that condescend to follow the Laws of the Grecians, but these Seventy refused. H history of the kings of israel 145

13. And the rabbit they called ‘of quick feet’138 because the king’s wife was called Arnevet139—lest she say: “The Jews made fun of me.”140 Behold how they had found protection from the Greek decrees and how they could not overcome them!141 Talmai honored the seventy elders with royal robes and magnificent presents. He gave them permission to return 5 joyfully and in high spirits, and he rejoiced in their wisdom. Through them, he sent sacrifices to our God.142

[4. The Early Rule of Antiochus]143

When Seleucus [IV Philopator],144 the general and friend of Talmai’s [Ptolemy],145 died, Antiochus146 succeeded him as king in Macedonia. He 10

1 And the rabbit they called ‘of quick feet’] cf. Deut 14:7 3 Behold] Ezek 8:9 4 they could not overcome them] Ps 129:2 10 succeeded him as king] 2Kgs 15:10 et al.

138 Translated as “parulum pedibus,” in Münster (1529), and “klein beinigen” in Wolff (1557), [23]. 139 See esp. bMeg 9b; yMeg 1:11 (71d). Translated as “hare” in Howell (1652), 6. 140 Deut 14:7, Lev 11:6. This is possibly a genuine re-translation of a Greek word: Ptolemy’s -or Gr. Lagoós (λα ( תבנרא ) wife (or father, depending on the tradition) was called ʾArnevet γωός), with both words meaning hare. Most texts read, like Ibn Daud ṣeʿirat raglayyim -young’ or ‘quick feet.’ Behind this stands a consonantal switch, suggest‘ ,( םילגרתריעצ ) hairy feet,’ a variant‘ ,( םילגרתריעש ) ing that the original probably read seʿirat raglayyim preserved in one manuscript. See Veltri, Talmai, 41: 101, n. 315; David J. Wasserstein, “The Ptolemy and the Hare: Dating an Old Story about the Translation of the Septuagint,” Scripta Classica Israelica 17 (1998): 77–86; Tov, “Rabbinic Tradition,” 73–74. 141 Translated as “The Jews have made fun of me, come and see how much they sought to avoid the decrees of the Greeks but they were unable to do so” in Wasserstein, Septuagint, 213. 142 Morwen comments “At that time there were many contented to folow the lawes of the Grecians, but these seuentye refused,” Morwen (1558), iiii. Similarly Howell (1652), 6. 143 For Antiochus in ancient Jewish texts see McLaren, “Josephus on Titus: the Van- quished Writing About the Victor,” 34–47; Tobias Nicklas, “Der Historiker als Erzähler; zur Zeichnung des Seleukidenkönigs Antiochus in 2Makk IX,” Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 1 (2002)-92; Krauss, Persia: 12; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 13; 1Macc 1:10–64; 2Macc 4:7–7:42; Josephus, War 13.1. 144 Seleucus IV Philopator (r. 187–176bce), son of Antiochus III the Great and of Laodice III. 145 Ptolemy VI Philometer, King of Egypt (r. 180–145). 146 Antiochus IV Epiphanes (r. 175–164bce), son of Antiochus III, succeeded his brother Seleucus IV. He pushed Hellenization as a means to unify a fractured kingdom, especially among his Jewish population—a policy that contributed in many ways to the outbreak of war between Antioch and the Jews. דברי מלכי ישראל 146

ורם לבבו עד מאד והיה שונא לישראל מפני אהבתם לתלמי ומפני שעזרוהו במלחמותו עם אנטיוכס. ואנטיוכוס זה בנה מדינה גדולה על חוף הים וקרא לה אנטיוכיא. ועשה בה צלם של זהב וציוה להביא אליו מבני ישראל להשתחות לצלם. ויש מהם שנהרג על קדושת השם ויש 5 מהם שיצא מן הכלל. וקודם לכן בטל מהם שבת וחדש וברית מילה וצוה שלא יעשו מצות אלו כלל בכל מלכותו. והרג בשבילם הרבה מישראל והצר להם מאד יותר מכל צר ואויב. והיה לו משנה בירושלם שמו פוליפוס ועשה צלם במקדש. וצוה על ישראל להשתחות לו וכל מי שלא ישמע לו יהרג. ועל ידי פוליפוס זה נהרג חנה וז׳ בניה כמו שהוא. וכשהגיע

Esth 7:6 [צר ואויב 7

4 להביא]-ט 4 שנהרג ]שנהרגו ל 6 מאד]-דחטMü 8 פוליפוס] פוליפוס ל 9 מי שלא] אשר לא ט 9 נהרג] נהרגה ל nachfar Sch [ואויב fel from the synagoge their mother church MH 7 [שיצא מן הכלל 5 | wie dann daruon anderstwo geschriben M+ [שהוא Polipus W | Polipus H 9 [פוליפוס 8 +as it is mencioned in other places Sch | +as it is mentionied in other places H history of the kings of israel 147 waged war against Talmai and annexed his entire land; he killed him and conquered the land of Israel, which had been under Talmai’s rule. He was exceedingly haughty and hated the Jews because of their affection for Talmai, and because they had supported him in his wars against Anti- ochus. 5 This Antiochus built a great city on the seashore and called it Antioch.147 He erected a golden statue [there], and gave orders that Jews be brought to him to prostrate in front of the idol. Some martyred themselves,148 while others apostatized.149 Prior to that, he abolished [the commandments concerning] Shabbat, the [celebration of the] New Moon and [the rite of] 10 circumcision. He gave orders that none of these divine commandments should be observed throughout his kingdom. On account of this, he murdered many Jews and oppressed them bitterly, more than any other adversary and enemy. He had a deputy150 in Jerusalem named Polifus [Philip], who erected a 15 statue in the Temple and ordered the Jews to prostrate in front of it, and declared that he would kill all those who would refuse to do his bidding. It is by this very Polifus that Hannah and her seven sons were killed, as it

13–14 adversary and enemy] Esth 7:6

147 See GenR (Theodor/Albeck) 23:1; mTeh (Buber) 9:8; Scroll of Antioch; Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, 26. 148 Literally: were killed in the Sanctification of the Name. See Simha Goldin, “The Socialisation for “Kiddush ha-Shem” among Medieval Jews,” JMH 23, no. 2 (1997): 117–138; Israel Y. Yuval, “Ha-naqam ve-ha-qelalah, ha-dam ve-ha-ʿalilah me-ʿalilot qedoshim le- ʿalilot dam.” Zion 58, no. 1 (1994): 33–99 and the many reactions in Zion 59 (1994) no. 2–3. 149 For the term see bBer 49b. Translated as “fel from the synagoge their mother church,” Morwen (1558), iiii; similarly Howell (1652), 7. 150 Translated as “nachfar” in Schwyntzer (1530), 13. דברי מלכי ישראל 148

הדבר לאנטיוכוס הוסיף שנאה על ישראל ונתחזק שלא להשאיר להם שריד ופליט אלא מי שיעבוד הצלם.

[5. תחילת מרד המכבים]

בימים ההם ברחו אנשים הרבה מישראל אל הר המודעית ואל יריחו מפני גזרת פוליפוס 5 ואנטיוכוס אדוניו. והיה בראשם כהן גדול שמו מתתיהו בן יוחנן ונקרא חשמונאי. וצוה

.Exod 2:11 et al [בימים ההם Josh 8:22 4 [שלא להשאיר להם שריד ופליט 1

2 שיעבוד] +את דחט history of the kings of israel 149 is [written elsewhere].151 When word of this reached Antiochus, his hatred against Israel increased and he confirmed that no-one would escape or get away other than those who would worship the statue.

[5. The Beginning of the Maccabean Revolt]152

In those days, many Jews fled to Mount Modiʾin and to Jericho because of 5 the decrees of Polifus and his lord Antiochus. Their leader was the high priest Mattathias, the son of Johanan, who was called the Hasmonean.153

2–3 no-one would escape or get away] Josh 8:22 5 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al.

151 The mother is anonymous in rabbinic literature. She is called Hannah, a name derived from 1Sam 2:8, for the first time in Sefer Josippon. See Sefer Josippon (Mantua, 1480) 244; Sefer Josippon (Flusser) p. 70–76; Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon,” 211. In contrast to Josippon, this story, so important for medieval hagiography, is mentioned in passing only, perhaps in reaction to the well-established cult of the Maccabees in the Spanish Church. See Gerard A.M. Rouwhorst, “The Cult of the Seven Maccabean Brothers and their Mother in Christian Tradition,” in Saints and Role Models in Judaism and Christianity, ed. Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 196; Robert Doran, “The Mother: A Synoptic View of the Mother and Her Seven Sons,” in Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism: Profiles and Paradigms, ed. John Joseph Collins and George W.E. Nickelsburg, Septuagint and Cognate Studies 12 (Missoula: Scholars, 1980), 189–221; Zeitlin, “Josippon,” 283–286; Jehuda Gutman, “The Mother and Her Seven Sons in Aggadah and in II and IV Maccabeans,” in Sefer Yoḥanan Leṿi: meḥkarim be-helenismus yehudi le-zikhro shel Yoḥanan Leṿi, ed. Moshe Schwabe and Joshua Gutmann (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1949), 25–37; Gerson D. Cohen, “The Story of Hannah and Her Seven Sons in Hebrew Literature (in Hebrew),” in Mordecai M. Kaplan: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday = Sefer ha-yovel le-khaved Mordekhai Menaḥem Kaplan, ed. Moshe Davis (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1953), 102–133. See 2Macc 7; bGit 57b; ThrR (Buber) 1:16; SER (Friedmann/Ish Shalom) 28 and Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 15. The early modern editors point their readers to other versions of the story. Schwyntzer adds “wie dann daruon anderstwo geschriben,” Schwyntzer (1530), 13, similarly Wolff (1557), [25], Morwen (1558), iv and Howell (1652), 8. 152 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2.53–55. Ibn Daud’s account differs, but is also indebted to rabbinic literature. See Isaiah M. Gafni, “Ha-Ḥashmonaʾim ba-sifrut Ḥaza”l,” in Yemey bayit Ḥashmonaʾi: meqorot, sikumim, parshiyot nivḥarot ve-ḥomer ʿezer, ed. David Amit (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1995), 261–276; Efron, The Hasmonean Period, 1–32. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 16; 1Macc 2:1–48; 1Macc 2:2–5; 2Macc 5:27, 8; Josephus, Ant., 12. 246–278, War, 1.36. 153 Mattathias ben Johanan (d. 167/166bce). Ibn Daud calls Judah ‘the Hasmonean’ after the title given to Mattathias’ father or great-grandfather (ShQ, 2.52–54). 1Macc 6 avoids the title, as do patristic writers such as Origin and later rabbinic texts such as the Scroll of Antioch. See Jonathan A. Goldstein, IMaccabees: A new Translation, with Introduction and Commentary, The Anchor Bible (Garden City: Doubleday, 1976), 17–19; Joseph Sievers, “Jonathan Aristobulus III and Hasmonean Names,” INJ 8 (1984–1985): 7–8. Ralph Marcus, “The Name “Makkabaios”,” in The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume; Studies in History and Philology Jewish Social Studies (New York: Conference on Jewish Relations, 1953), 59–65. דברי מלכי ישראל 150

עליהם הכהן לצום להתענות לפני הקדוש ברוך הוא בבכי ושק ואפר. ואחר תעניתם אמר להם: אם רצונכם ליהרג על קדוש השם למה נמות כנשים? נצא ונלחם בפליפוס! אם נמות נמות בכבוד. ואפשר שהקדוש ברוך הוא יעזור אותנו ולא יכרית פליטת ישראל. וכולם שמעו לו וכרתו ברית עמו על דבר זה.

5 וכשמוע פוליפוס דבר זה חרה אפו ויאסוף את כל חילו ויצא להרגם וכל מי שמצא בדרכו מישראל הרג. וכשמוע מתתיהו הכהן וכל פליטת ישראל כבא פוליפוס אליהן עלו להר המודיעית הם ובניהם ונשיהם. ולבש הוא כלי מלחמה והלביש את בניו כלי מלחמתם. כי חמשה בנים היו לו: יהודה הבכור ומשנהו יהונתן והשלישי יוחנן והרביעי שמעון והחמישי אלעזר כולם גבורי חיל. וכשבא פוליפוס אליהם דבר במרמה אל מתתיה ואמר לו: אתה 10 ראש בישראל ואיש נשוא פנים. רד אתה וכל אשר עמך ועבדו לצלם ולא תרימו יד במלך ותחיו ולא תמותו. ואתה תהיה להם לראש. ולא שמע אליו הכהן אלא קללו וחרפו. והיה לכהן מזבח בתחתית ההר היה מעלה עליו עולות ליי׳ יתברך. ובא אחד מפושעי ישראל שהיו במחנה פליפוס ושחט עליו חזיר והיה הפושע בחור והכהן זקן וכבד. וכשראה מה שעשה הפושע צעק לאלהיו לעזרו ולחזקו ובקש לצאת לפושע אחד לאחד. וייטב 15 הדבר בעיני הפושע ובעיני פליפוס וכל מחנהו. וירד הכהן מתתיהו וחרבו שלופה בידו וגם הפושע עמד תחתיו. וכשהגיע הכהן אליו עזרו אלהיו ונצח את הפושע וכרת ראשו והפיל את נבלתו אל המזבח.

הבכור ומשנהו יהונתן 2Kgs 23:26 et al. 8 [חרה אפו Exod 2:11 et al. 5 [הוא בבכי ושק ואפר 1 Num 22:23 [וחרבו שלופה בידו 1Chr 12:22 et al. 15 [גבורי חיל cf. 1Sam 17:13 9 [והשליש

2 בפליפוס] בפליפוש ח 3 יעזור] יחזור ח 10 נשוא] נשוי ל 12 היה] שהיה ח 13 שהיו] שהיה ט 13 וכבד] מאד דח |-Sch 14–13 בחור והכהן זקן וכבד]-ט 17 אל] על דחטל

MüMH- [חרה אפו 5 history of the kings of israel 151

The priest ordered them to hold a fast in weeping, sack and ashes before the Holy One, Blessed be He. After the fast, he told them: “If you wish to be killed as martyrs,154 why should we die like women? Let us go out and fight Polifus! If we die, we shall die in honor. It is possible that the Holy One, Blessed be He, will help us and will not cut off the survivors 5 of Israel.” They listened to him and made a covenant with him to this effect. Hearing this, Polifus was furious.155 He gathered his army and left to kill them, slaying every Jew he encountered on the way. When the Priest Mattathias and the remnant of Israel heard that Polifus was approaching, 10 they went to Modiʾin with their wives and children. He put on his armor and clad his sons in armor. He had five sons: Judah his firstborn, the next, Jonathan, the third Johanan, the fourth Simon, and the fifth Eleazar, and all were valiant men.156 When Polifus came to them, he spoke deceitfully to Mattathias: “You are a leader of Israel and a respected man. Descend, 15 you and all your people, worship the idol and do not raise your hands against the king, and you shall live and not die. [In fact,] you shall be their leader!” The priest, however, did not heed to him, but rather cursed and insulted him. The priest had, at the foot of the mountain, an altar, which he used to sacrifice to God, Blessed be He. One of the Jewish traitors 20 [serving] in Polifus’s camp came and slaughtered a pig on it. The traitor was a young lad and the priest an old and respected man. When he saw what the traitor had done, he cried out to his God to come to his help and to give him strength, and he challenged the traitor to one-to-one combat. The idea pleased [both] the traitor, Polifus, and his entire camp. The priest 25 Mattathias descended, his drawn sword in his hand, and the traitor stood below him. When the priest approached him, God gave him strength and he overcame the traitor; he cut off his head and dropped his cadaver on the altar.

1 in weeping, sack and ashes] Esth 4:3 8 was furious] 2Kgs 23:26 et al. 12–13 his firstborn, and the next, Jonathan, the third] cf. 1Sam 17:13 14 valiant men] 1Chr 12:22 et al. 26 his drawn sword in his hand] Num 22:23

154 Literally: in the Sanctification of the Name, see above n. 149. 155 Münster (1529), 25; Morwen (1558), v and Howell (1652), 8 omit Philip’s anger. 156 Rabbinic sources do not mention all sons together. דברי מלכי ישראל 152

ופליפוס וכל מחנהו תמהו איש לאחיו. ועוד עמד הכהן על המזבח וצעק: יש מי שרוצה לצאת אחד לאחד? אז בחר פליפוס גבור חיל גדול בכל מחנהו. והוציאו לקצה המחנה לצותו מה יעשה לכהן. וירד הכהן אל קצה המחנה וחרבו שלופה בידו כאילו בא להלחם עם הגבור. ואחר כך הניח את הגבור והשיב ידו בחרב על פליפוס והתיז את ראשו. ונס 5 אל ההר תקעו כלם בשופרות וירדו אל מחנה יון. וכראות יון כי מת גבורם וינוסו וירדפו חשמונאי ובניו וכל ישראל ויכו בהם מכה גדולה.

[6. טיהור המקדש]

ובא מתתיהו הכהן אל ירושלם וטיהר את המקדש והחזיר את העבודה וצוה למול את כל הנולדים בימיו כי לא מלו אותם מפני גזירתו. ונתחזק וישב על כסא המלכות והבריח 10 את יון מארץ ישראל. ושנה אחת היתה מלכתו והיא שנת רי״ב לבנין בית שני. וחלה

Josh 6:4 [תקעו כלם בשופרות Num 22:23 5 [וחרבו שלופה בידו 1Chr 12:29 3 [גבור חיל 2 .cf. Esth 5:1 et al [וישב על כסא המלכות 1Sam 19:7 et al. 9 [ויכו בהם מכה גדולה 6

2 לצאת]-ח 4 הגבור] גבור ל 5 אל] על ל 5 תקעו] ותקעו חטל 8 את] על ל 8 את]-ל 8 את] -חט 9 בימיו] בימי פליפוס דחט 9 המלכות] מלכות ל 10 והיא] והיה ל

Polipus MH+ [בימיו 9 history of the kings of israel 153

Polifus and his camp were astounded, while the priest stood by the altar and cried out: “Is there anybody who wants to fight [me] one-to-one?” Then Polifus chose the most valiant among his men in his camp, brought him to the end of the camp, and instructed him on what to do with the priest. The priest descended to the end of the camp, his drawn sword in his 5 hand as if he had come to fight the warrior. But then he turned away from the warrior and turned his sword against Polifus, cut off his head, and fled to the mountain. All [the Jewish fighters] blew their horns and descended upon the Greek army. When the Greeks saw that their warrior was dead, they fled, and the Hasmonean, his sons, and all of the Jews pursued them 10 and inflicted a crushing defeat on them.

[6. The Purification of the Temple]157

Then Mattathias the Priest arrived in Jerusalem, he purified the Temple, restored the worship, and gave orders to circumcise all boys born in his [Philip’s] days,158 because they had not been circumcised on account of his 15 decree. He gathered strength, sat on his throne, and expelled the Greeks from the land of Israel. His rule lasted for one year; the 212th year of the building of the Second Temple.159 Then he fell gravely ill, and commanded his sons to keep the charge of the Lord, to walk in His ways, and to overcome Greece by the Sanctification of the Name.160 He brought out the 20

3 the most valiant among his men] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 5–6 his drawn sword in his hand] Num 22:23 8 blew their horns] Josh 6:4 9 saw that their warrior was dead] 1Sam 17:51 11 they inflicted a crushing defeat on them] 1Sam 19:7 et al. 16 sat on his throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 19 keep the charge of the Lord and to walk in His ways] cf. 1Kgs 2:3

157 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 16. 44–64, 18:30–35; 1Macc 4:36–62; 2Macc 10:1–9; Jose- phus, Ant. 12.316–326; mMid 1:6. ימיב ) SederʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513), PARISBN 585, PHIL UP HB 13 insert be-yameiPolifus 158 under Polifus’s rule,’ Similarly Morwen (1558), vi; Wolff (1557), [29] and Howell‘ ,( סופילופ (1652), 10. battle’ or ‘vengeance.’ Ibn Daud reads this as a‘ ,( ביר ) The masoretic text reads riv 159 + (10) י + (200) ר .gematria or numerological interpretation of the 212 years of rebellion ,In Isa 34:8, riv stresses God’s revenge on behalf of the Temple. See ShQ .(212) ב״יר = (2) ב 2.52; p. 171; Cohen, “The Story of the Four Captives,” 103, n. 46; Scroll of Antioch; Rashi to Isa 34:8. 160 Translated as “to play the men againste the Grecians for the religion of the Lord” in Morwen (1558), vii; similarly Howell (1652), 12. דברי מלכי ישראל 154

למות וצוה את בניו לשמור את משמרת יי׳ וללכת בדרכיו ולהתחזק על יון על קדושת השם. ויוצא את יהודה הגדול הגיבור ויעמידהו במקדש ויקח קרן השמן ויצוק על ראשו ויריעו כל ישראל תרועה גדולה ויאמרו: יחי המלך יחי המלך!

[7. יהודה בן מתתיהו נלחם באנטיוכוס]

5 ויקבוץ את מחנה ישראל ויצא להלחם עם הנשארים במבצרי ישראל מן היונים. וכל אשר הוא עושה יי׳ מצליח. וישלח אליו המלך אנטיוכוס חיל כבד מאד ביד שליש שמו פלוניאוס. וילחם בו יהודה וינגף היוני לפניו ויהרג ביונים עד לאין מחיה. והמלך יהודה מיהר אל השליש פלוניאוס והרג את כל הסובבים אותו מן הגיבורים וגם את השליש הרג.

10 ויהי כשמוע אנטיוכוס את הדבר הזה ויחר לו מאד. ויבחר שליש גבור עד מאד ושמו ליסיא וישלחהו אל ירושלם. וישלח עמו אלף פרשים ורוגלים לאין מספר. וכשמוע המלך יהודה דבר זה גזר תענית אל כל ישראל ג׳ ימים. ואחר כן פקד את כל מחניהו ושם עליהם שרי אלפים ושרי מאות ושרי חמשים ושרי עשרות. ודברו השוטרים: מי האיש הירא וגומ׳? וישב מן העם הרבה וישארו ז׳ אלפים ות״ק אחד מהם לא יברח ממאה.

ויקח קרן cf. Jer 32:18 2 [הגדול הגיבור cf. 1Kgs 2:3 2 [לשמור את משמרת יי׳ וללכת בדרכיו 1 [ישראל תרועה גדולה ויריעו כל cf. Gen 28:18 3 [השמן ויצוק על ראשו ויריעו כל ישראל תרועה גדולה Gen 39:3 [וכל אשר הוא עושה יי׳ מצליח 2Sam 16:16 5–6 [יחי המלך יחי המלך 1Sam 4:5 3 ושם עליהם 2Sam 13:21 12–13 [ויחר לו מאד Josh 5:1 10 [ויהי כשמוע 2Kgs 6:14 10 [חיל כבד 6 Deut 20:8 [מי האיש הירא Exod 18:21; 25 13–14 [חמשים ושרי עשרות שרי אלפים ושרי מאות ושרי

1 על] עם ל 3 כל] >עם< ט 3 יחי המלך]-דחטA 7 עד] על חל 8 אל] את ח 8 פלוניאוס] פלוניאו ח 8 את-A ] 11 ליסיא] ליסיאי ח 11 אל] על ל | את ח 11 לאין] אין ל 12 אל] על ח 13 ושרי] שרי ט to play the men againste the Grecians for the religion of [ולהתחזק על יון על קדושת השם 2–1 der Künig lebe Sch | God saue the kinge, God saue the [יחי המלך יחי המלך the Lord MH 3 Pelonium Sch | Pelonius [פלוניאוס kinge M | God save the King, God, save the King H 7 cum inopia uictualium laborarenent Mü | he espied his tyme when [עד לאין מחיה MH 7 they were destitute of victuals M | he espied his time when they were destitute of victuals aber solche Ritter Sch+ [ות״ק ז׳ אלפים H 14 history of the kings of israel 155 great and mighty Judah161 and appointed him in the Temple. He took the horn of oil and poured it over his head, and all Israel broke into a great shout: “Long live the king! Long live the king!”162

[7. Judah ben Mattathias Fights Antiochus]163

[Judah] gathered Israel’s army and attacked the remaining Greeks in the 5 fortresses of Israel. And the Lord lent success to everything he undertook. Then, King Antiochus dispatched a strong force, led by a general called Apollonius,164 against him. Judah waged war against them, and the Greeks165 fled before him; he killed a great number of them.166 Then King Judah hastened to reach general Apollonius, and slew all soldiers around 10 him and even the general himself. When Antiochus heard this, he was greatly upset. He elected a most valiant general named Lysias,167 and he sent him [to fight] against Jeru- salem. He sent 1,000 cavalrymen and countless foot soldiers with Lysias. When King Judah learnt this, he decreed a three day fast to all Jews. 15 Next, he appointed his army, and he set over them chiefs of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens. The officials asked: “Is there anyone afraid, etc.?” Many amongst the people left, and 7,500168 remained, [each so

1 great and mighty] cf. Jer 32:18 1–2 He took the horn of oil and poured it over his head] cf. Gen 28:18 2–3 all Israel broke into a great shout] 1Sam 4:5 3 Long live the king! Long live the king] 2Sam 16:16 6–7 And the Lord lent success to everything he undertook] Gen 39:3 7 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 12 When Antiochus heard this] cf. Josh 5:1 12 he was greatly upset] 2Sam 13:21 16–17 and he set over them chiefs of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens] Exod 18:21; 25 17–18 Is there anyone afraid] Deut 20:8

161 An alternative translation is: Judah the eldest and the hero, see ShQ, Epilogue, 98. 162 Translated as “May the Messiah live” in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 16.62; “der Künig lebe,” Schwyntzer (1530), 16; “God saue the kinge, God saue the kinge”, Morwen (1558), vii and similarly Howell (1652), 12 [= 11]. 163 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 17, 22.39–25.27; 1Macc 3:1–9:1–10; Josephus, Ant., 12.367–374, 402–434, War, 1.41–45. 164 Appolonius, the governor of Samaria. “Pelonius,” Howell (1652), 11 [= 12]. 165 For the term see Krauss, “Die hebräischen Benennungen,” 395–396. 166 Translated as “cum inopia uictualium laborarenent,” in Münster (1529), 28, and as “he espied his tyme when they were destitute of victuals,” Morwen (1558), vii; similarly Howell (1652) 12 [= 11]. 167 Lysias was an agent for Antiochus V Eupator, and his rule collapsed under Deme- trius I Soter (r. 162–150ce). 168 7,000 according to Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 17.50. דברי מלכי ישראל 156

ולסיא חצה מחנהו לשלושה כיתות וישם עליהם שלשה ראשים: ניקנור ובנריס ותלמי. ויריעו לישראל תרועה גדולה ויגוף יי׳ את היונים. וישחיתו מהם בני ישראל כתשעת אלפים ויבוזו את כל המחנה וינוסו הנשארים. וישבות במחנה המלך יהודה וכל ישראל עמו כי המלחמה ביום הששי היתה. ולמחרת השבת שבו ישראל לפשט את החללים 5 ואחר כן לרדוף את הנגפים ולא מצאום כי נמלטו בעשתרות קרנים. ובימי המלחמה הזאת אנטיוכוס המלך הלך לארץ פרס שהרימו בו יד ופשעו בו. ונלחם בהם ונגף לפניהם ושב לאנטיוכיא בבושת פנים ומצא את מחניהו בבשה אחרת. ויחר לו מאד ויאסוף כל גבורי יון וכל עושי מלחמה מכל חוגר חגורה ומעלה. ונשבע שיוציא מחנה שלא יספק עפר ירושלם לשעלים לכל העם אשר ברגליו. והוציא עם הפרשים והסוסים 10 עגלות נושאות כלי מלחמה קשת ומגן וצנה וחרב וחנית ושריון וכובע. ועוד הוציא פילים הרבה שנלחמים עליהם הגיבורים י״ב על פיל אחד. והוא נעשה להם במבצר.

ושב לאנטיוכיא בבושת Gen 14:5 7 [בעשתרות קרנים 1Sam 4:5 5 [תרועה גדולה ויריעו לישראל 2 [וכל עושי מלחמה מכל חוגר חגורה ומעלה 2Sam 13:21 8 [ויחר לו מאד 2Chr 32:21 7–8 [פנים cf. 1Kgs 20:10 [מחנה שלא יספק עפר ירושלם לשעלים לכל העם אשר ברגליו cf. 2Kgs 24:16 8–9

1 ולסיא] לישיא חט 1 חצה] > חלק ט | חזכק ח 1 ובנריס] ובוריס ד | ובגריס חטלMüA 2 לישראל] כל ישראל ל | ישראל טA 3 אלפים] +פרשים דחטA 6 הלך]-ל 7 בבשה] בבושת חל 10 כלי] כל כלי דחטA

Nicanor, Gorgias, Ptolemy Sch [ניקנור ובנריס ותלמי Bagris HMSch 1 [ובנריס 1 history of the kings of israel 157 courageous that]169 none would flee before a hundred [men]. Lysias divided his army into three groups, and he set three commanders over them: Nicanor, Banaris and Ptolemy.170 The Jews burst into a great shout, and God drove away the Greeks. The Jews destroyed about nine thousand of them, they plundered the camp and the remaining [Greeks] fled.171 Then, King 5 Judah and all Jews who were with him rested in the camp [on the following day, Shabbat], for the battle had taken place on a Friday. On the day after Shabbat, they returned to strip the corpses and to pursue the defeated, but they could not find them because they had fled to Ashteroth-karnaim.172 During this war, King Antiochus went to Persia, a land that had rebelled 10 against him and betrayed him. He waged battle against them, fled before them, and returned in disgrace to Antioch, where he found his camp in yet another embarrassing situation. He was greatly upset and gathered all the Greek warriors and men trained for battle, every man old enough to bear arms. He swore that he would bring out an army [large enough so] that the 15 dust of Jerusalem would [not] provide even a handful for each of the men that followed him.173 He sent out the cavalrymen, the horses, and the carts holding the weapons: bows, shields, breastplates, swords, spears, armor and helmets. Moreover, he sent many elephants manned with twelve [warriors] to a single elephant, which became as a fortress to them. 20

3 All Israel burst into a great shout] 1Sam 4:5 9 Ashteroth-karnaim] Gen 14:5, Josh 12:4 12 returned to Antioch in disgrace] cf. 2Chr 32:21 13 he was greatly upset] 2Sam 13:21 14 men trained for battle] cf. 2Kgs 24:16 14–15 every man old enough to bear arms] 2Kgs 3:21 16–17 provide even a handful for each of the men that followed him] cf. 1Kgs 20:10

169 “aber solche Ritter” in Wolff (1557), [31]. 170 In 165bce, Lysias mobilized three Seleucid generals, Nicanor, Gorgias, and Ptolemy with a force of 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 cavalry (1Macc 3:38; 4:1; 5:55; 2Macc 10:14; 12:32–37; Josephus, Ant., 12:298, 305–312, 351). The anniversary of Nicanor’s defeat was commemorated on Adar 13 (Megilat Taʾanit, 346; 2Macc 8:9–11, 14–15; Josephus, Ant., 12:402–405). Gorgias’ army of 6,000 soldiers was routed near Emmaus. Ptolemy Macron sided with the Jews (2Macc 10:12), was accused of fraternization, and eventually committed suicide. He is possibly identical with Ptolemy ben Dorymenes (2Macc 4:45). The sequence Ptolemy, Nicanor and Gorgias can be found in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 17.41 (p. 82); 1Macc 3:38; Josephus, Ant., 12.298. The sequence is Nicanor, Gorgias, Ptolemy in Wolff (1557), [31]. 171 11,000 according to Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 17.67–68 (p. 83). 172 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 17.67–68 (p. 83). Located east of the Jordan River (Gen 14:5 and Josh 12:4), this is perhaps conflated with Karnaim or Carnaim (1Macc 5:26; 2Macc 12:26–36). 173 Translated as “that all the grounde about Hierusalem should not suffice them to stande uppon that hee woulde haue wyth him, euen for hys fotemen onelye,” in Morwen (1558), viii; similarly Howell (1652), 13. דברי מלכי ישראל 158

[8. מות המלך אנטיוכוס]

והמלך יהודה נתחזק ונשען על אלהיו וערך אתו מלחמה. וכשהגיע הוא וגיבורי ישראל אל הפילים הכום מכה גדולה. וצעקו הפילים וחרדו הסוסים והבהמות מושכי העגלות והרבה מכלי המלחמה. וגם המלך אנטיוכוס היה רוכב על סוסיא גם היא חרדה ונסה 5 והפילה אותו. והיה איש בריא מאד ונשאוהו עבדיו על צואריהם מעט ולא יכלו עוד שאתו והפילוהו. ומקודם לכן נגעו יי׳ הוא וכל מחנהו בגרב ובחרס ובכל חלאים רעים. וכשראה כל זה אות אצבע אלהים הוא ונדר שאם ימלט שימול את עצמו ואת גבוריו וישיבם לעבודת אלהי ישראל. ולא שמע יי׳ אליו ונס ברגליו ומת בדרך בחלאים קשים ורעים. וימלוך אופיטיר בנו תחתיו.

10 [9. חנוכת הבית]

והמלך יהודה וכל ישראל שבו בשמחה אל בית המקדש והעלו עולות. לאחר שערכו עצים על המזבח והעולה על העצים וצעקו אל יי׳ לרצות עולותם ותצא אש מן המזבח

Deut [בגרב ובחרס Judg 3:17 6 [והיה איש בריא מאד 1Sam 19:7 et al. 5 [הכום מכה גדולה 3 .cf [ותצא אש מן המזבח ותאכל את העולה ואת העצים Exod 8:15 12–4.1 [אצבע אלהים 7 28:27 Lev 9:24

5 איש] האיש ל 5 יכלו]-ט 6 בגרב ובחרס] ברעב ובחרב ח 7 אות] +אמר Aדט 7 הוא] היא דחטA 9–8 קשים ורעים] רעים וקשים ט 12 אל] על ט ein Jüde werde W [שימול את עצמו ואת גבוריו ein geschnitten Mutterpferdt W 7 [סוסיא 4 Opiter Sch [אופיטיר 9 history of the kings of israel 159

[8. Death of Antiochus]174

King Judah gathered his strength, relied upon his God, and waged war with Antiochus. When he and the Jewish warriors reached the elephants, they inflicted a crushing defeat on them. The elephants trumpeted, startling the horses and the beasts pulling both the carts and a large portion of 5 the weapons. King Antiochus, too, was riding on a mare175 that shied, fled and threw him off. He was a very stout man, and his servants carried him on their shoulders for a short while until they could no longer do so and dropped him. Prior to that, God had afflicted him and his entire camp with boilscars, itch and all sorts of terrible diseases. Seeing this as the finger of 10 God, he swore that, should he escape, he would circumcise himself and his soldiers,176 and would guide them to worship the God of Israel. But God did not listen to him, and he fled on foot and died on the way of severe and evil illnesses. His son Eupator177 ruled after him.

[9. Dedication of the Temple]178 15

King Judah and all Israel returned joyfully to the Temple and brought burnt offerings. After they had laid out wood on the altar and laid the sacrifice on the wood, they cried to God to accept their sacrifice, and fire came forth from the altar and devoured the burnt offering and the wood.

3–4 they inflicted a crushing defeat on them] 1Sam 19:7 et al. 7 a very stout man] Judg 3:17 10 boilscars and itch] Deut 28:27 10–11 the finger of God] Exod 8:15 18–19 and fire came forth from the altar and devoured the burnt offering and the wood] cf. Lev 9:24

174 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 18.1–29; 1Macc 6:1–16; 2Macc 9; Josephus, Ant., 12.354–360. 175 Translated as “ein geschnitten Mutterpferdt” in Wolff (1530). 176 Wolff (1557) [33] explains “ein Jüde werde.” 177 Antiochus V Eupator (r. 164–162bce). 178 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 17.30–35; 1Macc 4:36–62; 2Macc 10:1–9; mMid 1:6. Sam- son Hochfeld, “Die Entstehung des Hanukkafestes,” ZAW 22 (1902):264–284; Rudolf Leszyn- sky, “Das Laubhüttenfest Chanukka,” MGWJ, no. 4 (1911): 400–418. דברי מלכי ישראל 160

ותאכל את העולה ואת העצים. ועד היום הזה לא נעשה להם כן וביום כ״ה לאלול נעשה נס זה.

[ 10 .מלחמות נוספות]

ויסע המלך אל גוי ערב וילחם בהם ויך בהם מכה גדולה. ותהי ערב ליהודה לעבדים 5 נושאים מנחה. ובשובו נלחם במדינה גדולה שהיתה ליון ובקעה. וילך עוד יהודה בארץ יון מהלך י׳ ימים ויצא אליו משנה המלך אופיטיר בחיל כבד ויכהו יהודה ואת כל עמו. ויסע משם אל מדינה ששמה שיפולי והיא ביד רומים. ויצאו אליו גדליה במנחה גדולה ויגידו כי מימיהם היו אוהבים לישראל הגרים איתם ועושין להן טובה. וידרוש המלך אל דברהין וימצאו כנים וישע המלך אל מנחתם ויעל מעליהם.

Jonah 3:3 et [וילך עוד יהודה בארץ יון מהלך י׳ ימים 1Sam 19:8 et al. 5–6 [ויך בהם מכה גדולה 4 Gen 35:13 [ויעל מעליהם 2Kgs 6:14 9 [בחיל כבד al. 6

2 זה]-ט 5 נושאים] נושאי ט 7 ויצאו] ויצא דחטA 8 ויגידו] +לו דחA 8 היו]-דחוטA 8 אל] על דחטלA 9 אל] את ל

Sipolis Sch [שיפולי August M (m) | Elul, or August H (m) 7 [נעשה נס זה 2–1 history of the kings of israel 161

To that day this had never happened to them, and this miracle occurred on the 25th of Elul.179

[10. More Wars]180

The king set out against the Arab nation.181 He fought them and inflicted a crushing defeat on them, and the Arabs became the slaves of Judah and 5 tributaries. Upon his return, he fought a great Greek city and breached the city. Judah traveled the distance of a ten days’ walk in the land of the Greeks when Eupator’s deputy attacked him with a strong force, but Judah defeated him and all who were with him. From there, he set out against the city of Scythopolis,182 which was under Roman rule, and the city’s dig- 10 nitaries came out towards him with tribute and told him that they had always favored the Jews living among them and had treated them well. The king examined their claims and found them trustworthy. He paid heed to their offering and parted from them.

4–5 he fought … on them] 1Sam 19:8 et al. 7 days’ walk] Jonah 3:3 et al. 8 a strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 14 he parted from them] Gen 35:13

179 Ibn Daud’s use of Elul probably reflects 2Macc 1:8. While Nehemiah completed the wall of Jerusalem on 25 Elul (Neh 6:15; 2Macc 1:18, 4:51, 10:5, 18, 22), this day traditionally refers to the beginning of creation and the birthday of the world. It is possible that PRK alludes to a tradition associating the completion of the Tabernacle and the Torah reading for Chanukkah. PRK (Mandelbaum), vol. 1, 1–15 and in that case, Ibn Daud might allude to a tradition that viewed both creation and the dedication of the Temple as instrumental in bringing down the divine presence. This is in contrast to Sefer Yosippon but similar to the sixth to eighth century paytanim (poets of liturgical texts) who projected the re-edication of the Temple to an earlier period. See Shulamit Elizur, “Piyyuṭey ḥanukkah: semel mul riʾaliyah,” in Yemey bayit Ḥashmonaʾi: meqorot, sikumim, parshiyot nivḥarot ve-ḥomer ʿezer, ed. David Amit (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1995), 303–310. I would like to thank Michael Rand for pointing me towards PRK. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 18.35 has 25 Kislev, the date usually associated with the rededication of the Temple. Morwen explains “August” in the margin; Morwen (1558), ix. Howell adds “Elul, or August,” Howell (1652), 14. 180 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 19; 2Macc 10:14–11:12. 181 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 19. 1 (p. 86) has Edom. 182 Bet Shean, called Scythopolis in Hellenistic times (2Macc 12:29–30; Jth 3:10; Josephus, Ant. 5.84). Identified with Tell al-Rumayla, it is situated on today’s highway between Jerusalem and the coast. For the historical background see Gideon Fuks, “The Jews of Hellenistic and Roman Scythopolis,” JJS 33, no. 1–2 (1982): 407–416. דברי מלכי ישראל 162

אז עלה גורגוריוש שליש מרומי להלחם ביהודה ויכהו יהודה עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד. ויהי כשמוע אופטיר בן אנטיוכוס את כל אשר עשה יהודה לכל הגוים אשר סביבותיו ויאסוף כל עמו חיל כבד מאד ויבוא ויצר על ביתר. ויצעק המלך יהודה אל אלהיו וכל ישראל ויצומו ויעלו עולות. ויהי בלילה ההוא ויחץ יהודה את המחנה אשר לו לכמה 5 ראשים ויצום להבקיע את מחנה יון לילה. ויעשו כן וישחיתו כל גיבורי יון כארבעת אלפים גיבור חיל. ולמחר ערכו מלחמה ויהרגו ישראל ביון הרבה מאד.

[ 11 .מות אלעזר]

ושם מת אלעזר בן מתתיה אחי המלך יהודה שראה סכין של זהב על פיל אחד וחשב כי על אותו הפיל היה אופטיר המלך רוכב כי עשרים פילים היו לו במחנה. ויתחזק אלעזר 10 ויך בגיבורי יון ימין ושמאל עד שנגע אל הפיל. ומפני גובהו לא היה יכול להלחם עם הרוכבים עליו. ויתקע את חרבו בכרס הפיל להפיל את המלך. וברגע נתגולל הפיל ונפל על אלעזר ומת. ויספדו אותו כל ישראל ויבכו אותו.

2Kgs 6:14 [חיל כבד Josh 5:1 3 [ויהי כשמוע Josh 8:22 2 [ויכהו יהודה עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד 1 Exod [ויעשו כן cf. Gen 32:8 5 [ויחץ יהודה את המחנה אשר לו 2Kgs 19:35 4 [ויהי בלילה ההוא 4 cf. 1Macc 13:26 [ויספדו אותו כל ישראל ויבכו אותו 1Chr 12:22 et al. 12 [גיבור חיל et al. 6 7:10

1 גורגוריוש] גירגוריוש ח 1 מרומי] ברומי ח 1 ביהודה] עם יהודה ט 2 אופטיר] אופיטיר לA 2 בן אנטיוכוס] מן אמשיו כו׳ ח 4 את] אל ח 5 גיבורי] גיבור ל 5 כארבעת] בארבעה ח 12 על] אל ל history of the kings of israel 163

Then General Gorgorius [Gordion] came up from Rome to fight Judah, but Judah slaughtered him, so that no-one escaped or got away. When Eupator, the son of Antiochus, heard what Judah had done to all the nations around him, he gathered his entire people, a strong force, and came and laid siege to Betar.183 King Judah cried out to God along with 5 all of Israel; they fasted and brought burnt offerings. In that night, Judah divided his army among several leaders and ordered them to penetrate the Greek camp by night.184 So they did, destroying the entire Greek camp, roughly 4,000 mighty valiant men. On the following day, they waged war and the Jews killed many Greeks. 10

[11. Eleazar dies]185

This is where King Judah’s brother Eleazar, the son of Mattathias, died. Catching sight of a golden knife on an elephant, he thought that King Eupator was riding on this elephant—for [Eupator] had twenty186 elephants in his camp—and Eleazar summoned his strength and smote the 15 Greek soldiers left and right until he reached the elephant. But because of its height, he could not fight its riders, and so he plunged his sword in the elephant’s belly to bring down the king. At this very moment, the elephant collapsed and fell on Eleazar, and he died. All of Israel mourned and wept for him. 20

2 slaughtered him, so that no one escaped or got away] Josh 8:22 6 In that night] 2Kgs 19:35 7 divided his army among] cf. Gen 32:8 8 And so they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 9 valiant men] 1Chr 12:22 et al.

183 Ibn Daud associates Betar, a Hasmonean stronghold, with its role in the final phases of the Bar Kokhba revolt during the summer of 135. See Aharon Oppenheimer, “Betar als Zentrum vor dem Bar-Kochba-Aufstand,” in Between Rome and Babylon; Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society, ed. Nili Oppenheimer (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005), 303–319. Bet Zor instead of Betar in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 20.3 (p. 89) and 2Macc 11. 184 Translated as “commanding them to give the Grecians a Camisado” in Howell (1652) 15. 185 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 23.7–35; 1Macc 6:43–47; Josephus, Ant., 12.366–374, War, 1.41–45. 186 22 elephants according to Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 11:3–4, 80 in Josephus, Ant., 12.366; War, 1. 41 and 32. דברי מלכי ישראל 164

והמלך אופיטיר שמע שמועות ושב לארצו לאחר שבקש מן המלך יהודה שיכרתו שניהם ברית ויעש המלך כן. ובשוב מלך יון לארצו נפל ביד אויביו ויהרגוהו בחרב. וימלוך דמטריוס אויבו ההורג אותו תחתיו.

[ 12 .ההסכם בין יהודה לניקנור]

5 ובימים ההם היו במחנה יון פושעים מישראל. ומהם אחד ושמו אלקימוס הוא היה מסית את מלך יון להלחם בישראל. וילך אלקימוס זה אל דמטריוס המולך באנטיוכיא והסית אותו להלחם ביהודה המלך. וישלח אליו דמטריוס שליש שמו ניקנור בחיל כבד מאד. ויבא ירושלם וישלח מלאכים אל המלך יהודה שהוא אוהב אותו ודורש שלומו ומבקש לכרות עמו ברית. ויצא אליו המלך יהודה הוא ובחורי בני חשמונאי ויצא ניקנור לקראתו 10 ויחבק לו וינשק לו ויביאהו אל מחנהו ויושיבהו על כסא המלוכה. וגם המלך יהודה בשובו מן המחנה עשה לניקנור משתה גדול ויבא ניקנור ושריו ירושלם ויאכלו וישתו על שלחן המלך יהודה. והמלך יהודה עודנו פנוי היה מבקש ממנו ניקנור שישא אשה ויוליד בנים שלא יכרת זרעו. ויעש המלך כדבר ניקנור.

cf. Gen [וימלוך דמטריוס אויבו ההורג אותו תחתיו cf. Gen 21:27 2–3 [שיכרתו שניהם ברית 2–1 .cf [על כסא המלוכה 2Kgs 6:14 10 [בחיל כבד Exod 2:11 et al. 7 [ובימים ההם et al. 5 36:6 Esth 1:21 [ויעש המלך כדבר Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 13 [עשה לניקנור משתה גדול Esth 5:1 et al. 11

5 ושמו] שמו חטA 5 מסית] מסיא דטW | משיא A | משיא ח 6 מלך] מלכי דחטלAW 6 והסית] וישיא דחטAW 7 אותו] אותם > אותו ל 11 ירושלם] לירושלם ל 12 מבקש] ויבקש דחטלAMü

[מחנהו pavillion H | Zellt Sch 11 [מחנהו alß er das geschrey höret Sch 10 [שמע שמועות 1 Judas wird beredet zu freien W+ [זרעו pavilion H 13 history of the kings of israel 165

King Eupator heard rumors187 and [decided to] return to his country. [But before he] left, he asked King Judah to make a pact, and the king agreed. Then, the Greek king returned to his country, fell into enemy hands, and was killed by the sword. His enemy Demetrius,188 who had slain him, succeeded him. 5

[12. Judah’s Treaty with Nicanor]189

In those days, there were Jewish traitors in the Greek army. One of them, named Alcimus,190 incited the Greek king to fight Israel. This Alcimus went to Demetrius, who ruled in Antioch, and provoked him to wage battle against King Judah. Demetrius dispatched a general—Nicanor—and a 10 strong force. When [Nicanor] arrived in Jerusalem, he sent messengers to King Judah telling him how highly he esteemed him, inquired after his well-being, and requested a peace-treaty and an alliance. King Judah and the young Hasmoneans set out to meet him, and Nicanor approached him, embraced and kissed him, and then brought him to his camp191 and 15 seated him on the royal throne. King Judah, too, prepared Nicanor a great banquet after his return from the camp. Nicanor and his ministers came to Jerusalem, and they ate and drank at King Judah’s table. King Judah was still unmarried, and Nicanor told him to take a wife and have children so that his seed would not be cut off.192 The king did as Nicanor had 20 proposed.

2 make a pact] cf. Gen 21:27 5 succeeded him] Gen 36:6 et al. 7 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 11 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 16 seated him on the royal throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 16–17 prepared Nicanor a great banquet] Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 20–21 the king did as Nicanor had proposed] Esth 1:21

187 Translated as “alß er das geschrey höret” in Schwyntzer (1530), 19. 188 Demetrius I Soter (r. 162–150bce), Seleucid ruler of Syria. 189 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 24; 1Macc 7:26–50; 2Macc 14:1–36; Josephus, Ant., 12.402–412, 13.58–60. 190 Alcimus, a Hellenized form of Hebr. Jakim or Eliakim was high priest in 162–160 (or 159) bce. Some traditions associate him with the pious fraction. See Goldstein, IMaccabees: 334–337; 1Macc 7:5–25; 9:1–2, 54–57; GenR (Theodor-Albeck) 65:26; GenR 55:22; GenR (Margulies) 27:27; PsR 11:7; Josephus, Ant., 12:385–386, 391–397, 413. 191 Translated as “Zellt” in Schwyntzer (1530), 20; “pavillion” in Howell (1652) 17 and throughout. 192 Wolff adds “Judas wird beredet zu freien,” Wolff (1557), [31]. דברי מלכי ישראל 166

וילך הפושע אלקימוס אל המלך דמטריוס ויספר לו את דברי הברית אשר כרת ניקנור עם המלך יהודה. ויחר לדמטריוס וישלח ספר אל ניקנור כי נגעה אליו הרעה. וניקנור היה בירושלם כהגיע ספר זה. וכשמוע יהודה דברי ספר זה ברח מירושלם אל שומרון ויתקע בשופר ויזעק ישראל אחריו.

5 וניקנור נכנס לבית המקדש לבקש את יהודה ולא מצאו. וכל הכהנים נשבעו כי אינם יודעים מה היה לו. ולא השאיר נקנור חצר בירושלם שלא כבש ובקש יהודה ולא מצאו. ויכעס וישבע להרוס את המקדש. ויקבוץ את כל חילו ויצא לקראת יהודה. גם המלך יהודה יצא לקראתו משומרון ויערכו מלחמה ויהרוג יהודה בגבורי יון שמנה עשר אלף פרשים. ויתפוש את ניקנור חי ויאמר להרגו ויבקש ניקנור ויתחנן לו ויאמר לו: אדוני 10 המלך אתה ידעת כי לא מלבי נלחמתי בך ושלא לעבור את מצות מלכי עשיתי. ועתה אל תמיתני ואנכי אשבע לך שלא אלחם בך לעולם ולא אעשה לך רעה. ויעתר לו המלך יהודה ויכרות לו ברית וישלחהו וישב למלכו בבושת פנים. וימת המלך דמטריוס וימלוך ליסיא בנו תחתיו.

[13. מותו של מלך יהודה]

15 ויוסיפו עוד הפושעים להסית את המלך ליסיא עד שיצא הוא בעצמו בחיל כבד מאד ויכהו המלך יהודה. וינס המלך לפניו אשדודה ואסף עוד חיל כבד. וישב אליו שינית וינוסו ישראל מפניו. והמלך יהודה לא נס ימין ושמאל ויצעק על הבחורים לשוב אליו ולא שמעו. וחרב המלך שלופה בידו ולא יכלו אליו אויביו לגשת והרכב ובעלי סוסים הפרשים הדבקוהו. וירו

[וישב למלכו בבושת פנים 1Kgs 1:2 12 [אדוני המלך Judg 6:34 9–10 [ויזעק ישראל אחריו 4 המלך שלופה 2Kgs 6:14 18–19 [בחיל כבד 2Kgs 6:14 16 [בחיל כבד cf. 2Chr 32:21 15 cf. Num 22:23 [וחרב בידו

3 כהגיע] בהגיע חט 6 שלא] אשר לא ט 7 להרוס] >להרוס< ח 7 גם] וגם חטלAMü 15 להסית] להשיא דחטAMü 18 ימין ושמאל] > ימין ושמאל< ח הוסף בשוליים | >ימין ושמאל< ל הוסף בשוליים 18 על] אל לMü 18 וחרב] חרב ד 19 אליו ]-A 19 לגשת] אליו +A 19 סוסים]-חדAMü | הסוסים ט 19 הפרושים]-דט

| When he hearde of Nicanors coming M+ [המקדש the lewd pickthank H 7 [הפושע 1 +When he heard of Nicanors coming H history of the kings of israel 167

But the traitor193 Alcimus went to King Demetrius and told him about the content of Nicanor’s treaty with King Judah. Demetrius was furious and sent Nicanor a letter to inform him that this would have dire consequences. Nicanor was in Jerusalem when this letter arrived. When Judah learned of its contents, he fled Jerusalem for Samaria and blew the horn, 5 and he assembled Israel behind him. Searching for Judah, Nicanor entered the Temple but did not find him, and the priests all swore that they did not know what had happened to him. There was no courtyard in Jerusalem that Nicanor did not conquer in his search for Judah, but he could not find him. In his wrath, he made 10 an oath to destroy the Temple.194 He gathered his entire army and went out against Judah, and King Judah likewise approached him from Samaria. They waged war, and Judah killed 18,000 cavalrymen from among the Greek soldiers. He captured Nicanor alive and wanted to kill him, but Nicanor asked and begged for clemency and told him: “My lord the king, 15 you knew that I did not fight you voluntarily, but only because I did not wish to transgress my king’s orders. Now, do not kill me, and I will swear that I will never again fight you nor cause harm to you.” King Judah granted his request and they made a covenant. He let him go and [Nicanor] returned to his king in disgrace. King Demetrius died and his son Lysias 20 ruled after him.

[13. Death of King Judah]195

The traitors continued to incite King Lysias until he himself left with a strong force and King Judah defeated him. The king fled before him to Ashdod, where he gathered another strong force, and then came back to 25 attack him a second time. Israel fled before him. King Judah did not waver and shouted to his men to come back to him, but they did not heed to him. The king stood, his drawn sword in

6 behind him] Judg 6:34 15 My lord the king] 1Kgs 1:2 20 returned to his king in disgrace] cf. 2Chr 32:21 24 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 25 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 28–4.1 drawn [sword] in his hand] cf. Num 22:23

193 Translated as “the lewd pickthank,” Howell (1652), 17. 194 Morwen adds “When he hearde of Nicanors coming …,” Morwen (1558), xi; similarly Howell (1652) 18. 195 Ibn Daud’s account is far more dramatic than Josippon’s matter-of-fact report. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 25; 1Macc 9:11–22; Josephus, Ant., 12.420–434. דברי מלכי ישראל 168

המורים אל המלך יהודה ויחל מאוד מהמורים ויפל חלל ארצה וימת. והימים אשר מלך על ישראל שש שנים. וכל הנשארים סביבותיו נתפשו חיים וגם שלישי יון מתו מהם במלחמה רבים. ומלך יון הכוהו ישראל ויפצעוהו ויברח וישב לארצו להתרפא מן המכות אשר הכהו ישראל. 5 ותשב ירושלם תחת יד יון וכל ערי ישראל. ותהי להם עת צרה אשר לא נהיתה ולא נראתה כצרה שהצרו יון לישראל אחרי מות יהודה ד׳ חדשים.

[ 14 .מלכות יהונתן ושמעון]

ואחרי כן נתקבצו ישראל אל יהונתן בן מתתיהו הכהן ויכרתו עמו ברית וימליכוהו תחת יהודה אחיו. גם הוא נלחם ביון מלחמות גדולות. בימיו יצא סוינוס ממשפחת אלכסנדר 10 המלך הראשון להלחם עם לסיאי ויכרות ברית עם יהונתן מלך ישראל וילחמו בארץ יון וישחיתו אותה. וישם לו מלך יון מארבים ויכהו וימת יהונתן. והימים אשר מלך יהונתן על ישראל שש שנים.

.1Kgs 11:42 et al [והימים אשר מלך על ישראל שש שנים cf. 1Sam 31:4 1–2 [ויחל מאוד מהמורדים 1 [ויכהו וימת Judg 9:25 11 [וישם לו מלך יון מארבים Dan 12:1 11 [להם עת צרה אשר לא נהיתה 5 .1Kgs 11:42 et al [והימים אשר מלך יהונתן על ישראל שש שנים 2Sam 1:15 11–12

6 נראתה כצרה שהצרו יון] לא נהיתה ולא נראתה כצרה שהרצון יון ח 8 נתקבצו] נקבצו דחטMü 8 הכהן] הכהן - דחטAMü

After he hadde recouered his health, he returned again, came to [ותשב ירושלם תחת יד יון 5 Hierusalem M | After he had recovered his health, he returned again, came to Jerusalem H Sauiunus MüSch [סוינוס 9 history of the kings of israel 169 his hand, and his enemies could not reach him, but the chariots and the cavalrymen caught up with him. Then the shooters shot at King Judah and he was severely wounded by the shooters. His body fell to the ground and he died.196 The length of his reign over Israel was six years. All who remained in his vicinity were captured alive, but many of the 5 Greek generals died in battle. The Greek king was injured and wounded by Israel, and he fled and returned to his country to heal from the injuries he had suffered at Israel’s hand. Jerusalem returned under Greek authority,197 and so did all the cities of Israel. There had been no time of trouble like Israel’s anguish under Greek rule in the four months after Judah’s 10 death.198

[14. The Rule of Jonathan and Simon]199

After this, Israel gathered under Jonathan, the son of the priest Mat- tathias200 and made a covenant with him and appointed him king in place of his brother Judah. He, too, fought great wars against Greece. In his days, 15 Susos, from the family of King Alexander I,201 was at war with Lysias. He made a covenant with Jonathan, King of Israel, and then they waged battle against the land of Greece and devastated it. But the King of Greece laid an ambush against Jonathan; the king struck Jonathan down and Jonathan died. The length of King Jonathan’s reign over Israel was six years. 20

3 he was severely wounded by the shooters] 1Sam 31:4 4 The length of his reign over Israel was six years] 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 9 There had been no time of trouble] Dan 12:1 18–19 laid him an ambush] Judg 9:25

196 ShQ, 2.57. Ibn Daud conjures up King Saul, the failed first Jewish king, in his portrayal of Judah (See 1Chr). 197 Morwen adds “After he hadde recouered his health, he returned again, came to Hierusalem,” Morwen (1558), fol. xii; similarly Howell (1652), 20. 198 This paragraph is original to Ibn Daud. 199 For a parallel account see ShQ, 2.58–2.59. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 25; 1Macc 9:23–16:17; Josephus, Ant., 13.1–229, War, 1.48–54. 200 Jonathan the Hasmonean (r. 161–143bce), also called Apphus, was the youngest son of Mattathias. Hans Burgmann, “Der verkannte Makkabäer Jonathan,” in Weitere lösbare Qumranprobleme, ed. Zdzisław J. Kapera (Krakow: Enigma, 1992), 107–122. 201 Alexander Balas, king of Syria (r. 150–146bce), claimed descent from Antiochus IV Epiphanes and thus the throne in opposition to Demetrius I Soter. He appointed Jonathan as high priest, and fought both Demetrius and Ptolemy. See 1Macc 10:1–3, 11:1–3; Josephus, Ant., 13.131. דברי מלכי ישראל 170

וימלוך שמעון אחיו תחתיו. עליו עלה אנטיוכוס השני מלך יון. ויצא לקראתו שמעון המלך וישם לו מארבים ואחרי כן ערך עמו מלחמה וינס שמעון וישראל כנגפים וירדוף אנטיוכוס אחריהם. ויצאו עליהם האורבים ויכו בהם מכה גדולה. וישב שמעון לירושלם בשמחה גדולה. אז שלח תלמי מלך מצרים אל שמעון מלך ישראל להתחתן לו וישמע 5 אליו המלך שמעון. ויבא תלמי ירושלמה ויעש לו משתה גדול ויתחתן בו. אז שלח המלך אנטיוכוס מלך יון מלאכים אל תלמי מלך מצרים להכות את שמעון מלך ישראל בלאט. וישמע אליו תלמי כי מלך מצרים בימים ההם תחת יד יון היה. וילך שמעון מצרימה לראות פני חותנו תלמי ויעש לו תלמי משתה גדול וישקהו סם המות וימת. והיה בנו עמו ויאסרהו תלמי בנחשתים. על אשר מרה את דבר יי׳ אשר צוה לבלתי התחתן 10 בגוים. והימים אשר מלך שמעון על ישראל י״ח שנה.

[וישם לו מארבים 1Kgs 20:22 2 [ויצא לקראתו cf. 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 1 [וימלוך שמעון אחיו תחתיו 1 cf. Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 [ויעש לו משתה גדול 1Sam 19:8 5 [ויכו בהם מכה גדולה cf. Judg 9:25 3 cf. Gen [ויעש לו משתה גדול Gen 44:26 et al. 8 [לראות פני Exod 2:11 et al. 8 [בימים ההם 7 והימים אשר מלך שמעון על ישראל י״ח 2Kgs 25:7 10 [ויאסרהו תלמי בנחשתים Esth 2:18 9 ;21:8 .1Kgs 11:42 et al [שנה

2 ואחרי] ואחר ל 2 כנגפים] בנגפים ח 4 לו] בו דחטAMü 7 יד יון] ידיו Aחט 8 פני]-ד 8 חותנו] פני +ל 8 תלמי] -A | לתלמי ט

| These things iustly chaūced unto Schimeon M+ [בנחשתים schwager Sch 9 [חותנו 8 verbeutsipschaft [לבלתי התחתן בגוים These things justly chanced unto Simeon H 9–10+ Sch history of the kings of israel 171

His brother Simon202 succeeded him as king. Antiochus II, the King of Greece, attacked. King Simon set out against him, laid him an ambush, and then battled with him. Simon and Israel fled before him as if they were routed, and when Antiochus pursued them, the ambushers attacked and inflicted a crushing defeat on them. Simon returned to Jerusalem joyfully. 5 Then Talmai, King of Egypt, sent messengers to Simon, King of Israel, and offered him to establish a marital alliance, to which King Simon agreed. Talmai came to Jerusalem, where [Simon] prepared him a great banquet and the wedding took place. Antiochus, King of Greece, sent messengers to the Egyptian King Tal- 10 mai to secretly kill Simon, King of Israel. Talmai obeyed because in those days the king of Egypt was under the authority of Greece. [And so, when] Simon journeyed to Egypt to see his father-in-law,203 Talmai prepared him a great banquet, offered him a drink laced with deadly poison, and he died. His son was with him, and Talmai had him bound in bronze fetters.204 15 [This had happened,] because he had forsaken God’s commandment to refrain from marriage with non-Jews.205 The length of King Simon’s reign over Israel was 18 years.206

1 succeeded him as king] 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 2 attacked] 1Kgs 20:22 2 set out against him] 2Chr 35:20 2 laid him an ambush] Judg 9:25 5 inflicted a crushing defeat on them] 1Sam 19:8 8 prepared him a great banquet] Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 11–12 in those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 13 see] Gen 44:26 et al. 13–14 prepared him a great banquet] Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 15 had him bound in bronze fetters] 2Kgs 25:7 17–18 The length of King Simon’s reign over Israel was 18 years] 1Kgs 11:42 et al.

202 Simon the Hasmonean, second son of Mattathias, called Thassis (r. 143–134bce). 203 Historically, Ptolemy was Simon’s son-in law. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 25.28; Josephus, Ant., 13. 228, War, 1.54. He is his brother-in-law or “schwager” in Schwyntzer (1530), 22. 204 Morwen comments that “[t]hese things iustly chaūced unto Schimeon,” Morwen (1558), xiii; similarly Howell (1652), 21. 205 This paragraph is original to Ibn Daud. 206 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 26.29. Eight years in Josephus, Ant., 13.228. דברי מלכי ישראל 172

[ 15 .הירקנוס ותלמי]

וימלוך יוחנן בנו תחתיו ושמו הורקנוס בלשון יון. ויאסוף תלמי מלך מצרים את כל חילו ויצא לקראת יוחנן בן שמעון. ויגוף יי׳ את תלמי ואת כל חילו ויפלו חללים לפני ישראל. וירדפו אחריהם אל עיר דגון ויצורו עליהם ישראל וישפכו סוללה ותבוא העיר במצור.

5 והיתה במדינה אמו של המלך הורקנוס. וצוה תלמי המלך להעלותה על החומה ולהכותה בשוטים לעיני המלך בנה. וכשראה המלך הורקנוס את הצער הגדול אשר היתה בו אמו רצה לעלות מעל תלמי. ואמו צעקה אליו ואמרה לו: בני אל תשת לבך אל צערי כי יסורין של שמים הם. ואתה החזק מלחמתך על העיר כי במצור גדול ונקום נקמתי ונקמת אביך ואחיך מיד תלמי. ויעש המלך כדבריה והתחזק לשפוך סוללה ולחתור את החומה 10 בעגלות של ברזל עד שנזדעזעה החומה ורעשה ונסו עושי המלחמה ורפו ידיהם. וצוה תלמי להוסיף בצער אמו ומכותיה עד שנכמרו רחמי המלך הורקנוס ולא יכול לראות ברעתה ונסע מעל תלמי. והרג אם המלך ונס למצרים.

2Kgs 25:2 [ותבוא העיר במצור 2Sam 20:15 4 [וישפכו סוללה cf. Exod 14:9 4 [וירדפו אחריהם 4 [ונסו עושי המלחמה cf. Dan 11:15 10 [לשפוך סוללה cf. Esth 1:21 9 [ויעש המלך כדבריה et al. 9 2Kgs 24:16

4 עליהם ישראל] ישראל עליהם חדטMü 6 בנה] בנו ח 6 היתה בו אמו] עשה באמו ל 7 מעל] > מעל ל 7 ואמרה לו] +יוחנן חטMü 8 החזק] קרא ט 8 על העיר כי] +היא חטW 8 על] אל דחטW for all chasteninges come from [כי יסורין של שמים הם mit Scorpionen Sch 7–8 [בשוטים 6 murdered by+ [ונקמת אביך ואחיך GOD M | for all chastenings come from God H 8–9 Ptolomee M | +murthered by Ptolomee H history of the kings of israel 173

[15. Hyrcanus and Ptolemy]207

After him ruled his son Johanan, whose Greek name was Hyrcanus.208 Then King Talmai of Egypt gathered his entire army and went out against Johanan ben Simon. God defeated Talmai and his army, and they were slain by Israel. They pursued the army to the city of Dagon and laid a 5 siege on them. They threw up a siege mound and the city came under siege. King Hyrcanus’ mother was inside the city. King Talmai gave orders to bring her to the city wall to lash her with a whip209 before the eyes of the king, her son. Seeing the great sorrow in which his mother was, 10 King Hyrcanus wanted to lift the siege, but his mother cried out and said: “My son, do not pay heed to my sorrow, for my woes are heaven sent!210 Increase your military efforts against this city, for it is under a great siege, and avenge me, your father and your brothers.”211 The king acted as she had said; he increased his efforts to throw up a siege mound and to 15 break through the wall with iron siege engines until the wall rattled and quaked, and those trained for battle fled and were disheartened. Talmai gave orders to increase the suffering and the beatings of Hyrcanus’ mother until King Hyrcanus’ compassion would be stirred. He could not bear to see her suffering, and lifted the siege. Then Talmai killed the king’s mother 20 and fled to Egypt.

5 pursued them] cf. Exod 14:9 6 threw up a siege mound] 2Sam 20:15 6–7 the city came under siege] 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 14–15 acted as she … had said] cf. Esth 1:21 15 to throw up a siege mound] cf. Dan 11:15 17 those trained for battle] 2Kgs 24:16

207 Josephus knows Hyrcanus only as king but not as high priest. For a parallel account see ShQ, 2.60–72. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 26.1–40, 28.1–44; 1Macc 16:18–24; Josephus, Ant., 13.230–235, War, 1.54–69. 208 Hyrcanus I. or Johanan Hyrcanus, also called Johanan Girhan (r. 134–104bce). See Clemens Thoma, “John Hyrcanus I as Seen by Josephus and Other Early Jewish Sources,” in Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period: Essays in Memory of Morton Smith, ed. Morton Smith, Fausto Parente et al., Studia Post-Biblica (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 127– 140. 209 Translated as “mit Scorpionen” in Schwyntzer, (1558), 23. 210 Translated as “for all chasteninges come from GOD” in Morwen (1558), xiiii; similarly Howell (1652), 22. 211 Morwen adds “murdered by Ptolomee,” Morwen (1558), xiiii; similarly Howell (1652), 22. דברי מלכי ישראל 174

[ 16 .הוראנוס ואנטיוכוס פיוס]

בימי הורקנוס המלך בשנת ארבע למלכו עלה פיאוס מלך יון על ירושלם בכח גדול וביד חזקה מאד. ולא יכול הורקנוס להלחם בו ונסגר בעיר. ומלך יון בנה על העיר מגדלים גדולים מן החומה ושפך סוללה ובנה דיק ושם כרים על השערים ובאה העיר במצור. 5 והפיל בחומה פנה וחרדה כל ישראל והסכימה דעתם לצאת אל יון להלחם או למות או לחיים שלא ברצון הורקנוס ויעשו כן. ובצאתם הפילו מגיבורי יון בחרב ולרב מאד ונסו יון והרחיקו מחניהם מירושלם. ושבו ישראל על המגדלים אשר בנו יון ונתצום. והיו יוצאים בכל יום ונלחמים עם פיאוס עד הגיע חג הסוכות. ושלח המלך הורקנוס אל פיאוס ויבקש ממנו שיניח להם ז׳ ימי החג ונתפייס פיאוס. ושלח שור אבוס להעלותו 10 עולה לאלהי ישראל וציפה קרניו בזהב שחוט. וחגר אותו בחוטי בדולח וכל אבן יקרה וכסהו בבגד ארגמן ובבגדים יקרים. ושלח כלי כסף וכלי זהב מלאים בכל מיני בשמים הכל מנחה ליי׳. וכשראה המלך הורקנוס את דבר זה יצא אל פיאוס והשלים עמו ועשה לו ולגיבוריו משתה גדול. והעלה לו מנחה ג׳ מאות ליטרין של זהב. ויצא עמו במחנהו לעזרו על מלך פרס שמרד בו. וכשהגיע אל ארץ פרס היה יום שבועות 15 וישב המלך הורקנוס ומחנה ישראל והלך פיאוס ומחנה יון אל מלך פרס. ויצא אליהם

ושפך סוללה Exod 32:11 4 [בכח גדול וביד חזקה 1Kgs 14:25 2–3 [עלה פיאוס מלך יון על ירושלם 2 ויעשו 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 6 [ובאה העיר במצור cf. Ezek 21:27 4 [ובנה דיק ושם כרים על השערים Ezra 8:35 [להעלותו עולה לאלהי ישראל Prov 15:17 9–10 [שור אבוס Exod 7:10 et al. 9 [כן [ועשה לו ולגיבוריו משתה גדול 1Kgs 10:25 12–13 [כלי כסף וכלי זהב 2Chr 9:15 11 [בזהב שחוט 10 Josh 8:22 [ויצא אליהם מלך פרס ויכם עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד cf. Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18 15–4.1

4 העיר]-ט 5 וחרדה] וחרדו חטMü 5 להלחם] +בם חלטMü 6 ברצון] כרצון ח 6 מגיבורי יון בחרב ולרב] מגבורי יון בחורי יון בחרב לרב דח | ולרב] לרב לMü 7 על] אל חטMü 10 וציפה] צפה חטMü 12 את]-דחטMü 14 מלך פרס שמרד בו. וכשהגיע אל ארץ]-ט history of the kings of israel 175

[16. Hyrcanus and Antiochus Pius]212

In the days of King Hyrcanus, in the fourth year of his reign, the Greek King [Antiochus] Pius213 came up against Jerusalem with great power and with a very mighty hand. Hyrcanus could not fight him and was trapped within the city. The Greek king built great towers over the city from the wall. He 5 threw up a siege mound and erected towers, and set battering rams against the gates, and the city came under siege. He breached part of the wall and all the Jews grew fearful and agreed to set out, against Hyrcanus’ wishes, and to fight the Greeks for life or death, and so they did. When they set out, they cut down the Greek soldiers by the sword in great numbers, and 10 the Greeks fled and distanced their camps from Jerusalem. Then Israel returned to the towers that had been built by the Greeks and smashed them. They set out day after day and fought Pius until the holiday of Sukkot. Then King Hyrcanus sent a request to Pius asking that he leave them be for 15 the seven days of the holiday. Pius consented and sent a fattened ox to be sacrificed as a [whole] burnt sacrifice to the God of Israel, adorned and its horns covered with beaten gold. He beset its saddle with strings of crystal and all kinds of precious stone, and clothed it with a purple garment and expensive fabrics. He sent silver and gold vessels filled with various kinds 20 of perfume, all as offerings to God. When King Hyrcanus saw this, he set out towards Pius, reconciled with him, and prepared for him and his men a great banquet, and gave him a gift of 300 measures of gold. He set out with his camp to assist him in the war against the king of Persia, who had risen in revolt. When they arrived in Persia, the holiday 25 of Shavuot was about to begin and King Hyrcanus and the Jewish army rested, while Pius and the Greek camp proceeded against the king of

3 came up against Jerusalem] 1Kgs 14:25 3–4 with great power and with a very mighty hand] Exod 32:11 5–7 he threw up a siege mound and erected towers, and set battering rams against the gates] cf. Ezek 21:27 7 the city came under siege] 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 9 and so they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 16 fattened ox] Prov 15:17 16–17 to be sacrificed as a [whole] burnt sacrifice to the God of Israel] Ezra 8:35 18 beaten gold] 2Chr 9:15 20 He sent silver and gold vessels] 1Kgs 10:25 22–23 and prepared for him and his men a great banquet] cf. Gen 21:8; Esth 2:18

212 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 28. Hyrcanus and Pius in Josephus, Ant., 13.236–2253, 13.275–281, War, 1. 57–60. 213 Antiochus Pius (Josephus, Ant., 13.244) or Antiochus VII Sidetes (r. 139–129bce), the son of Demetrius I Soter and the younger brother of Demetrius II Nicator. He was killed during an expedition against the Parthians. דברי מלכי ישראל 176

מלך פרס ויכם עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד ויך את פיאוס. וישמע הורקנוס את הדבר וישמח וישב ירושלם בשלום ובשמחה.

[17. הורקנוס והכותים]

אחרי כן עשה הורקנוס מלחמות גדולות עם הגוים אשר סביבותיו ובכולם נעזר. ויבא אל 5 הר גריזים וילכוד מבצר המינים והכותים ויהרוס את בית הטעות שהיו בו למינים. ונקרא בית המקדש שלהם שנבנה ברשיון אלכסנדר מלך יון הראשון בנוהו מנשה הכהן אחי שמעון הצדיק. והרסו הורקנוס כהן גדול זה בשנת מאתים לבניינו וילך אל מדינת שומרון ויצר עליה ותבא במצור והיא היתה אם ועיר לכותים ולמינים והיצר להם הורקנוס עד שאכלו נבלות כלבים.

.2Sam 20:19 et al [היתה אם ועיר 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 8 [ותבא במצור 2Kgs 6:24 8 [ויצר עליה 8

1 לו] להם דחטMü 2 וישמח] ויטב ח 2 ובשמחה ]-ט 4 ואחרי] אחרי חטMü 4 נעזר] נעצר Müל 5 המינים] הצדוקים ונקרא > הצדוקים ט 5 שהיו] שהיה חטMü 5 למינים] לצדוקים ט 8 ולמינים] ולצדוקים ט 9 שאכלו] שיאכלו ח das sie endtlich die Asch und schelmen der Hunde haben+ [עד שאכלו נבלות כלבים 9–8 fressen mussen W history of the kings of israel 177

Persia. Then the king of Persia set out against them and slaughtered him, so that no-one escaped or got away, and he struck down Pius. When Hyrcanus heard this, he rejoiced and returned to Jerusalem in peace and joy.

[17. Hyrcanus and the Cutheans]214 5

Afterwards, Hyrcanus waged great wars against the surrounding nations and was assisted in every one of them. He arrived at Mount Gerizim and seized the fortress of the heretics215 and the Cutheans.216 There, he destroyed the house of error wherein they were rendered heretics.217 They called it ‘temple,’ and it was built with the permission of Alexander, the 10 first King of Greece by the Priest Manasseh, the brother of Simon the Just.218 High priest Hyrcanus destroyed [this building] in the 200th year of its construction, and then went to the city of Samaria and besieged it. It came under siege as a center of the Cutheans and the heretics, and Hyrcanus oppressed them until they were reduced to eating the corpses 15 of dogs.219

1–2 set out against them and slaughtered him, so that no one escaped or got away] Josh 8:22 13–14 and besieged it] 2Kgs 6:24 14 It came under siege] 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 14 center] 2Sam 20:19 et al.

214 Cohen (ShQ, 113) notes that the role of Mount Gerizim as a safe haven for heretics possibly reflected medieval ideas of Arabia as a haven for Christian heretics. See Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oneworld, 1997), 105. For Samaritan views on Mount Gerizim see Reinhard Pummer, The Samaritans, Iconog- raphy of Religions. Section 23, Judaism (Leiden: Brill, 1987), 8–10. See ShQ, 2.23–40; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 29.1–12, 31–44 (pp. 115–118); Josephus, Ant., 13.275; 282–283. Discussed also in Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Shamir), 226, 245. 215 Here and in the following instances, PHIL UP HB 13 reads Sadducees instead of heretics. 216 In the Bible, ‘Cutheans’ referred to people who continued to worship their own gods after joining up with the Israelites (2Kgs 17:24–41). Following rabbinic texts that regarded Cutheans as idolaters who were not allowed to marry Israelites (e.g. bKet 29a, bHul 6a), medieval texts use the term as an umbrella term for opponents, here Karaites and, later, Christians. See Gary N. Knoppers, “Cutheans or Children of Jacob?,” in Reflection and Refraction; Studies in Biblical Historiography in Honour of A. Graeme Auld, ed. Robert Rezetko, Timothy H. Lim, and W. Brian Aucker (Leiden: Brill, 2007). See also ZM. 217 An alternative translation is “the house of error they had [erected] on Mount Geri- zim.” 218 For Simon the Just see ShQ, 2.15–18; 2.41; mAvot 1,2; bYom 69a. 219 Translated as “das sie endtlich die Asch und schelmen der Hunde haben fressen mussen” in Wolff (1557), [47]. דברי מלכי ישראל 178

והגיע יום צום כיפור ונחפז הורקנוס המלך ללכת ירושלם לעבודת היום שהוא היה כהן גדול. והפקיד על המחנה ארסטבלוס בנו הגדול ומשנהו אנטיגנוס בנו. והכותים והמינים שלחו ספר אל מלך יון לעלות אליהם לעזרם והלך אליהם מלך יון בכח גדול וביד חזקה. ויצאו שני הנערים בני המלך ומחנה ישראל אל מלך יון ויכהו עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד 5 כי כ״א אלף גיבור חיל הרגו במלחמה. והנשארים נסו והנערים שבו לצור על שומרון. ואביהם המלך הורקנוס שמע כי מלך יון יצא להלחם והם בתוך יון מזה וכותים ומינים מזה. ולא ידע מה היה כי נס זה ביום ט׳ בתשרי נעשה. והיה המלך עובד עבודת היום ולבו חרד על בניו ועל ישראל. וכשנכנס לבית קדש הקדשים להקטיר קטורת ולבקש רחמים על בניו ועל המחנה שמע קול מדבר אליו ואומר לו: אל תשת לבך לבניך מחנה ישראל 10 כי תמול עזרם יי׳ ברחמיו וברוב חסדיו ולמען אבות ולמען ישרת לבך ונקיון כפיך. והמלך יצא מן הקדש ובשר את העם. ולמחר שלח הרצים אל שומרון ושבו אליו והגידו לו כי אמת היה הדבר. ויגדל המלך הורקנוס בעיני כל ישראל וידעו כי הקדוש ברוך הוא רצה את מעשיו ושחלק לו ברוח הקדש נוסף על מלכותו וכהונתו.

ויצאו שני Exod 32:11 4 [חזקה בכח גדול וביד 1Sam 17:13, 2Sam 3:3 3 [בנו הגדול ומשנהו 2 גיבור Josh 8:22; 10:33 5 [הנערים בני המלך ומחנה ישראל אל מלך יון ויכהו עד בלתי השאיר לו שריד 1Sam 4:13 [ולבו חרד על 1Chr 12:29 et al. 7–8 [חיל

1 צום]-ח 2 והמינים] והצדוקים ט 3 מלך] המלך ל 3 וביד] ויד דחMü 6 ומינים] וצדוקים ט 9 ועל] ואל ל 9 מחנה] ולמחנה דחMü 10 ולמען ישרת] למען אבותיך וישרת דחMüA 13–12 הוא רצה את] +אש ל

כי נס זה ביום ט׳ dies ieiunij propritiatiõis Mü | gnadenfeiersfestag Sch 7 [יום צום כפיור 1 Septembre M | Tisre, or September H [בתשרי נעשה history of the kings of israel 179

The fast day of Yom Kippur220 was approaching and King Hyrcanus rushed to Jerusalem to perform the sacrificial rites of the day, since he was the high priest. He appointed his oldest son Aristobulus as head of the army and Antigonus221 as his second [in command]. The Cutheans and the heretics sent a message to the King of Greece to come to their 5 assistance, and the king of Greece came to them with great power and with a mighty hand. The two young lads, sons of the king, and Israel’s camp set out against the king of Greece and slaughtered them, so that no-one escaped or got away, for they had killed 21,000 valiant men in this war. The survivors fled and the two young men returned to besiege Samaria. 10 Their father King Hyrcanus heard that the king of Greece had set out to do battle, and that they were surrounded by the Greeks on one side, and by Cutheans and heretics on the other. He did not know what had happened because the miracle had taken place on the ninth of Tishre,222 and when the king was performing the sacrificial rites of the day, his heart 15 trembled for his sons and Israel. When he entered the Holy of Holies to burn the incense offering and to ask for mercy for his sons and the military camp, he heard a voice addressing him, saying: “Do not be distraught about your sons and Israel’s army. For their help will be provided by God in His compassion and kindness, for the sake of your forefathers and 20 for the sake of the righteousness of your heart and the purity of your deeds.” The king came out of the Holy of Holies and made the announcement to the people. On the following day, he sent couriers to Samaria, and when they returned, they confirmed that it had been true. The people of 25 Israel held Hyrcanus in growing esteem, and they knew that the Holy One, Blessed be He, supported his actions and that He had imbued him with the holy spirit in addition to kingship and priesthood.

3 his oldest son Aristobulus and the second born] cf. 1Sam 17:13, 2Sam 3:3 6–7 with great power and with a mighty hand] Exod 32:11 8–9 set out against the king of Greece and slaughtered them, so that no one escaped or got away] Josh 8:22; 10:33 9 valiant men] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 15–16 his heart trembled for] 1Sam 4:13

220 Translated as “gnadenfeiersfestag,” Schwyntzer (1530), 23. 221 Aristobulus I (Judah) (r. 104–103bce) and Antigonus Matthatias (d. 104bce), sons of John Hyrcanus I (Josephus, Ant., 13:301–319, War, 1:70ff. Josephus, Wars, 1:239–240; 248–353). 222 9 Tishre is the eve of Yom Kippur. Morwen adds in the margin “Septembre,” Morwen (1558), xvi. Howell has “Tisre, or September,” Howell (1652), 25. דברי מלכי ישראל 180

ואחרי כן נסע המלך שומרונה ויצר עליה שנה תמימה עד אשר לכדה ויכה לפי חרב לא השאיר כל נשמה. ויחן את חומתה ואת טירותיה וישרוף את העיר באש. והוא נלחם ברומיים ובגוי ערב וכל אשר עשה יי׳ הצליח בידו. וינח יי׳ למלך הורקנוס מכל סביביו ומכל אויביו. וישב ישראל לבטח בימיו.

5 [ 18 .הורקנוס והפרושים]

וצוה המלך ועשה משתה לכל חכמי ישראל ויאכלו וישתו עמו ובטוב לבו אמר: אני תלמידכם וברשותכם אני עושה כל מעשי ואני שואל מכם אם תראו בי שום דופי או שאיני נוהג שתגידו לי ואשוב מדרך רעה. וכולם השיבוהו בדברים טובים ואמרו לו: מי כמוכה אדוננו המלך הזוכה למלכות וכהונה ומעשים טובים וכל מעשיך לשם שמים 10 ועשית כמה טובות לישראל. ושמח המלך על תשובתם שמחה גדולה.

[ויחן את חומתה ואת טירותיה 1Kgs 15:29 2 [לא השאיר כל נשמה Josh 10:28 2 [ויכה לפי חרב 1 וצוה 1Kgs 5:5 6 [וישב ישראל לבטח cf. Gen 39:3 4 [וכל אשר עשה יי׳ הצליח בידו Song 8:9 3 1Chr 29:9 [ושמח המלך על תשובתם שמחה גדולה Esth 2:18 10 [המלך ועשה משתה לכל

2 ויחן] ויתץ דחטלMü 8 נוהג] נוהג כהוגן חטלMü 8 השיבוהו] והשאיהו ד | השיאוהו חטMü | השיאותו ח 9 וכל]-דחטAMü 9 מעשיך] ומעשיך חMü

Hier hebt sich an / vnd entspringt das Unglück vnd verderben des ganzen+ [לבטח בימיו 4 Jüdischen Reichs / Priesterthumbs / vnd Volcks / welchs geweret bis zu verstörunge Jerusalems / da es endtlich (als sichs lang geplettert) zu grund und boden gangen / Vnd verursacht sich aus Rotterey vnd falscher Lere / Denn vmb diese zeit sind entstanden in Judea die hoffertigen stoltzen Heuchler und selbgewachsene Heiligen / die Phariseer und Schrifftgelerten / wie sie hernach jtzt zu Christus zeiten genennet werden. Hie heissen sie die Weisen / das ist / Lehrer / Doctores / seulen der Kirchen etc. Vnd die anderen / die gottlose Epicurische Rott der Saduceer / hie Ketzer / als sie denn gewest sind / genannt / Diese haben einander / wie die vornemen Weisen / bis in todt verfolget / vnter des ist Religion vnd ware Erkantnus Christi / vnd seines Reichs / vntertruckt / vertunckelt vñ verfinstert worden / das kein Verstande bey dem meisten Teil blieben noch gewesen / Sondern alles fleischlich / philosophisch in Mose und Propheten gedeutet woreden / Deñ hat gefolgt auffrur / entpörung vñ verderbnus – leiblich vñ geistlich. O lasst uns liebẽ Gottes wort in einfeltigkeit des Catechismi / vnd in stetter furcht Gottes leben / das es vns nicht auch also gehe. W history of the kings of israel 181

After this, the king traveled to Samaria and besieged it for a full year until he conquered it and put it to the sword and did not spare a single soul. He razed its walls and battlements and burned down the city. He fought the Romans and the Arab nations, and he had success in all he undertook. God gave Hyrcanus the King rest from those around him and 5 from all his enemies, and Israel dwelt safely in his days.

[18. Hyrcanus and the Pharisees]223

The king gave orders for a banquet for all the sages of Israel. They ate and drank with him, and in his content he said: “I am your disciple and proceed in all my actions only with your permission. I ask of you that 10 should you see any blemish in me or find that I act wrongly, please tell me and I shall return from my wicked path.” They all answered him with commendations and said: “Who is like our lord, the king who is deserving of kingship, priesthood and righteous deeds. All your actions are for the sake of the heaven, and you have done many good things for Israel!” The 15 king rejoiced very much at these responses.

1–2 and besieged it for a full year until he conquered it and put it to the sword] cf. Josh 10:28 2–3 did not spare a single soul] 1Kgs 15:29 3 walls and battlements] Song 8:9 4–5 he had success in all he undertook] cf. Gen 39:3 6 And Israel dwelt safely] 1Kgs 5:5 8 gave orders for a banquet for all the] Esth 2:18 16 rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9

223 For a similar story involving Yannai instead of Hyrcanus see bQid 66a and also bBer 29a. For a parallel account see ShQ, 2.60–71. See Joshua Efron, Studies on the Hasmonean Period (Leiden: Brill, 1987), 176. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 30; Josephus, Ant., 13.288–300, War 1.76; Zacuto (Shamir), Book of Lineage, 226, 245–246 and Book of Lineage (Filipowski), p. 90. Wolff inserts “Hier hebt sich an / vnd entspringt das Unglück vnd verderben des ganzen Jüdischen Reichs / Priesterthumbs / vnd Volcks / welchs geweret bis zu verstörunge Jerusalems / da es endtlich (als sichs lang geplettert) zu grund und boden gangen / Vnd verursacht sich aus Rotterey vnd falscher Lere / Denn vmb diese zeit sind entstanden in Judea die hoffertigen stoltzen Heuchler und selbgewachsene Heiligen / die Phariseer und Schrifftgelerten / wie sie hernach jtzt zu Christus zeiten genennet werden. Hie heissen sie die Weisen / das ist / Lehrer / Doctores / seulen der Kirchen etc. Vnd die anderen / die gottlose Epicurische Rott der Saduceer / hie Ketzer / als sie denn gewest sind / genannt / Diese haben einander / wie die vornemen Weisen / bis in todt verfolget / vnter des ist Religion vnd ware Erkantnus Christi / vnd seines Reichs / vntertruckt / vertunckelt vñ verfinstert worden / das kein Verstande bey dem meisten Teil blieben noch gewesen / Sondern alles fleischlich / philosophisch in Mose und Propheten gedeutet woreden / Deñ hat gefolgt auffrur / entpörung vñ verderbnus—leiblich vñ geistlich. O lasst uns liebẽ Gottes wort in einfeltigkeit des Catechismi / vnd in stetter furcht Gottes leben / das es vns nicht auch also gehe.” Wolff (1557), [51]. דברי מלכי ישראל 182

והיה ביניהם כסיל אחד ושוטה ושמו אלעזר. אמר זקן אחד למלך: אדוני רב לך כתר מלכות הנח כתר כהונה לזרעו של אהרון שאמך נשבית בהר המודעית. מיד כעס המלך וזעף אל החכמים ומשרתיו היו שונאים את החכמים והיה בהם ריח מינות. ואחד מהם לחש למלך ואמר: כל מה שאמר זה השוטה ברשות החכמים אמר. והמלך אמר לחכמים: 5 כדת מה לעשות באיש אשר בזה את המלך וגדפו? השיבו החכמים כי חייב מלקות. מיד אמר לו הצדוקי: הנה הדבר גלוי כי על דעת החכמים וברשותם גדף אותך ומפני כן לא חייבוהו מיתה. והמלך שתק ולא ענה דבר ונהפכה השמחה לאבל. ולמחר צוה המלך ויעבירו קול בכל מדינות מלכותו לנהוג מנהג צדוק ביתוס וכל איש אשר ימרה את פיהם ואשר ינהג מנהג החכמים או ישמע לקבלתם יומת בחרב. וזהו יוחנן 10 כהן גדול ששמש בכהונה גדולה מ׳ שנה ולבסוף נעשה צדוקי. אבל לא שמעו ישראל מצות המלך והיו נוהגים מנהג החכמים בסתר והמלך וכל עבדיו נוהגים מנהג צדוקי. והמלך מבקש עליהם וכל מי שנגלה למלך שהוא נוהג מנהג החכמים היה הורג אותו והפיל עם רב מישראל על דבר זה. והימים אשר מלך הורקנוס על ישראל ל״א שנה.

bKid 66a [רב לך כתר מלכות הנח כתר כהונה לזרעו של אהרון שאמך נשבית בהר המודעית 2–1 והימים אשר מלך הורקנוס על Num 21:6 13 [עם רב מישראל Esth 1:15 13 [כדת מה לעשות 5 .1Kgs 11:42 et al [ישראל ל״א שנה

1 אלעזר] אליעזר חMü 1 זקן אחד]-דחלטAMü 2 כהונה] מלוכה ל 2 שאמך] לפי פ 3 ומשרתיו] ומקצת משרתיו דחטMüA 3 היו]-ט 3 מינות] טעות טA 5 כי]-ח 6 כי]-Mü 7 שתק] שתקו ח 8 המלך] הסופר >המלך< ל הוסף בשוליים 8 ביתוס] וביתוס חט| A Müונייסור > וכייסות ל 10 ולבסוף]-ט 11 מנהג] מצות ח 11 צדוקי] צדוקים ח history of the kings of israel 183

Among them, there was a simpleton, a fool called Eleazar. An elder said to the king: “My lord, it suffices that you hold the crown of kingship, leave the crown of priesthood224 to the seed of Aaron, for your mother was a prisoner on Mount Modiʾin.”225 The king was immediately consumed by rage against the sages, whom his servants hated and who were suspected 5 of heresy.226 One of them whispered to the king: “Everything this fool uttered was said on initiative of the sages.” The king asked the sages: “According to the law, what should be done to a man who dishonored and cursed the king?” The sages responded that he deserves to be flogged. Immediately, the Sadducee said: “See, it is obvious that he cursed you on 10 initiative of the sages and with their consent, and that is why they did not condemn him to death.” The king was silent and did not answer, and the rejoicing turned into mourning. On the following day, the king gave orders to announce in all the cities of his kingdom that all should follow the rite of Zadok and Boethius,227 15 and that whosoever would stray from their teachings and observe the rites of the sages or listen to their teachings would be put to death by the sword. This is the high priest Johanan who had held the high priesthood for forty years and in the end became a Sadducee. But the people of Israel did not obey the king’s orders and secretly observed the rite of 20 the sages,228 while the king and all his servants followed the Sadducees. The king sought them out, and whosoever was denounced to the king as observing the rites, he killed. On account of this ruling, many of the Jews were killed. The length of King Hyrcanus’ reign over Israel was thirty-one years. 25

8 According to the law, what should be done to] Esth 1:15 24–25 The length of King Hyrcanus’ reign over Israel was thirty-one years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al.

224 See mAvot 4:17. 225 Both figures are conflated in bBer 29a. See Jeffrey L. Rubenstein, “Torah, Lineage, and the Academic Hierachy,” in Talmudic Stories. Narrative Art, Composition, and Culture, ed. Jeffrey L. Rubenstein (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999). See Kuzari (Hirschfeld) 3.65. .mistake ,( תועט ) PHIL UP HB 13 and Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (1711) have ṭaʿut 226 227 See ShQ, 2.38–40, 44–51; ARNB 1.5 and Rambam to mAvot 1.3. the commandment of the“ ,( םימכחהתוצמ ) PARIS BN 585 has miṣvat ha-ḥakhamim 228 sages.” דברי מלכי ישראל 184

[19. אריסטובולוס הראשון]

וימת ארסתבלוס בנו מלך תחתיו. ושלושה בנים היו לו: ארסתבלוס ואנטיגנוס ואלכסנדר. והיה שונא אלכסנדר בנו והבריח מעליו. והוא נלחם בצור וצידון ונצחם וגזר עליהם שימולו כולם. וארסתבלוס זה ביזה בכהונה גדולה ולא רצה לעבוד עבודה אלא שם כתר 5 מלכות על ראשו ונקרא מלך גדול וגרש את אמו ואת אלכסנדר בנה אחיו הקטן שבהם משבת ירושלם. ואהב את אנטיגנוס אחיו ושמו לשר הצבא והוציאו להלחם באויביו. והצליח הנער אנטיגנוס בכל אשר עשה ושב בשלום אל ירושלם. ונכנס לבית המקדש להתפלל על המלך אחיו שהיה חולה עד מאד ולהודות ליי׳ אלהיו שעזרו על אויביו. אז הלך אדם 10 רשע למלך ואמר לו: אחיך בא מן המלחמה ושאל בשלומך. והוגד לו כי חולה אתה ואמר: אני אלך אליו היום ואבריח לו מן העולם. וכששמע המלך דבר זה כעס על החכמים וציוה ונתפס אחיו והובא להיכל סטרטון שיאסר שם עד שיחקר המלך את דבריו. והמלכה אשת המלך צותה להרגו שם מבלי עצת המלך. וכששמע המלך שנהרג אחיו צעק ובכה והכה בידו על קירות לבו עד שגנח 15 ויצא דם הרבה מפיו. והימים אשר מלך על ישראל שנתים ימים.

cf. Gen 39:3 [והצליח בכל אשר עשה cf. 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 8 [וימת ארסתבלוס בנו מלך תחתיו 2 .cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al [והימים אשר מלך על ישראל 15

3 והבריח] והבריחו דחטMü 9 אלהיו] אלהינו חטA Mü 11 לו]-ל 12 וכששמע] כשמע ט 12 ונתפס] >מבריח< ל הוסף בשוליים 15 ימים] >ימים< ל הוסף בשוליים history of the kings of israel 185

[19. Aristobulus the First]229

When [Hyrcanus] died, his son Aristobulus230 [the First] succeeded him as king. He had had three sons: Aristobulus, Antigonus, and Alexander.231 He detested Alexander, and drove him away from him. He fought Tyre and Sidon, and when he had defeated them, he decreed that all [males] 5 should be circumcised. This Aristobulus disgraced the high priesthood and did not wish to perform the sacrificial rites; rather, he placed the royal crown on his head and was called a great king. He banished his mother and Alexander, her son and his younger brother, from residing in Jerusalem. 10 He favored his brother Antigonus, put him in charge of the army, and sent him to fight his enemies. Young Antigonus had success in all he undertook, and returned safely to Jerusalem. He entered the Temple to pray on behalf of his brother the king, who was very ill, and to thank the Lord his God for His assistance against his enemies. But a wicked man 15 went to the king and told him: “Your brother came back from the war and asked about your condition. When told that you were ill, he said: ‘I shall go to him today and frighten him out of this world.’” Hearing this, the king became angry at the sages. He gave orders to arrest his brother and to bring him to the palace Satratan to be held there 20 until they had examined the matter.232 But the queen, the king’s wife, issued the command to execute him there without consulting the king. When the king heard that his brother had been killed, he yelled, and cried and beat his breast233 until he moaned and copious amounts of blood streamed out of his mouth. The length of his reign over Israel was two 25 years.

2–3 succeeded him as king] cf. 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 12–13 had success in all he undertook] cf. Gen 39:3 25–26 The length of his reign over Israel was two years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al.

229 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 31; Josephus, Ant., 13.301–319, War, 1.70–84. 230 Aristobulus I (r. 104–103bce). 231 Aristobulus I (Judah) (r. 104–103bce), Antigonus (d. 104bce) and Alexander Yannai (r. 103–76bce). .expels’ in the margin‘ ,( חירבמ ) LON BETH DIN 28 adds mavriaḥ 232 233 Howell (1652) adds “with his hand.” דברי מלכי ישראל 186

[ 20 .אלכסנדר ינאי והפרושים]

אלכסנדר אחיו מלך תחתיו והוא הנקרא ינאי מלכא הוצא ממאסר אחיו והומלך על ישראל. והיה מלך גבור ועצום ונלחם בכל אויביו ונעזר עליהם. ונלחם בארץ פלשתים בעזה ובאשקלון ונצחם וגבר עליהם ולא ביזה את הכהונה אלא היה כהן גדול.

5 ובאחת השנים היה עומד על גבי המזבח להקריב קרבן ורגמו אחד מן החכמים באתרוג. וירם ימינו מעל המזבח ויאמר: חרב! ויתחננו אליו החכמים ונשבעו שלא נעשה דבר זה בבזיון אלא שכן אנו מצחקים לפני יי׳ ושמחים ביום טוב. ועבדי המלך השיבו להם תשובות קשות ואמרו: אם אתם משחקים ושמחים אין דרך ארץ שתנהגו עם המלך מנהג ביזיון. ונתגלע הריב ביניהם עד שקיללו החכמים את המלך ואמרו לו שהוא חלל 10 ושאם אמו היתה שבויה בהר המודיעית וזרעה חללים עד שקצף המלך מאד וצוה להרוג

.bBer 48a et al [ינאי מלכא 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 2 [מלך תחתיו 2

2 מלכא] +הוסר ל 5 על] -Mü 8 ואמרו] ואמר W 10 אמו] אביו דחטלAW citrum Mü | pomerantzen Sch | Ceder tree | M Cedar tree H [באתרוג 5 history of the kings of israel 187

[20. Alexander Yannai and the Pharisees]234

His brother Alexander235 succeeded him as king, and was called King Yan- nai. He was freed from his brother’s prison and appointed king over Israel. He was a heroic and mighty king who fought all his enemies and found auxiliaries. He fought in the land of Palestine, in Gaza and Ashkelon,236 5 and overcame and vanquished them. He did not disgrace the priesthood but officiated as high priest. One year, he was standing at the altar to bring a sacrifice, and one of the sages threw an etrog237 at him. He raised his right hand over the altar and said: “A sword!”238 And the sages implored him and swore that this 10 was not done in contempt: “This is the manner in which we are merry before God and rejoice on the holiday!” The servants of the king answered them severely and said: “If you are jesting and rejoicing, it is improper to act contemptuously towards the king.” A quarrel broke out between them to the point that the sages cursed the king, telling him that he was 15 of illegitimate descent since his mother’s mother had been a prisoner on Mount Modiʾin and had brought forth illegitimate offspring, until the king grew very angry and ordered the execution of all sages. Many were killed in the Temple’s courtyard and in the streets of Jerusalem, and he gave

2 succeeded him as king] 2Kgs 15:10 et al. 2–3 called King Yannai] bBer 48a et al. 19 in the streets of Jerusalem] Jer 5:1

234 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2.72–82. For the historical background see Markham J. Geller, “Alexander Jannaeus and the Pharisee Rift,” JJS 39, no. 2 (1979): 202–211; Efron, Hasmonean Period: 143–218; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 32.1–33.62; Josephus, Ant., 13.320–337, 372–373, 376–379, 384–386, War, 1. 85–106; Pesher Nahum (Berrin), 224– 233. Also discussed in Zacuto (Shamir), Book of Lineage, 226, 246. 235 Alexander Yannai (Jannaeus) (r. 103–76bce), son of John Hyrcanus was both high priest and king. For negative views on Yannai and praise for his wife Alexandra in rabbinic literature see bQid 66a, bBer 48a, bSot 22b, and bSanh 107b. 236 Ashkelon on the Mediterranean was an important center in Hellenistic times, main- tained its independence under the Hasmoneans, and clashed with the Jews in the war against Rome in 66ce. 237 The etrog, a citrus fruit, is a reference to the holiday of Sukkot. Translated as “pomerantzen” in Schwyntzer (1530), 29; “Ceder tree” in Morwen (1558), xix; similarly Howell (1652), 26. 238 Ibn Daud possibly modeled this after Jer 25:29 and Ezek 38:21 but Cohen (ShQ, p. 114) suggested that this was an Arabism indicating a battle cry. See also ShQ, 2.78; Abraham Zacuto, Book of Lineage, (Filipowski), 51. דברי מלכי ישראל 188

את כל החכמים. ונהרגו בעזרת הקדש ובחוצות ירושלם וצוה לנהוג מנהג צדוקים. והיה לחכמים צער גדול בימיו יש מהם שנהרג בחרב ויש מהם שברח ויש מהם שעמד בבושת וכלימה. ואחר הדברים האלה הלך המלך אל גוי ערב אל סלע מדברה אל הדתם מלך ערב וכבש 5 את ארצו. והלך אל מידבא ואל כל ארץ מואב ויגבר עליהם וישימם למס עובד וישב אל ירושלם בכנור. ובשובו שם על לבו לשוב מדרכו הרעה ולחזור אל אהבת החכמים ולנהוג מנהגם והאמין בקבלתם. ובאותם הימים היו נקראים פרושים. וישלח המלך לפליטת הפרושים ויבואו לפניו. וידבר המלך אליהם דברים ניחומים ויאמר להם: אחי דעו כי מה שהיה כבר נקרא שמו ואין להשיבו ואינכם יכולים להשיב בזיון שבזיתם אותי ואין אני 10 יכול להשיב דמים ששפכתי. ואני הנני מתודה חטאי לפניכם ושב לאהבתכם ומבקש מכם שתסירו קנאה ואיבה מלבבכם. ותסירו אבלכם ועגמת נפשכם ותשמחו בהתחברותיכם אלי ותהיו טובי לב. ויענו ויאמרו אליו: לא נסיר שנאתינו ואיבתנו כי אם אתה תדבר שפת חלקות אנחנו נדבר שפת אמת כי אתה הרגת את כל ראשינו וגדולינו. ולא אתה לבד עשית לנו את 15 כל הרעה הגדולה הזאת אלא הורקנוס אביך התחיל ואתה סיימת. והשינאה בינינו ובינך מורשא היא ולא תסור עגמתינו ואבלינו כי אם במפלתך ובנקום יי׳ נקמתינו מידך אז נשמח כי נחזה נקום. ויצאו מלפניו ולא השיב המלך תשובה בעולם.

Gen [ואחר הדברים האלה Ps 35:26 4 [שעמד בבושת וכלימה Jer 5:1 2–3 [ובחוצות ירושלם 1 Zur selbigen zeit waren auch+ [היו נקראים פרושים Gen 49:15 7 [למס עובד et al. 5 22:1 מה Phariseer Sch | These I take to be the same that he calleth sages before M (m) 8–9 Prov 12:19 [שפת אמת Ps 12:3 14 [שפת חלקות Eccl 6:10 13 [שהיה כבר נקרא שמו

2 מהם] +מי AW | מי ט 4 הדתם] הרתם חטל AMü 6 בכנור] בכבוד דחטAMü 6 ובשובו] ושובו ל 6 על] אל דחטAMü 16 מורשא] מורשה חטW petram scilicet deserti Mü | Petra Sch | the rock of the Wildernisse M [מדבר סלע 4 history of the kings of israel 189 orders to follow the Sadducee rite. The sages suffered greatly in his days; some were killed by the sword, others fled, and still others were clad in frustration and shame.239 Some time later, the king went to an Arab nation in Sela,240 in the desert;241 he went to the Arab King Aretas242 and conquered his land. He 5 went to Madaba and the land of Moab, overcame and made [its inhabitants] into toiling serfs, and returned to Jerusalem with ringing praises. Upon his return he set his heart to leave his wicked path and returned to favoring the sages, following their rite and to the faith in their teachings. In those days, they were called Pharisees.243 The king sent for the 10 remnants of the Pharisees and they came before him. Then the king spoke to them in comforting words, saying: “Brothers, whatever happens, it was designated long ago; and it cannot be revoked. You cannot revoke your insults and I cannot give back the blood I have shed. I confess my sins before you and am regaining my favor for you and ask you to 15 ban jealousy and hatred from your hearts. Set aside the mourning and grievance of your souls. Rejoice, in your alliance with me, and be of good cheer!” They answered him: “We shall not set aside our hatred and enmity, because you speak with duplicity while we speak truthfully. You have 20 killed all our leaders and dignitaries. Nor were you alone in afflicting us with this great evil, but rather Hyrcanus, your father, started it and you completed it. The hatred between us and you is a heritage, and our anguish and mourning shall not be set aside, save for your downfall and by God’s vengeance for our plight. Then we will rejoice, for we will see revenge!” 25 They left him, and the king never answered them.

2–3 in frustration and shame] Ps 35:26 4 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 7 toiling serfs] Gen 49:15 12–13 whatever happens, it was designated long ago] Eccl 6:10 20 with duplicity] Ps 12:3 20 truthfully] Prov 12:19

239 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2.60–70. For a related version of the story see Zacuto, Book of Lineage, 226. 240 Translated as “Petra” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 30; “the rock of the Wildernisse” in Howell (1652), 31. 241 See Isa 16:1; Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, 50. 242 Aretas III (85–60bce) defeated Alexander Yannai at Addida and sided with Hyrcanus in the civil war between Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II in exchange for return of twelve Moabite towns. 243 Morwen adds in the margin: “These I take to be the same that he calleth sages before,” Morwen (1558), xx; “Zur selbigen zeit waren auch Phariseer,” Schwyntzer (1530), 30. דברי מלכי ישראל 190

והם כאשר ידעו כעס המלך עליהם וכי נגעה אליהם הרעה נתייעצו והלכו אל מלך יון ששמו דמטריוס והודיעוהו מה שעשה הורקנוס ואלכסנדר בנו לפרושים. וכל יושבי ארץ ישראל אוהבים את הפרושים ונוהגים מנהגם. ושונאים את אלכסנדר על המעשים הרעים שעשה להם ואם יבא אדם לבקש רעה לאלכסנדר והם יעזרוהו.

5 וישמע אליהם מלך יון ויאסוף את כל עמו ארבעים אלף פרשים ורגלים לאין מספר ויבא ויחן על שכם. וישכור המלך אלכסנדר ששת אלפים פרשים לעזור לו. וישלח מלך יון ספרים בלאט אל זקני המינים שלא יעזרו לאלכסנדר. וגם אל שכירי המלך אלכסנדר שלח מנחה כסף וזהב ושבו לארצם ולא עזרוהו. ולא עצר כח אלכסנדר עם דמטריוס. ושמע כי דמטריוס נסע משכם לירושלים לבא אליו ללכדו במדינה ויברח בלילה הוא 10 ואנשים עמו מעט וינס אל ההרים ויתחבא שם. ויהי כשמוע כל איש ישראל אשר ביהודה כי נס המלך וכי ירושלם אין בה מלך וכמעט תיפול ביד יון נקהלו כולם ועמדו על נפשם כאיש אחד כי׳ אלפים גיבורים. ויבואו אל מחנה דמטריוס ויכו את כל גיבוריו ויבוזו את מחנהו וינס לפניהם ושב לארצו בבשת וכלימה. ויתחזק המלך וישב למלכותו והפרושים נסו ויבואו בית שמש ויבצרו מפני המלך. ויאסוף 15 המלך את מחניהו ויחן עליהן ותבקע העיר. ויתפוש המלך ח׳ מאות מגדולי הפרושים ויאסרם בברזל ויביאם ירושלם. ויעש משתה לכל עבדיו על גג היכלו במקום גבוה. ויאכלו

שלח 1Sam 11:1 8 [ויחן על שכם 1Chr 22:4 6 [לאין מספר cf. Judg 20:34 5 [נגעה אליהם הרעה 1 .cf [ויהי כשמוע כל איש ישראל אשר ביהודה 2Chr 13:20 10 [ולא עצר כח cf. Judg 3:15 8 [מנחה cf. 2Kgs 25:1,4 [ויחן עליהן ותבקע העיר Esth 9:16 15 [נקהלו כולם ועמדו על נפשם Josh 5:1 11 Esth 2:18 [ויעש משתה לכל עבדיו 16

1 ידעו] כי +ל 5 לאין] אין ל 7 המינים] הצדוקים ט 8 כסף] וכסף ט 9 בלילה] לילה חטW 11 כי נס המלך וכי ירושלם אין] אין ירושלים וכי ד | וכי אין ירושלם חט 12 דמטריוס] דמטריוש ח 15 המלך] > המלך< ח הוסף בשוליים heer S [מחנה 12 history of the kings of israel 191

When they realized [the extent of] the king’s wrath concerning them and that evil was close upon them, they took counsel and went to the king of Greece, who was called Demetrius,244 and told him what Hyrcanus and his son Alexander had done to the Pharisees: “All the inhabitants of the land of Israel favor the Pharisees and follow their rite. They hate 5 Alexander on account of the evil acts with which he has afflicted them, and, if one were to come for Alexander with harmful intent, they would [surely] support him.” The king of Greece listened to them and gathered his men, 40,000 cavalrymen and innumerable foot soldiers, and besieged Nablus. King Alexan- 10 der hired 6,000 cavalrymen to assist him. The king of Greece secretly sent messages to the heretics’ elders that they should not help Alexan- der. He also sent gifts of silver and gold to King Alexander’s hired men, and they returned to their countries and did not assist him. Alexander could not muster strength [to withstand] Demetrius, and upon hearing 15 that Demetrius was on his way from Nablus to Jerusalem to trap him in the city, he and a few of his people fled by night, escaped to the mountains and hid there. When the Jews in Judea heard that their king had fled, and that there was no king [left] in Jerusalem and that [the city] had almost fallen into the hands of the Greeks, circa 10,000 fighters mustered and fought for 20 their lives. They came to Demetrius’ encampment and struck down all his soldiers and ransacked his camp, and he fled before them and returned to his country clad in frustration and shame.245 The king’s power increased and he returned to his kingdom. The Phar- isees fled until they reached Bet-Shemesh and fortified themselves there 25 against the king. The king gathered his camp, besieged them, and made a breach into the city. He captured 800 of the Pharisee dignitaries, put them in chains, and brought them to Jerusalem. Then he made a banquet for all his officials high up on the roof of his palace. The leaders of the

2 evil was close upon them] cf. Judg 20:34 7 were to come and seek evil for Alexander] See 1Macc 9:71 10 innumerable] 1Chr 22:4 10 and besieged] 1Sam 11:1 13 sent gifts] cf. Judg 3:15 15 could not muster strength] 2Chr 13:20 18 And when the Jews in Judea heard] cf. Josh 5:1 20–21 mustered and fought for their lives] Esth 9:16 26–27 besieged them and made a breach into the city] cf. 2Kgs 25:1,4 28–29 he made a banquet for all his officials] Esth 2:18

244 Demetrius III Eukarios Theos Philopater Soter (r. 97–88bce), one of the last rulers of the Seleucid dynasty. 245 A memory of these events is possibly preserved in Pesher Nahum (Berrin), 89f. דברי מלכי ישראל 192

וישתו וישכרו עמו גדולי הקראים ובטוב לבו צוה להוציא את ח׳ מאות האיש האסורים מגדולי הפרושים ויתלו את כולם על עצים לפניו והיה רואה ושותה ושוחק.

[ 21 .מותו של אלכסנדר ינאי]

ויחלה המלך אלכסנדר בשנת כ״ד למלכותו חלי כבד בקדחת רביעית. שלש שנים חלה 5 ובכולם לא נכנע. לא הניח מלצאת ולבא ולהלחם בכל הגוים אשר סביבותיו כאשר בהיותו בריא. ובשנת כ״ז למלכותו והיא השנה השלישית לחליו יצא למדינה ששמה רגבא בארץ מואב להלחם בה והוא דל מאד. ויצאה עמו אשתו אלכסנדרה המלכה כי יראה שמא ימות בדרך. ויחן על העיר והחזיק מלחמתו עליה. וגם החולי החזיק עליו. וכראות אישתו שהיה הולך בדרך כל הארץ ובכתה לפניו בכי גדולה ואמרה לו: אל מי 10 אשא עיני אחריך? ואתה עשית רעות הרבה לפרושים וכל יושבי הארץ אוהבים אותם ונוהגים מנהגם ומאמינים קבלתם. ואם רצונם להנקם ממני ומבניך הקטנים וכל יושבי

;Josh 23:14 [הולך בדרך כל הארץ Deut 31:2 9 [מלצאת ולבא Gen 43:34 5 [וישתו וישכרו עמו 1 cf. Ps 121:1 [אל מי אשא עיני 1Kgs 2:2 9–10

1 עמו]-טA 5 נכנע] +ובכולם דחMü 9 וכראות] ובראות ח 9 ובכתה] בכתה דחMü 9 בכי] בכיה ל 11 וכל] כל חלMü an galgen zehencken [את כולם על עצים ויתלו grösten Schrifftgelerten Sch 2 [גדולי הקראים 1 quartan ague M | Quartain Ague H [בקדחת רביעית Sch 4 history of the kings of israel 193

Karaites246 ate and drank their fill with him. In the merriment of his heart he gave orders to bring out the 800 imprisoned Pharisee dignitaries, and they were all hung247 upon trees in front of him as he watched, drank, and laughed.248

[21. Alexander’s Death]249 5

In the twenty-fourth year of his reign, King Alexander contracted quartan fever,250 a severe illness. He was ill for three years, but did not surrender. [The disease] did not prevent him from being active and from fighting all his surrounding nations as if he were of good health. In the twenty-seventh year of his reign, which was the third year of his disease, 10 he set forth to wage battle against a city called Regev in the land of Moab, and he was very weak. His wife, Queen Alexandra,251 accompanied him, fearing that he might die on the way. He besieged the city and intensified the war against it; and the disease, too, intensified [its battle] against him. 15 When his wife saw that he was about to go the way of all the earth, she wept copiously before him and said to him: “To whom shall I turn for advice after your [death]? You afflicted the Pharisees, whom the inhabitants of the land love, whose rite they observe and whose teachings

1 drank their fill with him] Gen 43:34 8 being active] Deut 31:2 16 way of all the earth] Josh 23:14; 1Kgs 2:2 17 wept copiously] Judg 21:2 17–18 To whom shall I turn for advice] cf. Ps 121:1

246 Translated as “grösten Schrifftgelerten” in Schwyntzer (1530), 32. or, following Sifre on Deuteronomy ( םיצעלעםלוכתאולתיו ) va-yitlu ʾet kulam ʿal ʿeṣim 247 ,(to hang,’ see Pesher Nahum (Berrin‘ ,( הלת ) to ‘crucify.’ For the use of the root tallah ,221 :3 170–171, esp. n. 20. Translated as “an galgen zehencken” in Schwyntzer (1530), 32. 248 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2.72–80. Ibn Daud’s version shows similarity to the Talmudic reports of the murder of the sages upon Herod’s ascent to the throne. See Efron, Hasmonean Period: 185, esp. n. 86 on p. 85; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 32.1–48; Josephus, Ant., 13.379–383, War, 1.96–98. 249 Ibn Daud’s account is far more dramatic than Josippon. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 32.64–90; Josephus, Ant., 13.398–406, War, 1.106; Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), p. 90. 250 Translated as “a quartan ague” in Morwen (1558), xxii; similarly Howell (1652), 38. 251 Salome Alexandra, Gr. Salina or Salampsio (r. 76–67bce), wife of Aristobulus I and Alexander Yannai who ascended to the throne after the latter’s death. See DMY, chap. 22. דברי מלכי ישראל 194

הארץ יעזרום! ויאמר לה המלך: אל תבכי ולא תנודי ואני איעצך עצה. אם תשמעי לעצתי תצליחי ותמלכי את ובניך בכל אשר תאוה נפשך. אני הנני מת ואיש בעולם לא ידע במותי. ואמרי להם חולה הוא ואינו רוצה שאדם בעולם יראה אותו. וחנטי ואותי והחזיקי מלחמתך אל העיר הזאת עד שתכבשי אותה ולכי לירושלם בשמחה. ולא תלבשי בגדי 5 אבל ואל תבכי ואכנס לירושלם על מטתי כאיש חולה. ואספי אליך כל זקני הפרושים ודברי אליהם דברים טובים. ואמרי להם: אלכסנדר אויביכם והטילני בפניהם. ואמרי להם: אם רצונכם השליכוהו באש או לכלבים או קברוהו! כי אני יודע כי הם אנשי חסד ורחמים והם יקברוני בכבוד וימליכו את אשר ירצו מבני. ותעש המלכה כאשר צוה לה המלך ונכבשה רגבה לפניה ושבה לירושלם בשמחה 10 ותאסוף כל זקני הפרושים ותדבר אליהם כדברי המלך. וכאשר שמעו הפרושים כי מת המלך וכי נבלתו הרי היא בידם אמרו למלכה: חלילה לנו מעשות זאת לאדוננו משיח יי׳ מלך וכהן גדול ואם הוא חטא מיתתו תהא כפרה על כל עונותיו ואנחנו נספדהו ונבכהו ועל צוארינו יצא ארונו ונקברהו במעלת קברי המלכים ויעשו כן. והימים אשר מלך על ישראל כ״ז שנה.

cf. 1Kgs 12:7 [ודברי אליהם דברים טובים Num 24:14 6 [תבכי ולא תנודי ואני איעצך עצה אל 1 Exod 7:10 [ויעשו כן 13

1 יעזרום] יעזורות ל 1 אל] לא חטMü 3 להם] לי דחטMü 7 באש] לאש ל 7 הם]-ל 8 מבני] +הפרושים ותדבר אליהם כדברי המלך וכאשר ל 9 לה]-ל 12 תהא] תהי חW 13 והימים] ולימים W

Mercke ja wol die grosse+ [ויעשו כן Anoint and season me with balms H 13 [וחנטי 3 blindheit der Pharisaischen lehr / Christlicher Leser / die da meineñ / der todte des Königs / sej ein bus vñ bezalung aller seiner sünde / Also trösteten unsere Papisten vorzeiten auch die Ubeltheter—so man abthun solte—Lieber Son—leide gedultig diesen tode schmerzen etc. so wird dir Gott das ewig leben geben—Ist das wort war—wil ich ein freier waghals sein—das böse stündlein bringet alles herein—O blinden Leiter—wie gross ist die grube—wie weit der Hellen rache? W history of the kings of israel 195 they follow. If they wish to take revenge on me and your small children, all the inhabitants of the land will support them!” The king said to her: “Do not cry and do not weep, and let me inform you [what to do]. If you listen to my advice, you will succeed, and you and your sons will rule as you see fit. I am dying, but nobody shall know of my death. Tell them: ‘He is ill and 5 does not wish to be seen by anyone.’ Embalm me and intensify your war on this city until you conquer it; then you shall happily go to Jerusalem. Do not wear clothes of mourning and do not cry, and I shall enter Jerusalem on my bed as a sick man. Gather all the elders of the Pharisees and speak to them with kind words and tell them: ‘Alexander was your enemy’ and 10 cast me before them. Tell them: ‘If it is your wish, throw him into the fire or to the dogs or bury him!’ For I know that they are righteous and merciful people, and they will bury me with honor, and crown whomever they prefer from amongst my sons.” The queen did as the king had commanded her. She conquered Regev 15 and joyfully returned to Jerusalem, where she gathered the leaders of the Pharisees and told them the king’s words. When the Pharisees heard that the king had died and that his corpse was in their hands, they said to the queen: “Heaven forbid that we should act like this towards our lord, who had been anointed by God, our king and high priest! Though he was a 20 sinner, his death will atone for all his transgressions and we shall mourn and bewail him. Upon our shoulders shall his coffin be carried, and we shall bury him in the graves of the kings.” So they did.252 The length of his reign over Israel was twenty-seven years.

2–3 Do not cry and do not weep] cf. Jer 22:10 3 let me inform you] Num 24:14 9–10 speak to them with kind words] cf. 1Kgs 12:7 23 And so they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 23–24 The length of his reign over Israel was twenty-seven years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al.

252 Wolff adds “Mercke ja wol die grosse blindheit der Pharisaischen lehr / Christlicher Leser / die da meineñ / der todte des Königs / sej ein bus vñ bezalung aller seiner sünde / Also trösteten unsere Papisten vorzeiten auch die Ubeltheter—so man abthun solte—Lieber Son—leide gedultig diesen tode schmerzen etc. so wird dir Gott das ewig leben geben—Ist das wort war—wil ich ein freier waghals sein—das böse stündlein bringet alles herein—O blinden Leiter—wie gross ist die grube—wie weit der Hellen rache?” Wolff (1557), [66]. דברי מלכי ישראל 196

[22. מלכות שלומציון אלכסנדרה]

ותמלוך אלכסנדרה אשתו תחתיו כי הפרושים כאשר השלימו ז׳ ימי האבל המליכוה. והיו לה ב׳ בנים מן המלך הורקנוס הבכור ומשנהו ארסתבלוס. והורקנוס היה איש צדיק וישר וארסתבלוס איש מלחמה וגבור חיל ויפה מראה עד מאד והוא היה אוהב את 5 הקראים ונוהג מנהגם. והורקנוס אחיו הגדול אוהב את הפרושים. ובשבת המלכה על כסא מלכותה קראה לזקני הפרושים ובאו אליה וכבדה אותם וצותם להוציא את כל האסורים בבית הסהר מן הפרושים במאסר המלך אישה וחמיה. והחזיקה בידי הפרושים וצותה שכל ישראל ינהגו מנהגם. ושמה הורקנוס בנה כהן גדול וארסתבלוס שר צבא. ושלחה אל כל הארצות שכבש אישה וחמיה ולקחה תערובות

ויפה 1Chr 12:29 4 [וגבור חיל Deut 32:4 4 [איש מלחמה 1Sam 17:13 4 [הבכור ומשנהו 3 .cf. Esth 5:1 et al [ובשבת המלכה על כסא מלכותה 1Sam 17:42 6 [מראה

6 אליה] לאליה ט 8 ושמה] ושמע ט 9 צבא] צבאה ט | בצבאה דW | צבאו ח 9 אל] את ח

Schwagers Sch [וחמיה learned men H 7 [הקראים 5 history of the kings of israel 197

[22. The Rule of Alexandra]253

Alexandra254 succeeded him because the Pharisees had crowned her after the seven days of morning. She had two sons by the king; the firstborn was Hyrcanus, and the second born Aristobulus.255 Hyrcanus was a pious and upright man, and Aristobulus a valiant man, a mighty soldier and a very 5 handsome man, who favored the Karaites256 and followed their rite, while his older brother Hyrcanus favored the Pharisees. When the queen was sitting on the royal throne, she called the Pharisee elders to come to her and she honored them and ordered them to free all Pharisee prisoners from the imprisonment imposed by her husband and 10 her father-in-law. She strengthened the Pharisees and ordered that all of Israel should adopt their rite. She appointed her son Hyrcanus high priest, and Aristobulus became the leader of the army. She sent [a message] to all the lands that her husband and her father-in-law had conquered, and she took hostages from among the children of their dignitaries and 15 imprisoned them in Jerusalem. God gave her rest from all her servants, and

3–4 the firstborn was Hyrcanus and the second born] cf. 1Sam 17:13 5 upright man] Deut 32:4 5 valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 5–6 a mighty soldier and a very handsome man] 1Sam 17:42 8 When the queen was sitting on the royal throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al.

253 Ibn Daud stresses the differences between Hyrcanus and the Pharisees. He emphasized that the Sadducees were close to the king and in fact had incited him against the Pharisees. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 33; Josephus, Ant., 13.405–429; War 1.1:85, 107–117; Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), 90. 254 Salome Alexandra, Gr. Salina, Salampsio (r. 76–67bce), wife of Aristobulus I and Alexander Yannai who ascended to the throne after the latter’s death. See Tal Ilan, Silenc- ing the Queen. The Literary Histories of Shelamzion and Other Jewish Women, vol. 115, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 1–72 and Doris Lambers- Petry, “Shelomzion ha-Malka; the Hasmonean Queen and her Enigmatic Portrayal by Jose- phus,” in Internationales Josephus-Kolloquium Dortmund 2002: Arbeiten aus dem Institutum Judaicum Delizschianum, ed. Jürgen U. Kalms and Folker Siegert, Münsteraner judaistische Studien (Münster: Lit, 2003), 65–77. For her portrayal in rabbinic texts see bTaan 23a. 255 Hyrcanus II (c. 103–30bce), older son of Alexander Yannai and Salome Alexandra, appointed high priest during his mother’s lifetime, and his younger brother Judah Aris- tobulus II (67–63bce), the last independent Hasmonean king. See Daniel R. Schwartz, “Josephus on Hyrcanus II,” in Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period: Essays in Memory of Morton Smith, ed. Morton Smith and Fausto Parente, Studia Post-Biblica (Lei- den: Brill, 1994), 210–232. 256 Translated as “learned men” in Howell (1652), 38. Ibn Daud projects the twelfth- century Karaite-rabbinic divide onto the past. He identifies with the Pharisees whom he regards as the ideological forerunners of rabbinic Judaism and therefore can call their opponents ‘Karaites.’ Vice versa, he also calls contemporary Karaites ‘Sadducees.’ דברי מלכי ישראל 198

מבני הגדולים ונאסרו בירושלם. וינח יי׳ למלכה מכל עבדיה והיא הרשה את הפרושים על הקראים. ואמרה להם: הנם בידכם כטוב בעיניכם עשו להם. ובצאתם מלפניה מצאו דוגרוס והוא גדול שבקראים והכוהו לפי חרב וגם עם רב מגדולי הקראים הפילו בחרב ויצר למינים מאד.

5 ויתקבצו אל ארסתבלוס שר הצבא בנה ויבאו עמהם אל המלכה ואמרו לה: את יודעת את האיבה אשר בינינו ובין הפרושים והם שונאי אישך וחמיך ובניך. ואנחנו היינו אנשי מלחמתו ויוצאים ובאים לפניו ועוזרים אותו ועתה הסגרת אותנו בידם למות ולברוח מן הארץ עד שישמע הרתם מלך ערב כי סרנו ממך ויבא לנקום נקמת כל המלחמות שנלחם בו אישך. והפרושים יתחברו עמו ויסגרו אותך ואת בנייך בידו לבלתי השאיר להורקנוס 10 המלך ואלכסנדר בנו אישך שם ושאר. ולא השיבה המלכה דבר. ויזעף עליה ארסתבלוס בנה וידבר אליה עזות ולא שמעה אליו. ויאמר ארסתבלוס אל המינים: קומו צאו לפניה מירושלם ובחרו לכם בארץ יהודה ערים לשבת שם בכבוד ולא תמותו ביד הפרושים. ויעשו כן ויצאו מירושלם וישבו בערי יהודה.

[23. מותה של שלומציון אלכסנדרה]

15 בימים ההם חלתה המלכה למות וכאשר ידע ארסתבולוס בנה שהיא קרובה למות פחד מן הפרושים שלא ימליכו את הורקנוס אחיו ויתפשו אותו. וילך ויברח לילה אל ערי הצדוקים להיות להם לראש ולהלחם בהורקנוס אחיו אם ימלוך. ויברח אל שר הצדוקים

cf. Isa 14:22 [שם ושאר Judg 2:15 10 [למינים מאד ויצ ר Josh 10:28 et al. 3–4 [והכוהו לפי חרב 3 .Esth 2, 21 et al [בימים ההם Exod 7:10 et al. 15 [ויעשו כן 13

2 כטוב] הטוב ל 2 מלפניה] מלפניהם ח 4 למינים] לקראים ט 5 ויבאו] ויבא ל 10 אישך]-ל 10 דבר ]-ל 11 המינים] הקראים טA 12 ערים]-ח 15 ההם]-ט 16 אל] על ל

Schriftweisen Sch | learned sort HM [הקראים 2 history of the kings of israel 199 she legated the [power over the] Karaites to the Pharisees.257 She said to them: “See, they are in your hands, do to them as you see fit.” Upon leaving her, they came across Dogros [Diogenes],258 a leader of the Karaites, and they put him to the sword. Also, a great number of the Karaite dignitaries and the heretics were in great distress. 5 They [the Sadducees] gathered around Aristobulus, her son, the leader of the army, and he joined them as they went to the queen and told her: “Youknow the enmity that exists between us and the Pharisees, who hated your husband, your father-in-law, and your sons. We, however, were his soldiers; we came and went out before him, and assisted him, and now 10 you delivered us into their hand to die or flee our land until the Arab King Aretas will hear that we turned away from you, and he will come to take revenge for all the wars your husband fought against him. Whereas the Pharisees will serve as his allies and they will deliver you and your sons so that neither name nor remnant will remain of King Hyrcanus and his son, 15 your husband, Alexander.” The queen did not respond. Aristobulus, her son, grew angry at her and spoke impudently to her, but she did not heed to him. Aristobulus said to the heretics: “Go, and leave Jerusalem. Choose cities in the land of Judea to reside in honorably so that you might not die at the hands of the Pharisees.” Thus they did, and they left Jerusalem and 20 settled in the cities of Judea.

[23. The Death of Alexandra]259

In those days, the queen fell mortally ill, and when her son Aristobulus saw that she was nearing death, he feared the Pharisees lest they appointed his brother Hyrcanus king and arrested him. He fled at night to the cities 25 of the Sadducees to become their leader and to fight his brother Hyrcanus should he become king. He sought refuge with the leader of the Sadducees,

3–4 and they put him to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 5 were in great distress] Judg 2:15 15 neither name nor remnant] cf. Isa 14:22 20 Thus they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 23 In those days] Esth 2, 21 et al.

257 Schwyntzer translates as “Schriftweisen” here and in the following; Schwyntzer (1530), 34. Morwen has “She gaue also the Pharisies authority ouer the learned sort,” Mor- wen (1558), xxiiii; similarly Howell (1652), 30. 258 Diogenes was one of the advisors of Yannai, accused of having persuaded the king to crucify 800 Pharisees. 259 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 34.56–93; Josephus, Ant., 13.430–432, Josephus, War, 1.119. דברי מלכי ישראל 200

ושמו גלוסתיוס וגלוסתיוס זה היה גבור חיל והוא אסף חיל כבד מן הצדוקים. ותשלח אליו המלכה אמו לשוב אליה ולא שמע והלך ונלחם בגוים אשר סביבותיו וילכוד עשרים עיר ויגדל שמו מאד. ויהי כאשר כבד חלי המלכה באו אליה זקני הפרושים עם הורקנוס בנה. ובכו לפניה 5 ואמרו לה שהם יראים מבנה ארסתובולוס שאם יבוא אל ירושלם ויכבוש אותה יסגירם ביד הצדוקים. והיא אמרה אליהם: אני הולכת בדרך כל הארץ ואיני יכולה לדבר שום דבר אבל יש לי בתי גנזים גדולים שגנזו אישי וחמי ואבותיהם מלכי בני חשמונאים הנה הם בידכם. ואתם המליכו את הורקנוס בני עליכם. ואם יבא ארסתבלוס להלחם בו שכרו חיל מבית גנזיו ועזרוהו ועשו כטוב בעיניכם. עודה מדברת ותגוע ותמת ותאסוף אל עמיה 10 והימים אשר מלכה על ישראל תשע שנים.

[ 24 .הורקנוס השני ואריסטובולוס השני]

וימליכו הפרושים והכהנים וכל יושבי ירושלם את הורקנוס בנה תחתיה. וכשמוע ארסתובולוס כי מתה המלכה וכי הומלך אחיו ויאסוף את כל חילו ויבא ירושלמה למלחמה עם אחיו. והמלך הורקנוס ערך אתו מלחמה על ירדן ירחו והצדוקים חיל 15 ארסתבלוס היו גבורי חיל ולא היו הפרושים כן. וינגף הורקנוס והפרושים לפני הצדוקים וארסתבלוס. ויבוא ויצר על ירושלם ותבא העיר במצור ובמצוק. ויתיעצו הכהנים וזקני העם ויצאו אל ארסתבלוס ויפלו לפניו ארצה ויתחננו אליו לבלתי השחית נחלת יי׳ והוא

cf. Josh [אני הולכת בדרך כל הארץ 2Kgs 6:14 6 [חיל כבד 1Chr 12:29 et al. 1 [גבור חיל 1 ותאסוף Gen 19:8 9 [ועשו כטוב בעיניכם cf. Job 2:6 9 [הנה הם בידכם 1Kgs 2:2 7–8 ;23:14 .cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al [והימים אשר מלכה על ישראל תשע שנים Gen 25:17 10 [ותגוע ותמת אל עמיה ויבוא ויצר על ירושלם ותבא 1Chr 12:22 et al. 16 [גבורי חיל Num 36:13 et al. 15 [על ירדן ירחו 14 1Sam 26:19 [נחלת יי׳ Isa 65:8 17 [לבלתי השחית Deut 28:53; 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 17 [העיר במצור

1 כבד] +מאד ל 1 מן] +הר ל 2 אליה]-ט 4 ויהי כאשר] וכאשר ל 5 אל] על ל 7 בתי]-ח 7 גדולים] +שגנד ח 7 חשמונאים] חשמונאי חטלAW history of the kings of israel 201 a man named Galustius [Galestes]. This Galustius was a valiant man, and he recruited a strong force among the Sadducees. The queen, his mother, sent [a message asking him] to return to her, but he did not heed [to her]. He went and fought the surrounding nations, capturing twenty towns, and his fame grew greatly. 5 When the queen’s illness grew worse, the Pharisee elders came to her with her son Hyrcanus. They wept before her and told her that they feared, lest her son Aristobulus come to Jerusalem, conquer [the city] and deliver them to the hands of the Sadducees. She said to them: “I am going the way of all the earth and there is nothing I can say. But I have great treasuries 10 amassed by my husband and my father-in-law and their ancestors, the Hasmonean kings; they are at your disposal. Crown Hyrcanus, my son, king over you, and if Aristobulus comes to fight him, hire an army from the treasury and help him do as you please.” While she still spoke, she breathed her last and died, and was gathered to her kin. The length of her 15 reign over Israel was nine years.

[24. Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II]260

The Pharisees, the priests, and all the residents of Jerusalem crowned her son Hyrcanus king after her. When Aristobulus heard that the queen had died and that his brother had been made king, he gathered his entire army 20 and came to Jerusalem to wage war against his brother. King Hyrcanus waged war on him at the Jordan near Jericho. Aristobulus’ Sadducees were valiant men, but the Pharisees were not. Hyrcanus and the Pharisees were defeated by the Sadducees and Aristobulus. He came and besieged Jerusalem, and the city fell into desperate straits. The priests and the 25 elders amongst the people took counsel; they set out towards Aristobulus, prostrated themselves before him, and implored him to show mercy and not to destroy the inheritance of the Lord. He complied, but imposed

1 a valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 2 a strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 9–10 I am going the way of all the earth] cf. Josh 23:14; 1Kgs 2:2 12 they are at your disposal] cf. Job 2:6 14–15 she breathed her last and died, and was gathered to her kin] Gen 25:17 15–16 The length of her reign over Israel was nine years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 22 at the Jordan near Jericho] Num 36:13 et al. 23 valiant men] 1Chr 12:22 et al. 24–25 besieged Jerusalem and the city fell into desperate straits] Deut 28:53; 2Kgs 25:2 et al. 28 not to destroy] Isa 65:8 28 the inheritance of the Lord] 1Sam 26:19

260 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 35.1–34; Josephus, Ant., 14.4–7, Josephus, War, 1.120–123. דברי מלכי ישראל 202

רצם והתנה אליהם שיבא לירושלם ויהיה הוא למלך והורקנוס אחיו לכהן גדול ויעשו כן. ויבא ארסתבולוס ירושלם ויצא אחיו לקראתו מן המקדש ויחבק לו וינשק לו. וימלוך ארסתבלוס ויכהן הורקנוס וינח יי׳ לישראל ימים מעט. ואחרי כל זאת שלח יי׳ ביניהם רוח רעה. ומאתו היתה סבה להעביר המלוכה מזרע 5 חשמונאי ולהשמידם מעל פני האדמה על חטאת הורקנוס הגדול וחטאת אלכסנדר בנו ועל דם הנקי אשר שפכו ועל אשר הדיחו את ישראל מקבלת הנביאים אל שקרי הצדוקים ופחזותם.

[ 25 .עלייתו של אנטיפטרוס]

וכן היה כי הצדוקים אמרו לארסתבלוס: כי כל הימים אשר הורקנוס אחיך חי על האדמה 10 לא תכון אתה ומלכותך. ויתייעץ ארסתבלוס להרוג את הורקנוס. וישמע הדבר איש אחד מגבורי ישראל שמו אנטפטר והיה איש משכיל ויודע ומבין בכל חכמה בתורה ובחכמות יוניות ונבון דבר חכם חרשים אבל עקרו לא מבני ישראל כי אם מרומיים שנפלו עבדים ביד ישראל והם גרים בלבד ולא בני חורין.

ולהשמידם מעל פני cf. Judg 9:23 5 [שלח יי׳ ביניהם רוח רעה Exod 7:10 et al. 4 [ויעשו כן 2–1 כי כל הימים אשר הורקנוס אחיך 2Kgs 24:4 9–10 [ועל דם הנקי אשר שפכו Deut 6:15 6 [האדמה [חכם חרשים 1Sam 16:18 12 [ונבון דבר cf. 1Sam 20:31 12 [חי על האדמה לא תכון אתה ומלכותך Isa 3:3

1 אליהם] עליהם חטMü | עמהם ל 6 מקבלת] מעל קבלת מפי ל 9 אחיך חי על האדמה] חי ח 10 ויתייעץ] ואתייעץ ח 11 והיה] היה טA 11 ויודע]-ל 12–11 ובחכמות יוניות] ובחכמה יונית חל | יונית MüA 13 חורין] חורים צMü history of the kings of israel 203 the condition that he would come to Jerusalem to become their king and that his brother Hyrcanus would be the high priest, and thus they agreed. Aristobulus entered Jerusalem, and his brother set out from the Temple towards him, and embraced and kissed him. Aristobulus ruled, Hyrcanus acted as high priest, and God gave Israel rest for a short period. 5 Then, after all this, God sent them a spirit of discord. It was because of God that the Hasmonean dynasty lost the kingship and was wiped off the face of the earth on account of the sins of the elder Hyrcanus and his son Alexander; on account of all the blood of the innocent they had shed, and because they had seduced Israel [to leave] the traditions 10 of the prophets [and to observe] the lies of the Sadducees and their wantonness.261

[25. The Rise of Antipater I]262

Thus it happened that the Sadducees said to Aristobulus: “For as long as your brother Hyrcanus lives, neither you nor your kingdom shall be 15 secured.” Aristobulus plotted to kill Hyrcanus, but one of the Jewish men of valor, by the name of Antipater263 overheard this. Antipater was a learned and knowledgeable man, well versed in every religious knowledge and in Greek wisdom,264 sensible in speech and a skilled artisan, but he was not a Jew by origin. Rather, he was a descendent of the Romans who had 20 become slaves to the people of Israel, and who were foreigners and not free [people].

2 and thus they agreed] Exod 7:10 et al. 6 God sent them a spirit of discord] cf. Judg 9:23 7–8 wiped off the face of the earth] Deut 6:15 9–10 all the blood of the innocent they had shed] 2Kgs 24:4 15–16 lives, neither you nor your kingdom shall be secured] 1Sam 20:31 19 sensible in speech] 1Sam 16:18 19 a skilled artisan] Isa 3:3

261 In this brief analysis, Ibn Daud explains that from this point onwards, the Has- monean dynasty was in decline. This assessment is original to Ibn Daud. 262 This portrayal of Antipater omits Antipater’s intrigues. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 35.35–92; Josephus, Ant., 14.8–20, War, 1.124–126. For the historical background see Abra- ham Schalit, “Die frühchristliche Überlieferung über die Herkunft der Familie des Hero- des,” ATSI 1 (1962): 109–160. See ShQ, 4.10 and 7.327, 331. 263 Antipater I the Idumaean (d. 34bce) was an advisor of the Hasmonean king Hyr- canus II. He founded the Herodian dynasty. Josephus, Ant., books 16–17. 264 ‘Greek wisdom’ included astronomy and astrology. דברי מלכי ישראל 204

ואנטפטר זה היו לו ד׳ בנים יוסף הבכור ומשנהו פסילו. והשלישי הורודוס והרביעי פרודה ואחותם שלומית. ואנטפטר זה אוהב להורקנוס מאד על צדקתו ויושר לבבו. ויגד להורקנוס בסתר את עצת אחיו ארסתבלוס והצדוקים וייעצהו לנוס אל הדתם מלך ערב. וקדם הוא אנטפטר והלך להדתם מלך ערב ושמח בו הדתם 5 שמחה גדולה ויאמר לו אנטפטר כי הורקנוס מלך ישראל יצא לברוח אליך מפני ארסתבלוס אחיו. אם תעזרוהו ותחזקהו מהרה תסיר הממלכה מיד ארסתבלס כי כל ישראל נוטים אחרי הורקנוס ולא אחרי ארסתבלוס. ויאמר הדתם: ירא אני את היהודים ואת תחבולותם כי אלכסנדר אביו ג׳ פעמים הכני במלחמה בתחבולותיו ויקח את ארצי מידי. וישבע לו אנטפטר כי אוהב יהיה לך בצדק ובאמונה וכל אשר תאמר נפשך יעשה 10 לך. וישמע אליו הדתם ויכרתו שניהם ברית. וישב אנטפטר ירושלם ויבריח את הורקנוס לילה וילכו שניהם אל מלך ערב וישמח בו מלך ערב ויכבדהו כבוד גדול. וכשבא לכרות ברית אמר הדתם מלך ערב: הערים אשר לקח אביך מידי תשיב. וקבל הורקנוס כל כך ויאסוף הדתם את כל גוי ערב וילך ירושלם למלחמה עליה. וגם אל הורקנוס נאספו כל איש יהודה לבד מיושבי ירושלם ויצורו על 15 ארסתבלוס ותבא העיר במצור ובמלחמה.

הדתם ויכרתו 1Chr 29:9 10 [ושמח בו הדתם שמחה גדולה cf. 1Sam 17:13 4–5 [הבכור ומשנהו 1 2Sam 19:15 [כל איש יהודה Gen 21:27 14 [שניהם ברית

3 את]-ל 6 אם]-ט 7 אחרי] אחר ל 8 בתחבולותיו] בתחבולותם ל 12–11 וישמח בו מלך ערב] -ל 12 גדול] +מאוד ל 12 וכשבא] וכשבאו חטלMü 12 ערב] פרס ל 14 יהודה] יהודי ל history of the kings of israel 205

This Antipater had four sons, Joseph, his firstborn, the next, Phasael,265 the third, Herod, and the fourth, Pheroras.266 They had a sister, Salome.267 Antipater favored Hyrcanus because of his righteousness and the honesty of his heart. He secretly informed Hyrcanus about the plans of his brother Aristobulus and the Sadducees, and he advised him to seek refuge with 5 Aretas, king of the Arabs.268 Antipater preceded him and went to Aretas, the king of the Arabs, who greatly rejoiced in him, and Antipater told him: “Hyrcanus, the king of Israel, left to seek refuge with you because of his brother Aristobulus. If you assist him and support him, the kingdom will quickly be taken from the hands of Aristobulus, since all of Israel favor 10 Hyrcanus and not Aristobulus.” Aretas said: “I fear the Jews and their cunning, because his father Alexander defeated me deceitfully three times and took my land from me.” Antipater swore to him: “He will favor you justly and faithfully and whatever you wish for he shall do for you.” Aretas listened to him and the two made a pact. 15 Antipater returned to Jerusalem and smuggled Hyrcanus out by night. The two went to the king of the Arabs, who rejoiced in him and held him in great honor. When they came to make a covenant, Aretas, the king of the Arabs, demanded: “Give back the cities that your father took from me.” Hyrcanus accepted all these conditions, and Aretas gathered all the Arab 20 nations and went to Jerusalem to wage war against the city. At the same time, all the inhabitants of Judea, save the Jerusalemites, gathered under Hyrcanus. They besieged Aristobulus; the city came under siege and war broke out.

1 his firstborn, and the next] cf. 1Sam 17:13 7 greatly rejoiced] 1Chr 29:9 15 and the two made a pact] Gen 21:27 22 all the inhabitants of Judea] 2Sam 19:15

265 Phasael (d. 40bce) became governor of Jerusalem and eventually tetrarch. He opposed Antigonus and died in the same conflict that led to the mutilation of Hyrcanus. 266 Pheroras (d. c. 5bce), son of Antipater and Cypros, and younger brother of Herod the Great. During the war of Herod against Antigonus, Pheroras commanded the Roman soldiers and fortified Alexandrion. Together with his sister Salome, he stressed the differences between Herod and the sons of Mariamne. 267 Their mother was Cypros, the wife of Antipater. See Josephus, Wars, 1:181; Josephus, Ant., 14:121; 15:81, 184, 213, 220, 239. 268 Aretas III (85–60bce), a Nabatean king. דברי מלכי ישראל 206

[ 26 .הורקנוס וחוני המעגל]

ויגע מועד הפסח ולא יכלו לעבוד עבודת המועד במקדש מפני המלחמה. והיה בירושלם איש צדיק גמור ושמו חוני המעגל יצא בלט ונפל במחנה הורקנוס ואנטפטר יועצו. ויבקש מהם בתחנה ובבכי שיניחו לירושלם מן המלחמה כל ימי חג המצות אולי ישלימו עבודת 5 המועד במקדש. ויאמר לו הורקנוס: אתה איש צדיק ופעמים רבות התפללת וענה יי׳ אותך. חל נא את פני יי׳ אלהיך ויסגיר בידינו ארסתבלוס ויניח לישראל. אמר להם חוני המעגל: התחת אלוהים אני להסיר מלחמות שהתעוררו ברוב עונות וחטאות? ויפצרו בו עבדי הורקנוס וישליכו חרבות עליו ויאמרו לו: אם לא תתפלל תמות בחרב. והוא כאשר ראה נפשו בצרה צעק אל יי׳ ויאמר: רבון העולמים שבחרת בעמך ישראל 10 מכל העמים ושכנת שמך בבית הזה יהי רצון מלפניך שתטע בין בני ישראל אהבה ואחוה. ותסלק שנאת חנם מביניהם ולא יגברו אילו על אילו כי הכל עבדיך בני בריתך.

Gen 50:19 [התחת אלוהים אני 1Kgs 13:6 7 [חל נא את פני יי׳ אלהיך Exod 23:15 6 [חג המצות 4 Exod 15:25 [צעק אל יי׳ 2Kgs 2:17 9 [ויפצרו בו 7

2 לעבוד עבודת] לעבודת ל 3 המעגל] מעגל ל 3 בלט] בלאט חט 5 רבות] הרבה ל 6 את]-ח 6 ויסגיר] ויסגור Mü 6 בידינו] +את W

[26. Hyrcanus and Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel (the Circle-Drawer)]269

The time of Passover270 came, and they could not execute the holiday’s sacrificial duties in the Temple because of the war. There was an utterly righteous man in Jerusalem called Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel271 who left secretly and fell into [the hands of] the camp of Hyrcanus and his adviser Antipa- 5 ter. He begged them, by supplication and tears, to refrain from afflicting Jerusalem with war throughout the days of the Feast of the Unleavened Bread,272 so that the sacrificial duties might be completed. Hyrcanus said to him: “You are a righteous man and many times you prayed and God responded to you. Please entreat the Lord your God to deliver Aristobulus 10 to our power, and Israel will be spared.” Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel said to them: “Am I in the place of God to avert wars caused by your many sins and transgressions?” Hyrcanus’ servants kept pressing him; they took hold of him and they cast their sword upon him273 and told [him]: “If you do not pray, you will die by the sword.” 15 When he saw that his life was in danger, he cried out to God, saying: “Master of the Universe,274 you have chosen your people Israel from all the nations, and have placed your Name in this Temple. May it be your will to imbue the children of Israel with love and brotherhood [for one another].275 Abolish the unfound hatred among them and do not 20 let some dominate others, since they are all your servants, children of

7–8 the Feast of the Unleavened Bread] Exod 23:15 10 Please entreat the Lord your God] 1Kgs 13:6 12 am I in the place of God] Gen 50:19 13 kept pressing him] 2Kgs 2:17 16 he cried out to God] Exod 15:25

269 Ḥoni was a miracle worker in the Second Temple period. A convenient compilation of Ḥoni stories can be found in Jeffrey L. Rubenstein, Rabbinic Stories, The Classics of Western Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 2002), 128–132 and Suzanne Last Stone, “On the Interplay of Rules, “Cases”, and Concepts in Rabbinic Legal Literature,” Diné Israel 24 (2007): 125–155. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 35.93–101; See Josephus, Ant., 14.21–28; mTaan 3:8; yTaan 3:10–12 (66d–67a); bTaan 23a; Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), p. 90. 270 Translated as “solennitas pascæ” in Münster (1529), 60; “Osterfest” in Schwyntzer (1530), 38; similarly Wolff (1557), [75]. 271 “Hony auriga” in Morwen (1558), xxviii. He adds “Onias” in the margin; “Honyauriga” Schwyntzer (1530), 38; “Fuhrman,” Wolff (1557), [74]. 272 Translated as “diebus solennitas Azymorũ” in Zeller (1724); “feast of swete breade” in Morwen (1558), xxviii. 273 GenR (Vilnah) 43:4. 274 bBer 17a et al. Translated as “Ewiger Gott” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 38. Morwen has “o Lorde euerlastyng,” Morwen (1558), xxix. 275 Ibn Daud returns to these terms in MZ. דברי מלכי ישראל 208

ועבדי הורקנוס כששמעו דבר זה קמו עליו ויכוהו בחרבות וימת. ולא איחר יי׳ נקמתו ויך את מחנה ערב ומחנה הורקנוס בדבר כבד מאד.

[27. פומפיוס ְואריסטובולוס]

בימים ההם יצא מרומי שליש גדול שמו פפמיוס להלחם על ארץ ארמניה ופפמיוס זה 5 שלח אחד מגדולי גיבוריו לדמשק. וישמע ארסתובלוס והוא במצור כי בא חיל רומי אל דמשק וישלח אליו שחד ארבע מאות ליטרי זהב ושאל ממנו להבריח את חיל ערב מעליו. ובימים ההם כל העולם היה נשמע לרומי. וישלח הגיבור ספר להדתם מלך ערב לאמר: עלה מעל ירושלם ואם לא דע כי הפרת בריתך עם זקני רומי וכל חיל רומיים על ארצך חונים. ובקרוא הדתם את הספר נסע מעל ירושלם וגם הורקנוס ואנטפטר נסעו 10 בבשת ובכלימה. ויאסוף ארסתבלוס את שארית ישראל וירדוף אחריהם ויך בגוי ערב ובבני ישראל העוזרים את הורקנוס מכה גדולה מאד וישב ירושלם בשמחה. בימים ההם נתפש ישו הנוצרי.

.Exod 2:11 et al [ובימים ההם Exod 2:11 et al. 7 [בימים ההם Exod 9:3 4 [בדבר כבד מאד 2 .1Sam 19:7 et al [מכה גדולה Judg 8:12 et al. 11 [וירדוף אחריהם ויך 10

1 יי׳] +את טA 7 להדתם] להרתם חט 10 ובכלימה] וכלימה חט 12 בימים ההם נתפש ישו הנוצרי]-ט

Geschenk SchW | presente M | present [שחד Pampius MüSch | Pompeius H 6 [פפמיוס 4 Hic fuit alius Iesus à saluatore, multis eũ preueniẽs+ [נתפש ישו הנוצרי בימים ההם H 12 annis. Mü (m) | +Diser Jesus war nit Christ / dann er ist vil jarer nach komen. Sch (m) | +Dis ist ein ander Jesus / nicht vnser Seligmacher gewesen, sõder viel jar vor jm. W (m) history of the kings of israel 209 your covenant.” Upon hearing this, Hyrcanus’ servants rose and struck him with their swords, and he died. God did not tarry in His revenge, and severely afflicted the camp of the Arabs and of Hyrcanus with a severe pestilence.

[27. Popmey [Pompey] and Aristobulus]276 5

In those days, a great general called Popmey [Pompey]277 left Rome to fight the land of Armenia, and this Pompey dispatched one of his greatest men of valor to Damascus. When Aristobulus, who was under siege, heard that a Roman army was advancing towards Damascus, he sent him a bribe278 of 400 measures of gold and asked him to drive away the Arab army. In 10 those days, the entire world adhered to the Romans. The general sent a letter to Aretas, king of the Arabs, saying: “Lift the siege off Jerusalem; otherwise, know that you will have broken your treaty with the elders of Rome and that the entire Roman army will invade your land.” When Aretas read this letter, he left Jerusalem, and Hyrcanus and Antipater, too, 15 journeyed away in utter disgrace. Aristobulus gathered the remnants of Israel and pursued after them, and he inflicted a crushing defeat on the Arab nation and the Jews who had helped Hyrcanus, and then he joyfully returned to Jerusalem. In those days, Jesus of Nazareth was captured.279 20

3–4 with a severe pestilence] Exod 9:3 6 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 10–11 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 17 pursued after them] Judg 8:12 et al. 17 he inflicted a crushing defeat] 1Sam 19:7 et al. 20 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al.

276 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 36.1–21; Josephus, Ant., 14.29–36; Efron, Hasmonean Period, 227–236. 277 Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (r. 106–47bc), Roman general and triumvir with Julius Caesar and Crassus. See ZDR, p. 1133. 278 Translated as “geschenk” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 39; similarly Wolff (1557); “presentes” in Morwen (1558), xxix; Howell (1652), 46. 279 This early dating of Jesus, discussed in greater detail in chap. 3, forms part of Ibn Daud’s argument undermining the authority of Jesus and the New Testament. A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 4.127–129. Ibn Daud inserts this sentence into Josippon’s master narrative, it is omitted in SederʿOlamRabbah (1711), Morwen (1558), xxx, and Howell (1652), 46. Münster notes in the margin: “Hic fuit alius Iesus à saluatore, multis eũ preueniẽs annis.” Münster (1529), 62. Schwyntzer follows Ibn Daud’s distinction between Jesus and the founder of Christianity and adds in the margin: “Diser Jesus war nit Christ / dan er ist vil jar ers nach komen” (Schwyntzer (1530), 39). Wolff adds in the margin: “Dis ist ein ander Jesus / nicht vnser Seligmacher gewesen, sõder viel jar vor jm.” Wolff (1557), [78]. See Reiner, “Yosippon,” 135–136. דברי מלכי ישראל 210

ואחרי כן בא פפמיוס אל דמשק וישלח לו ארסתובלוס גפן זהב מעשה חושב כולה ושריגיה ועליה ואשכלות ענבים שהיו בה זהב טהור משקלה ת״ק לטרין זהב. ושמח בה פפמיוס שמחה גדולה ושלחה לרומי לזקן המנהיג את רומי ויעציו תמהו כולם מחכמת החושב שעשה אותו ושמחו בה והביאוה בהיכל טעותם ושמוה נגד פני יוביש הצלם 5 הגדול שהוא על שם כוכב צדק. וישלח פפמיוס ספר אל ארסתובלוס בברכה גדולה ושבח ושהוא אוהבו וכן כל יועצי רומי והגיד לו כי הוא יעזרהו כל ימיו.

[ 28 .הורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס]

וישמע הורקנוס את הדבר הזה וירפו ידיו. וינחמהו אנטפטר ויאמר לו: אל ירע בעיניך על אהבת פפמיוס לאחיך. אני אלך אליו ואטה את לבו אליך. ויעש כן אנטפטר ויטה 10 את לבו לשנוא ארסתובלוס ולאהוב את הורקנוס כי | אמר לו: אם הורקנוס יהיה תחת 23r ידיך דע כי כל ישראל תחת ידיך כי כולם אוהבים אותו. אבל ארסתבלוס אם תחת ידיך יהיה אין כל ישראל תחת ידיך שהם שונאים אותו. ויאמר לו פפמיוס: איש אל ידע בכל אשר דברת אלי מאומה ואני אשלח אל ארסתבלוס ויבא אלי דמשק ואתפשהו במאסר ואסגירהו ביד אחיו ואשיב הממלכה לאחיו.

15 וישלח פפמיוס ספרים אל ארסתבלוס. ויבא אליו וכן הורקנוס בא אליו מסלע מדברה וישבו שניהם לפני פפמיוס. וידבר אנטפטר אל פפמיוס ויבקש ממנו שישפוט בין הורקנוס

ושמח בה פפמיוס Exod 28:6 2–3 [מעשה חושב bTam 29a–b, mMid 3:8 et al. 1 [גפן זהב 1 2Sam 11:25 [אל ירע בעיניך 2Sam 4:1 8 [וירפו ידיו 1Chr 29:9 8 [שמחה גדולה

1 גפן זהב] אחת +חMüA | אחד +ט 1 כולה] +ושרשיה חטלAMü 3 ויעציו] ושלש מאת ועשרים יועציו דחטAMü 4 בהיכל] בהיכלי חטAMü 9 אנטפטר] +וילך אל פמפיוס טMüA 10 את] אל ט 10 כ״י צ מתחיל כאן 12–11 תחת ידיך כי כולם אוהבים אותו. אבל ארסתבלוס אם תחת ידיך יהיה אין כל ישראל] יהיה ל

And the hole benche of the Senate Whiche Was of the no[m]ber of iii.C.rr [רומי ויעציו 3 Dis ist die prackticka zu Hof W+ [שונאים אותו Jupiter H 12 [כוכב צדק senators… HM 5 history of the kings of israel 211

Then Popmey came to Damascus, and Aristobulus sent him a golden vine, worked into designs. Its branches, leaves, and cluster of grapes were made of 500 measures of pure gold, and Popmey greatly rejoiced in it and sent it to the elder who ruled Rome. All his senators280 were astonished as to the wisdom of its designer and rejoiced in it. They brought it to the 5 temple of their abomination and placed it opposite of the great statue of Jupiter, that is named after the astral planet Ṣedek [Jupiter].281 Popmey sent a letter to Aristobulus, greatly blessing and praising him, and told him that he favored him and so did all the senators of Rome, and assured him that he would always come to his assistance. 10

[28. Hyrcanus and Antipater]282

Hyrcanus heard this and was disheartened. Antipater comforted him and said to him: “Do not be distressed on account of Popmey’s love for your brother. I will go to him and sway his heart towards you.” Indeed, Antipater 23r swayed Popmey’s heart to hate Aristobulus and to love Hyrcanus by | 15 telling him: “If Hyrcanus will be in your power, know that all of Israel will be in your power, because all favor him. But if Aristobulus be in your hands, the whole of Israel will not be in your power because they hate him.”283 Popmey answered him: “No-one shall ever know what you told me, and I will send for Aristobulus to come to me to Damascus, and I will throw 20 him into prison. I will hand him over to his brother, and I shall restore the kingdom to his brother.” Popmey sent letters to Aristobulus and he came to him, as did Hyrcanus from Sela284 in the Desert, and the two sat down before Popmey. Antipater spoke with Popmey and asked him to judge between King Hyrcanus and 25

1–2 golden vine] bTam 29a–b, mMid 3:8 et al. 2 worked into designs] Exod 28:6 3 greatly rejoiced] 1Chr 29:9 12 was disheartened] 2Sam 4:1 13 Do not be distressed] 2Sam 11:25

280 Morwen adds “And the hole benche of the Senate whiche was of the no[m]ber of iii.C.rr senators …,” Morwen (1558), xxx; similarly Howell (1652), 34. 281 “Jupiter” in Howell (1652), 34. See Radak to Isa 65:11 and the explanation in Mai- monides, Mishneh Torah, Sefer ha-Maddaʿ 3.1. An alternative translation is ‘whose name is placed upon the great planet.’ 282 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 36.22–69; Josephus, Ant., 14.41–47. 283 Translated as “Dis ist die prackticka zu Hof” in Wolff (1557), [80]. 284 The Edomite city of Petra, located south of Amman. The biblical Sela was probably situated further north (2Kgs 14:7). The city is called Rekem in Josephus, Ant. 4:161. דברי מלכי ישראל 212

המלך ובין אחיו ארסתבלוס המורד עליו והגוזל את המלכות מידו חנם. ויעידו על דברי אנטפטר אלף איש מזקני ישראל . ויאמר ארסתבלוס: אני לא בקשתי המלכות עד שראיתי כי הממליכים את הורקנוס זה היו ברעה גדולה ובחרפה שהוא חלש וכסיל ולא תאות לו המלוכה. וכל הגוים אשר סביבותיו אשר לקחו אבותינו את ארצותם כולם פשעו בו 5 ויבזוהו ולא השיבו לו מנחה מפני חולשו ודלותו וחסרון דעתו. וכאשר כלה ארסתבלוס לדבר את דבריו קמו בחורים הרבה כולם יפה תואר ומראה לבושי תכלת וארגמן ועליהם שלטי הגבורים ועדי זהב ובדולח וכל אבן יקרה. ויעידו כולם כי ארסתבלוס דבר אמת וכי לא תאות המלוכה להורקנוס. ויתמה פפמיוס מהם ויאמר: אשרי גוי זה כמה יפים הם וכמה נבוני דבר ומשכילים ואשרי יועצי רומי אם יוכלו שגוי 10 גדול זה יהיו תחת ידם. ויסע וילך ירושלם ועמו הורקנוס וארסתבלוס.

[ 29 .כיבוש ירושלים בידי פומפיוס]

וכשראה ארסתבלוס כי פפמיוס לא עמד בברית אשר כרת עמו בראשונה על דבר הגפן בז לפפמיוס וברח מעליו אל אליכסנדריא של מצרים. ויסע פפמיוס וכל מחנהו ויצורו על אליכסנדריא. ויברח עוד ארסתבלוס וישב ירושלם וישב פפמיוס אל ירושלם ויכתוב אל 15 ארסתבלוס ספר ברית וסליחת עון. ויצא אליו ארסתבלוס ולא עשה לו פפמיוס מאומה

cf. Gen 39:6 [יפה תואר ומראה cf. Isa 1:2 6 [פשעו בו Neh 1:3 4 [ברעה גדולה ובחרפה 3 cf. Jer 39:12 [מאומה רע ולא עשה לו Isa 37:37 15–4.1 [ויסע וילך Song 4:4 10 [שלטי הגבורים 7

3 היו] היה ח 6 יפה] יפי ח 10 ארסתבלוס]-ט 12 הגפן] גפן חל 13 בז]-ל 13 אליכסנדריא] אלכסנדריא ל 13 של מצרים. ויסע פפמיוס וכל מחנהו ויצורו על]-ט 14 ירושלם] ירושלימה ט 14 וישב פפמיוס אל ירושלם] וישב ירושלים פמפיוס ל 15 ספר] ספרי Mü nor forced much of the kingdome M | nor sought much by the [ולא תאות לו המלוכה 4 forced not of the kingedome M | Was not favoured [לא תאות המלוכה kingdome H 8 by the kingdom H history of the kings of israel 213 his brother Aristobulus, who had rebelled against him and had unjustly robbed him of his kingdom. One thousand of the elders of Israel testified to Antipater’s words. But Aristobulus said: “I did not ask for the kingdom until I saw that they who crowned this Hyrcanus to be king were in dire trouble and disgrace, because he is weak and a fool, and is not worthy 5 of royal power.285 All the surrounding nations—whose lands our ancestors had conquered—rebelled against him and abused him. They did not bring him tribute because of his weakness, inadequacy, and lack of wisdom.” When Aristobulus finished speaking, many young men rose, well-built 10 and handsome, and dressed in blue and purple robes286 with military shields, bejeweled with gold and crystal and all kinds of precious stones. They all testified that Aristobulus had spoken the truth and that Hyrcanus was not worthy of the royal power.287 Popmey was astonished by their action and said: “Happy is this nation! How handsome they are, and how 15 well-spoken and insightful! Happy are the senators of Rome if they could possess such a great people in their power.” [Popmey] departed and went to Jerusalem, and with him came Hyrcanus and Aristobulus.

[29. Popmey [Pompey] Conquers Jerusalem]288

When Aristobulus saw that Popmey did not stand by the treaty he had 20 originally made with him over the grape-vine, he held Popmey in contempt, and fled away from him to Alexandria in Egypt.289 Popmey and all his camp pursued him and besieged Alexandria. Aristobulus fled again and returned to Jerusalem, and Popmey returned to Jerusalem, writing Aristobulus a letter [offering] a treaty and a pardon. Aristobulus set out 25

4–5 were in dire trouble and disgrace] Neh 1:3 7 rebelled against him] cf. Isa 1:2 10–11 well built and handsome] cf. Gen 39:6 11–12 with military shields] Song 4:4 17 departed and went] Isa 37:37

285 Translated as “nor forced much of the kingdome” in Morwen (1558), xxxi; “nor sought much by the kingdome,” Howell (1652), 35. 286 Translated as “cloth of Hiacinth” in Morwen (1558), xxxi; similarly in Howell (1652), 35. 287 Morwen has “forced not of the kingedome,” Morwen (1558), xxxi. Translated as “was not favoured by the kingdom” in Howell (1652), 35. 288 Josephus, Ant., 14.48–73, War, 1.124–154. 289 “Alexandrium in Judah” in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 37.34, and Josephus, Ant., 14.49, War, 1.133–137. דברי מלכי ישראל 214

רע ויבקש ממנו פפמיוס שיתן לו את כל כלי בית יי׳. ולא אבה ארסתבלוס ויכעס עליו פפמיוס ויאסרהו בכבל כבד של ברזל וילחם בירושלם ויהרס בחומה מאד. וגם הם יצאו אליו ויכו בגבוריו י״ב אלף איש. ואחרי כן נלחמו ישראל בפנים בירושלם איש באחיו כי חזק עליהם המצוק ונחלקו לחצי. חצי אמרו: נפתח לו לפפמיוס ויכנס ונפול בידיו. וחצי 5 אמרו: נלחם בו עד שנמות. ויפול מהם במחלוקת זו עם רב. ויחזק העם האומרים לפתוח לו ויבא ירושלם ובית המקדש ויהרג עם רב מן הכהנים ומעם הארץ.

[ 30 .מלחמת הורקנוס באלכסנדר וגביניאוס]

וימלך את הורקנוס על ישראל פעם שנית וישם את אנטפטר יועצו ויפקד בארץ איש רומי על המס שמו סכורוס. ויסע ויולך את ארסתבלוס אסור בברזל וישם את פניו אל גוי ערב 10 וילך עמו לשלחו הורקנוס ואנטפטר יועצו. ובאסרו את ארסתבלוס אסר עמו את שני בניו וימלט בן אחד לארסתבלוס ושמו אלכסנדר בן ארסתבלוס. וכשמוע אלכסנדר זה הבורח כי יצאו הורקנוס ויועצו מירושלם בא אל ירושלם וימרוד בהורקנוס ויבן את פרצת ירושלם אשר פרץ פפמיוס ויקבצו אליו ישראל. וימליכו אותו תחת הורקנוס ויאסוף את כל חילו ויצא לקראת הורקנוס בשובו משלוח את פפמיוס. וינגף הורקנוס לפניו וסכורוס 15 אשר על המס נס וימלט ואלכסנדר שב ירושלם.

וינגף Num 21:23 14 [ויצא לקראת Dan 11:18 14 [וישם את פניו Ezek 38:21 9 [איש באחיו 3 1Sam 19:10 [המס נס וימלט cf. 1Sam 7:10 15 [הורקנוס לפניו

2 כבד]-ל 4 חצי] החצי חטA 5 בו]-ח | כן ל 6 ובית] לבית ל 8 את] -MüA 10 את]-ל 12 מירושלם] בירושלים ח 12 אל] על ל 12 אל] חומת Mü | חומת +חטA 15 שב] על +ל history of the kings of israel 215 towards him, and Popmey did him no harm, but demanded that he hand over all the vessels of the Temple. But Aristobulus was unwilling [to do so] and Popmey grew furious at him and put him in heavy iron chains, and waged war on Jerusalem and caused considerable damage to the wall. They, too, set out against him and defeated twelve thousand of his heroes. 5 After that, the Jews inside Jerusalem fought, a man against his brother, they were in distress and divided into two [camps]. One half said: “Let us open up to Popmey; he will enter, and we will fall into his hands.” And the [other] half said: “Let us fight him until death.” Many fell in this strife, and the side favoring surrender grew stronger. He [Popmey] entered 10 Jerusalem and the Temple, and many of the priests and common people were killed.

[30. Hyrcanus Fights Alexander and Gabinius]290

Hyrcanus was appointed king over Israel, for a second time, and he made Antipater his advisor and set a Roman tax collector named Scaurus over 15 the land.291 He set off, but took Aristobulus imprisoned in his chains [alongside him], and set his direction towards the Arab nation. Accompa- nying him were Hyrcanus and his advisor Antipater. When he had imprisoned Aristobulus, he had also captured his two sons, but one of Aristob- ulus’ sons escaped; his name was Alexander, son of Aristobulus.292 When 20 this Alexander, who had fled, heard that Hyrcanus and his advisor had left Jerusalem, he came to Jerusalem and rebelled against Hyrcanus. He rebuilt the breach in the wall that Popmey had breached, and Israel gathered around him. They crowned him king instead of Hyrcanus, and he gathered an entire army and set out against Hyrcanus, who was accom- 25 panying Popmey as he was leaving. But Hyrcanus and the tax collector Scaurus fled and got away and Alexander returned to Jerusalem.

1 did him no harm] Jer 39:12 17 and set his direction] Dan 11:18 25 and set out against] Num 21:23 27 fled and got away] cf. 1Sam 7:10, 1Sam 19:10

290 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 37.1–36; Josephus, Ant., 14.73–90, War, 1.168. 291 M. Aemilius Scaurus, one of Pompeyus’ generals (fl. 65–62bce). 292 Alexander son of Aristobulus II (d. 49bce), married to Alexandra who was Mari- amne’s mother. דברי מלכי ישראל 216

עליו עלה גביניאוס שליש של רומי בחיל כבד מאד ויברח אל אלכסנדריא ויחן עליו גביניאוס. ותצא אליו אשת ארסתבלוס אם אלכסנדר ותבך | ותתחנן לו לבלתי המית את 23v בנה. וישמע אליה ולא עשה לאלכסנדר מאומה רע ויגבר גביניאוס על כל ארץ יהודה. וימלך את הורקנוס פעם שלישית על ירושלם. וישם שלישים ונציבים רומיים ביריחו 5 ובצפורי ובכל ארץ ישראל.

[ 31 .מלחמת אריסטובולוס בגביניאוס]

ויהי אחרי כן ויברח ארסתבלוס מבית האסורים שברומי ויבא אל ארץ ישראל. ויקבצו אליו מכל המקומות ויהי לו חיל כבד מאד מישראל. ויבחר מהם ח׳ אלפים גבור חיל ויצא לקראת גביניאוס ותהי ביניהם מלחמה חזקה מאד עד שמתו כל גבורי ארסתבלוס 10 ולא נשאר כי אם אלף לבד. וינס אל ההרים וירדפוהו רומיים ויכום כולם לפי חרב. וילחם ארסתבלוס לבדו עד אשר הוכה מכות גדולות על ראשו וישבר הכובע אשר על ראשו ויפול ארצה וילכד והוא חי. ויביאוהו רומיים אל גביניאוס וינחמהו גביניאוס ויצו את הרופאים לרפאות מכותיו. וישלחהו אל הזקן שברומי ואל יועציו וישיבהו הזקן אל בית האסורים פעם שנית. אז נשא הזקן את ראש שני בני ארסתבלוס האסורים בבית הסהר 15 ברומי מבית הכלא וישלחם כי נכמרו רחמיו על אמם שספרו לו שהיתה חכמה מאד. ויוסף עוד אלכסנדר בן ארסתבלוס וימרוד בהורקנוס ובנציבי רומיים ויאסוף עם רב מישראל ויך את נציב רומיים אשר הפקיד גביניאוס בארץ. ויצא להלחם עוד עם גביניאוס

1Sam 9:1 [גבור חיל Jer 39:12 8 [רע ולא עשה לאלכסנדר מאומה 2Kgs 6:14 3 [בחיל כבד 1 Josh 10:28 et [ויכום כולם לפי חרב 2Chr 21:17 10 [ולא נשאר כי Num 21:23 10 [ויצא לקראת 9 [עם רב מישראל Judg 11:14 et al. 16–17 [ויוסף עוד Gen 43:30 16 [כי נכמרו רחמיו על al. 15 Num 21:6

2 לו]-חטAMü 4 את]-לA 4 ביריחו]-ט 8 חיל] עם +A | -חט 8 גבור] גיבורי טל 9 מאוד] -חטMüA 10 וינס] וינוסו רבים ד | וינוסו חטMüA 12 חי ]-ט 13 הזקן] זקן חטMüA 14 בבית] בית Mü 17 גביניאוס] +וינגוף דחטלMüA 17 ויצא] +עוד ח

Rentmeyster Sch [נציב Juda un Jerusalem kamen vnter die Römer Sch (m) 17 + [בנה 3 history of the kings of israel 217

Gabinius,293 a Roman general, marched against him with a strong force and he fled to Alexandrium,294 where Gabinius besieged him. Aristobulus’ 23v wife, the mother of Alexander, approached him and begged him | not to kill her son. He heeded to her and did Alexander no harm. Gabinius ruled over all of Judea. Hyrcanus was appointed ruler of Jerusalem for the 5 third time. He stationed Roman generals and commanders in Jericho and Sephoris and throughout the land of Israel.

[31. Aristobulus Fights Gabinius]295

After this, Aristobulus fled his prison in Rome and came to the land of Israel. From everywhere, men gathered around him until he commanded 10 a powerful Jewish army. He chose amongst them eight thousand men of substance, and set out against Gabinius. A bitter battle ensued until all of Aristobulus’ fighters had died, save for one thousand. He took to the mountains, and the Romans pursued him and put them all to the sword. Aristobulus fought alone until he received severe strokes on his head and 15 the helmet on his head cracked, and he fell to the ground and was captured alive. The Romans brought him to Gabinius, who took pity on him and ordered his physicians to take care of his wounds. He sent him to the elder in Rome and to his senators, and the elder imprisoned him for a second time. Then the elder released the two sons of Aristobulus, who 20 were imprisoned in Rome from their detention, and freed them because his compassion was stirred on account of their mother, who, he had been told, was very wise. Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, rebelled again against Hyrcanus and the Roman commanders. He gathered many of the Jews and 25 defeated the Roman commander whom Gabinius had installed over the land. He set out again against Gabinius and was smitten before him, and

1 marched against him with a strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 4 did Alexander no harm] cf. Jer 39:12 11–12 men of substance] 1Sam 9:1 12 set out against] Num 21:23 13 save for one] 2Chr 21:17 14 put them to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 22 his compassion was stirred on account of] Gen 43:30 24 rebelled again] Judg 11:14 et al. 25 many of the Jews] Num 21:6

293 Aulus Gabinius (r. 57–55bce), Roman governor of Syria. 294 Or Sartaba, a fortress, probably built by Alexander Yannai, near Coreae in the Jordan Valley. See Josephus, Ant. 14.49, 83; Wars 1.167. 295 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 37.37–120; Josephus, Ant., 14.92–102, War, 1.171–178. דברי מלכי ישראל 218

וינגף לפניהם וימת עם רב מישראל ואלכסנדר נס וימלט ויבא גביניאויס ירושלימה. ויחדש המלוכה להורקנוס פעם רביעית על כל ישראל.

[ 32 .יוליוס קיסר]

בימים ההם ילדה אשה אחת מנשי היועצים אשר ברומי ותמת בעת לדתה. וימהרו ויבקעו 5 את בטנה ויצא הילד חי ויקראו את שמו יוליוס ועל שם שהיתה אמו קצוצה קראוהו קיסר. ויגדל קיסר זה עד מאד וישלחוהו הזקן ויועציו למלחמה וכל אשר עשה הצליח ויגבר עד מאד. והוא העביר את הממלכה מבני יון וישיבה לרומיים. ויכבוש מדינות הרבה וישב לרומי בגבורה ויבקש למלוך עליהם. והם היו בברית מימי אבותיהם שלא ימליכו עליהם מלך לעולם ולא רצו להמליך ליוליוס. ויתעוררו ביניהם מלחמות גדולות ויהרג 10 בהם יוליוס לאין מספר. ויהי כשמוע פפמיוס כי מלך קיסר ברומי והרג את הזקן ואת יועציו וכל גדולי רומי ויאסוף את כל חיל מערב ויצא לקראתו. וכשמוע יוליוס כי בא פפמיוס אליו שלח ויקרא ארסתבלוס וירצוהו מן הבור. וידבר אתו טובות וישימהו לו לשר צבא ויוציאהו להלחם עם פפמיוס ובידו חיל כבד מאד והוא מלך עצום.

וכל Exod 2:11 et al. 6 [בימים ההם 1Sam 19:10 4 [נס וימלט Num 21:6 1 [עם רב מישראל 1 ויצא Josh 5:1 12 [ויהי כשמוע cf. 1Chr 22:4 11 [לאין מספר cf. Gen 39:3 10 [אשר עשה הצליח וידבר אתו cf. Gen 41:14 13 [שלח ויקרא ארסתבלוס וירצוהו מן הבור 2Chr 35:20 12–13 [לקראתו 2Kgs 6:14 [חיל כבד 2Kgs 25:28 14 [טובות

1 ואלכסנדר] ואלכסנדרוס חטMüA 1 ירושלימה] ירושלים ל 5 יוליוס] יוליאוס ל 5 אמו] אמה Mü et quoniam mater eius fuit cæsa, uocauerunt eum cæsarem Mü | Die weil aber+ [קצוצה 5 sein můtter auffgeschnitten war worden (welchs im latein Cæsa lautet) hieß man ihn Cesar [welchs Wir teutschen entlehent haben / vnd sprechen Kayser] Sch | +and because his mother was cutte, they called hym Cæsar M | +and because his mother was cut, they called Arabia SchWMH [מערב him Cæsar H 12 history of the kings of israel 219 many of the Jews died. Alexander fled and escaped, and Gabinius came to Jerusalem. For a fourth time, Hyrcanus was appointed ruler over all of Israel.

[32. Julius Caesar]296

In those days, one of the wives of the senators in Rome gave birth and 5 died in labor. They hastened to open her belly and the child emerged alive. They named him Julius, and Caesar after his mother Cezuzah.297 This Caesar grew to become very powerful. The elder and his senators sent him into battle. He had success in all he undertook and became stronger and stronger. He transferred the government from the Greeks and returned it 10 to Rome. He conquered many cities, and when he mightily returned to Rome, he demanded to be made king over them. But since the days of their ancestors, they had adhered to a covenant that no king should ever rule over them, and they did not wish to appoint Julius as king. Terrible battles broke out between them and Julius killed an innumerable amount 15 of them. When Popmey heard that Caesar ruled in Rome, that he had killed the elder and his senators and all the Roman dignitaries, he gathered the army of the west298 and set out against him. Hearing that Popmey was coming towards him, Julius sent and called for Aristobulus, and they brought him 20 hastily out of the dungeon. He spoke kindly to him, and appointed him commander of his army, and sent him out to fight Popmey, who was the commander of a strong force and a great king.

1 many of the Israelites] Num 21:6 1 fled and escaped] 1Sam 19:10 5 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 9 he had success in all he undertook] cf. Gen 39:3 15 innumerable amount] cf. 1Chr 22:4 17 When Popmey heard] cf. Josh 5:1 19–20 was coming towards him] 2Chr 35:20 20–21 sent and called for Aristobulus and they brought him hastily out of the dungeon] cf. Gen 41:14 21 He spoke kindly to him] 2Kgs 25:28 23 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14

296 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 38. 297 For this etymology see the notes to ZDR, p. 1031–3. Münster (1529) has: “et quoniam mater eius fuit cæsa, uocauerunt eum cæsarem.” Schwyntzer explains: “Die weil aber sein můtter auffgeschnitten war worden (welchs im latein Cæsa lautet) hieß man ihn Cesar [welchs wir teutschen entlehent haben / vnd sprechen Kayser]” in Schwyntzer (1530), 43; similarly Wolff (1557) [87]. Morwen has “… and because his mother was cutte, they called hym Cæsar,” Morwen (1558), xxxiii; similarly Howell (1652), 37. 298 “Arabia” in Schwyntzer (1530), 44; similarly Wolff (1557), [88]; Morwen (1558), xxxiiii; Howell (1652), 38. דברי מלכי ישראל 220

[ 33 .מותו של אריסטובלוס]

וכשמוע פפמיוס כי ארסתבלוס בא להלחם בו ויירא מאד מפני גבורתו וכובד חילו. וישלח אל יושבי ירושלם שהיו תחת ידו שישלחו מנחה לארסתבלוס אולי ירמוהו וישקוהו סם המות וימת. ויעשו לו כן יושבי ירושלם וישלחו לו מנחה בידי אנשים גדולים וישמח 5 עליהם ארסתבלוס ויאכל וישתהו וישכר עמהם וישקוהו סם המוות וימת. והימים אשר מלך ארסתבלוס על ישראל שלש שנים וששה חדשים. ויהי גבור חיל ואיש מלחמה ויפה תאר ומראה מאד. וישמע פפמיוס כי מת ארסתבלוס וישמח וילך במחנהו אל רומי ויחן עליה. ויצא לקראתו יוליוס ויכהו וימיתהו והממלכה נכונה ביד יוליוס. וישלח יוליוס מחנה אל מלך ארם ואל ארץ מצרים ביד שלישו להשיבם אליו. ויעץ 10 אנטפטר את הורקנוס שיעזור את | מחנה יוליוס אולי ימצא חן בעיניו ויעש הורקנוס כן. 24r ויצא על הצבא אנטפטר ויגבר מאד וימצא חן בעיני יוליוס וישמהו שר צבאו וילחם לו מלחמות רבות וגדולות וישב ירושלם בכבוד גדול וילך הלוך וגדל. וישם הורקנוס את פסילו בן אנטפטר על ירושלם ואת הורודוס משנהו בן אנטפטר על ארץ גליל.

cf. Judg 3:15 [וישלחו לו מנחה cf. Gen 50:13 4 [ויעשו לו כן cf. Judg 3:15 4 [שישלחו מנחה 3 [והימים אשר מלך ארסתבלוס על ישראל שלש שנים Gen 25:34, 43:34 5–6 [ויאכל וישתהו וישכר 5 ויפה תאר Exod 15:3 6–7 [ואיש מלחמה 1Chr 12:29 et al. 6 [גבור חיל 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 6 והממלכה נכונה 1Kgs 16:10 8 [ויכהו וימיתהו 2Chr 35:20 8 [ויצא לקראתו Gen 39:6 8 [ומראה .Gen 26:13 et al [וילך הלוך וגדל 2Sam 19:14 et al. 12 [וישמהו שר צבאו 1Kgs 2:46 11 [ביד

2 בא] צא ט 3 שישלחו] וישלח ולא > שישלחו לו ח 5 עליהם] אליהם ל 5 וישכר]-ח 7 ומראה]-ל 7 מת] +מלך ד 9 מחנה] מנחה חטMüA | מתנה ל 9 אל מלך ארם ואל ארץ מצרים] ארץ מצרים ואל מלך ארם ח 9 מלך] ארץ ל 9 ארץ] >ארץ< ו 12 וגדולות] גדולות טצ 12 וישם] וישב טל 13 על] אל לMü | ירושלם ואת הורודוס משנהו בן אנטפטר על]-ט 13 גליל] הגליל דחטMüA

Herod his third [הורודוס משנהו munera Mü | presentes MH 13 [מנחה four H 9 [שלש 6 sone M | “his third Son” H history of the kings of israel 221

[33. The Death of Aristobulus]299

When Popmey heard that Aristobulus was on his way to fight him, he became rather frightened due to his might and the strength of his army. He called on the residents of Jerusalem under his power to send a present to Aristobulus, thereby possibly deceiving him to imbibe a poisonous drink 5 and cause his death. The Jerusalemites acted thusly, and they sent Aris- tobulus a present through [their] leaders. Aristobulus rejoiced in them; he ate and drank his fill with them, and they imbibed him with a lethal drink, and thus he died. The length of Aristobulus’ reign over Israel was three300 years and six months. He was a valiant man and a man of war, 10 handsome and good-looking. When Popmey heard that Aristobulus had died, he rejoiced and went with his army to Rome and laid siege upon it. Julius set out against him, and struck him down and killed him, so that the kingdom was secured in the hand of Julius. Julius sent an army,301 led by his general, to the king of Aram302 and 15 24r to the land of Egypt to win them back. Antipater advised Hyrcanus to | support Julius so that he might find favor in his eyes, which Hyrcanus did. Antipater and his army attacked and defeated [them]. He found favor in the eyes of Julius, who appointed him to be commander of his army, and he fought many great battles for him and returned to Jerusalem with 20 great honor and waxed great. Then Hyrcanus appointed Phasael, the son of Antipater, [as a ruler] over Jerusalem, and Herod, the son of Antipater, his second-born,303 [ruler] over the land of Galilee.

4 send a present] cf. Judg 3:15 6 acted thus] cf. Gen 50:13 6–7 they sent Aristobulus a present] cf. Judg 3:15 8 he ate and drank his fill with them] Gen 25:34, 43:34 9–10 The length of Aristobulus’ reign over Israel was three years] 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 10 valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 10 a man of war] Exod 15:3 11 handsome and good-looking] Gen 39:6 13 set out against him] 2Chr 35:20 13 struck him down and killed him] 1Kgs 16:10 13–14 that the kingdom was secured in the hands of] 1Kgs 2:46 19 commander of his army] 2Sam 19:14 et al. 21 and waxed great] Gen 26:13 et al.

299 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 38.23–34; Josephus, Ant., 14. 123–124; 158. Ibn Daud’s version is longer and more dramatic. 300 Howell has “four,” Howell (1652), 54. army’ or ‘camp.’ LON BET DIN 28 has mattanah‘ ,( הנחמ ) Only MOS 1420 has meḥaneh 301 -here: ‘gift.’ Translated as “pre ,( החנמ) gift,’ and the remaining texts have minḥah‘ ,( הנתמ ) sentes” in Morwen (1558), xxxiiii; similarly Howell (1652), 55 and Münster (1529). 302 “Syrien” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 44; “Syria” in Howell (1652), 55. 303 Translated as “Herod his third sone” in Morwen (1558), 43; similarly Howell (1652), 38. דברי מלכי ישראל 222

[ 34 .הורודוס וחזקיהו]

בימים ההם היה בירושלם בחור שמו חזקיהו והיה גבור חיל מאד. ויאספו אליו כל איש לו מצוק ויהי להם לשר והיו יוצאים ופושטים אל ארץ ארם ושובים והורגים עד אשר קצו ארם בחייהם מפניו. וישלח מלך ארם מלאכים אל הורודוס שהיה שליש בגליל ויבקש 5 ממנו להרוג את חזקיהו ואנשיו. ויקם הורודוס וילך לקראת חזקיהו בשובו מהכות בארם וחזיקהו לא נשמר ממנו ויהרוג הורודוס את חזקיהו ואת אנשיו. ויגע הדבר אל מלך ארם וישלח אליו מנחה גדולה כסף וזהב ואבן יקרה ויגדל האיש מאד.

[ 35 .המלך הורודוס מופיע בפני הסנהדרין]

ויצעקו שרי יהודה אל הורקנוס על דבר אנטפטר וכובד עולו ועול בניו על ארץ יהודה. 10 ויבקשו ממנו שיבא הורודוס מן הגליל להשפט עם דורשי דם חזקיהו. ויאמר המלך להביאו ויבא הנער הורודוס ירושלם ויעמד לפני השופטים והוא לובש לבוש מלכות וחגור חרב מוזהבת. ויגער בו שמאי הזקן על גובה לבו ולא האזין אליו ולא אל הסנהדרין.

[ויאספו אליו כל איש לו מצוק 1Chr 12:29 et al. 2–3 [גבור חיל Exod 2:11 et al. 2 [בימים ההם 2 ויקם cf. Gen 27:46 5 [קצו ארם בחייהם 1Chr 11:21 3–4 [ויהי להם לשר cf. 1Sam 22:2 3 cf. Judg 3:15 [וישלח אליו מנחה Jonah 3:7 7 [ויגע הדבר אל מלך cf. 1Sam 23:16 6 [הורודוס וילך cf. Exod 5:15 [ויצעקו שרי יהודה אל Gen 26:13 9 [ויגדל האיש מאד 7

2 והיה] והוא ל 3 אל] על A 6 הורודוס] חזקיהו > הורודוס ח 9 אל] על ל 11 ירושלם] לירושלים ל

Richter SchW [הסנהדרין Landpfleger S 12 [שליש 4 history of the kings of israel 223

[34. Herod and Hezekiah]304

In those days, there lived in Jerusalem a young man called Hezekiah, a valiant man. Everyone who was in distress gathered unto him, and he became their leader. They used to fall out, raid the land of Aram, capture and kill [them] until the Arameans were disgusted with their 5 lives. The king of Aram sent messengers to Herod,305 who was a general in Galilee, and asked him to kill Hezekiah and his men. Herod arose and went towards Hezekiah as he was returning from one of his strikes in Aram. Hezekiah was not weary of him, and Herod killed him and his men. The tidings reached the king of Aram; he sent him a great gift of silver, gold, 10 and precious stones, and he grew richer and richer.

[35. Herod before the Sanhedrin]306

Then the leaders of Judea cried unto Hyrcanus on account of Antipa- ter, and the heavy burden he and his sons laid upon the land of Judea. They asked Herod to come from the Galilee to hold court against those 15 demanding Hezekiah’s blood. The king gave orders to bring him in, and young Herod came to Jerusalem and stood before the judges, dressed in royal garments, and carrying a gilded sword. Shammai307 the Elder berated him on account of his haughtiness, but he did not heed to him or to the Sanhedrin,308 and when King Hyrcanus saw that the Sanhedrin was about 20

2 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 3 Everyone who was in distress gathered unto him] cf. 1Sam 22:2 3–4 and he became their leader] 1Chr 11:21 5–6 were disgusted with their lives] cf. Gen 27:46 7 arose and went] cf. 1Sam 23:16 9–10 And the tidings reached the king] Jonah 3:7 10 he sent him a great gift] cf. Judg 3:15 11 he grew richer and richer] Gen 26:13 13 cried unto] cf. Exod 5:15

304 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 39.8–28; Josephus, Ant., 14.159–160, 163–184, War, 1.204– 295; bBB 3b; Efron, Hasmonean Period: 192–197; Menahem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), 216– 307. 305 Herod I (r. 37–4bce), second son of the Idumean Antipater and Cypros. 306 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 39.29–80; Josephus, Ant. 14.163–184; bBB 3b. In bSanh 19a, the incident is associated with Alexander Yannai; Efron, Hasmonean Period: 192–197. 307 Shammai the Elder (fl. 50–30ce), one of the leaders of the Sanhedrin, and the founder of a school of thought known as Beit Shammai. See Haim Shapira, “The Schools of Hillel and Shammai,” Jewish Law Annual. London 17 (2007), 159–208. 308 Translated as “Richter” in Schwyntzer (1530), 46; similarly Wolf (1557), 90. דברי מלכי ישראל 224

וכאשר ראה המלך הורקנוס כי הסנהדרין כמעט היו גומרין את הדין להמיתו חמל עליו ואמר: לא נגמור הדין היום עד למחר למען הציל אותו מידם. ולא ידע כי בנפשו הוא. ויברח הורודוס לילה וילך אל מלך ארם ויגד לו את כל אשר קרהו ויבא עמו מלך ארם בחיל כבד להלחם על ירושלם. ויצא אליו אביו אנטפטר ואחיו הגדול פסילו ויאמרו לו: 5 למה תגמול את המלך הורקנוס הגמולה הזאת על אשר חמל עליך ולא רצה לשפוך את דמך? ויבקשו ממנו לעלות מעל ירושלם ויעש כן אחרי אשר הראה את יושבי ירושלם את גבורתו ואת עצמתו.

[ 36 .מות יוליוס קיסר]

בימים ההם יוליוס מלך רומי היה משתחוה בית אלהיו קשרו עליו אנשים מעבדי פפמיוס 10 השליש הנהרג ויכוהו וימיתוהו. ושם אחד מהם כסיאו והוא היה מארץ מוקדוניה ויברח אל ארצו כי ירא לשבת ברומי ומארץ מוקדניה מלך כסיאו מלוכה גדולה. וגם שרי יהודה צר להם מאד מאנטפטר שהיה קשה מן המלך הורקנוס ולא התחזק הורקנוס לפניו ולא עצר כח כי כל הממלכה בידו ובידי בניו היתה פסילו והורודוס. גם גדול היה מאד בעיני כל מלכי העולם. ויקנאו בו ויצר להם ממנו ויתיעצו להורגו. והיה 15 לו להורקנוס המלך שר ושמו מלכיה ועמו נתייעצו והוא נתן שחד למשקה המלך וישם לאנטפטר סם המות בכוס וישתהו וימת.

.Exod 2:11 et al [בימים ההם 2Kgs 6:14 9 [בחיל כבד Prov 7:23 4 [ולא ידע כי בנפשו הוא 2 2Chr 13:20 [ולא עצר כח 13

1 וכאשר ראה המלך הורקנוס כי הסנהדרין]-ט 1 כמעט]-ח 1 להמיתו] להמית W 3 מלך] וילך חטWA 4 כבד] מאוד +ל 5 הגמולה] וגמולה ד 6 את] >יושבי< ח 10 מהם] >מהם< ח 10 מוקדוניה] מוקדוניא דחטפWVA 11 ומארץ] ובארץ A 12 התחזק] איתחזק ל 13 הממלכה] המלכה > המ[מ]לכה ט

(Malchias (text) Malachus (m [מלכיה 15 history of the kings of israel 225 to issue a death sentence, he took pity on him and told them: “Let us not conclude the trial today before tomorrow.” He wanted to save him from them, not knowing that his life was at stake. Herod fled at night to the king of Aram and told him everything that had happened to him, and the Aramean king came with him and a strong 5 force to wage battle against Jerusalem. His father, Antipater, and his older brother Phasael set out towards him and said: “Why are you repaying King Hyrcanus in such a manner, [he] who took pity on you and did not wish to spill your blood?” They asked him to withdraw his forces from Jerusalem and he did so, after he had shown the citizens of Jerusalem his might and 10 power.309

[36. The Death of Julius Caesar]310

In those days, Julius, king of Rome, worshipped in the temple of his God, and some servants of the murdered general Popmey conspired against him, struck him down, and killed him. One of them was named Cassius of 15 Macedonia,311 who fled to his homeland because he was afraid to remain in Rome. From Macedonia, Cassius ruled over a great kingdom. The leaders of Judea, too, were greatly oppressed by Antipater; he was harsher than King Hyrcanus, who could not muster the strength against him, since the entire kingdom was under his control and [under the 20 control of] his sons Phasael and Herod. He was also greatly esteemed by all the kings of the world. They envied him and he oppressed them, and so they conspired to kill him. King Hyrcanus had a secretary called Malichus, with whom they consulted, and he bribed the king’s cupbearer, who laced Antipater’s cup with poison. He drank it and died. 25

3 not knowing that his life was at stake] Prov 7:23 5–6 strong force] 2Kgs 6:14 13 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 19 muster the strength] 2Chr 13:20

309 bBB 3b; Efron, Hasmonean Period: 192–197. 310 See ZDR, chap. 3; Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 41. 311 Gaius Cassius Longinus (d. 42bce), a Roman general, and a co-conspirator in the plot against Julius Caesar. See ZDR, p. 10512–13. Josephus, Ant., 14:119–122, 270–277, War, 1:180– 182. דברי מלכי ישראל 226

[ 37 .תחבולות הורדוס ואנטיגונוס]

והיו בני פסילו והורודוס במחרישים וישלחו ספר אל כסיאו המולך בארץ מוקדוניה ויודיעוהו. ואחרי כן בא כסיאו אל צור וישלח מלאכים אל הורקנוס שיבא אליו. ויבא אליו הורקנוס ומלכיהו עמו ופסילו והורודוס ויאכלו וישתו עם כסיאו וכסיאו צוה לעבדיו 5 שיעשו כדבר הורודוס. ויצום הורודוס להרוג את מלכיה בחרב ויכוהו והוא יושב מימין הורקנוס וימיתוהו. וישאל הורקנוס על הדבר לבני אנטפטר: לא נדע כי עבדי המלך כסיאו הרגו אותו ואנחנו לא נדע. והמלך ירא מפסילו והורודוס כי ידע כי הם עשו זה הדבר. ואמר | להם: איש מות היה האיש הזה מלכיה כי איש מרמות ותוך היה. 24v אחר הדברים האלה בא אל רומי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס בן אחי יולויס הנהרג וימליכוהו 10 אנשי רומי והיה לו ריע מרקוס אנטונינוס והוא דודו. וימלך אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ברומי וישלח את מרקוס אנטונינוס להלחם עם כסיאו ולנקום נקמת יוליוס. וישלח הורקנוס מנחה כתר זהב ממולא באבנים יקרות ושאל ממנו להחזיק הממלכה בידו ושיהיה הברית בינו ובין אכתבינוס אגוסטוס מלך מלכים כברית שהיתה בינו ובין יוליוס. ויעש לו מרקוס אנטונינוס כן.

15 בימים ההם שלח אנטיגנוס בן ארסתבלוס ספר אל פגורוס מלך פרס לעזור לו להסיר את הורקנוס ולהשיב את הממלכה אליו ופסק עמו שיתן לו חמש מאות ליטרין זהב ומאה מבתולות ישראל. ויאסוף את מחנהו פגורוס אל ארץ ישראל וגם אנטיגנוס יצא

אחר הדברים 1Kgs 2:26 9 [איש מות היה Jer 13:12 8 [לא נדע כי cf. Esth 1:21 6 [שיעשו כדבר 5 2Kgs [להחזיק הממלכה בידו cf. Judg 3:15 12 [וישלח הורקנוס מנחה Gen 22:1 et al. 11–12 [האלה .Exod 2:11 et al [בימים ההם 15 15:19

2 והיו בני] ויהיו בניו ח 2 במחרישים] כמחרישים A 4 ומלכיהו] ומלכיה טחMüA 5 שיעשו]-ח 8 האיש] הארם ט 8 איש] אם > איש ח הוסף בשוליים 12 יקרות] יקרים ל 12 הממלכה] המלוכה ל 16 הממלכה] המלוכה ל 16 ליטרין] ליטרא צ 17 מבתולות] בני +דחטMüA

Vir mortis fuit iste uir Malchias, quia [איש מות היה האיש הזה מלכיה כי איש מרמות ותוך היה 8 usurer MH [מרמות fuit uir dolosus, & usurari. Mü 8 history of the kings of israel 227

[37. The Intrigues of Herod and Antigonus]312

His sons, Phasael and Herod, numbered among the schemers, and they sent a letter to Cassius, the ruler of the land of Macedonia, and gave him word. Consequently, Cassius came to Tyre and sent Hyrcanus messengers that he should come to him. Hyrcanus came along with Malichus, Phasael 5 and Herod. They ate and drank with Cassius, and Cassius instructed his servants to follow Herod’s orders. Herod commanded them to put Mal- ichus to the sword, and they attacked and killed him as he was sitting to the right of Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus inquired among the sons of Antipa- ter after the matter [and they responded:] “We do not know, for it is the 10 servants of King Cassius that killed him, we do not know.” The king feared 24v Phasael and Herod because he knew that they had done this, and said | to them: “This man Malichus was deserving of death, for he was full of deceit.”313 Some time later, Octavian Augustus, the nephew of the murdered 15 Julius, came to Rome, and was crowned by the Romans as king. He had a friend, Mark Antony,314 who was his uncle. Octavian Augustus reigned in Rome, and sent Mark Antony to fight Cassius and to avenge Julius. Hyr- canus sent a gift [in form of] a golden crown inlaid with precious stones, and asked him to confirm the kingdom in his hands, and that there be a 20 covenant between him and Octavian Augustus, king of kings, as there had been between him and Julius; Mark Antony did so for him. In those days, Antigonus ben Aristobulus sent a message to the Persian King Pagorus315 [Pacorus] that he help him to remove Hyrcanus [from power] and to return the kingdom to him, and he agreed with him upon 25 the price of five hundred measures of gold and a hundred Jewish girls.316

7 follow Herod’s orders] cf. Esth 1:21 10 We do not know] Jer 13:12 13 deserving of death] 1Kgs 2:26 15 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 19 sent a gift] cf. Judg 3:15 20 confirm the kingdom in his hands] 2Kgs 15:19 23 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al.

312 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 41.22–42.45; 43.99; Josephus, Ant., 14.271–393, War, 1.270; 1.233–234; Zacuto, Book of Lineage (Filipowski), p. 90. 313 Münster has: “Vir mortis fuit iste uir Malchias, quia fuit uir dolosus, & usurari.” Morwen adds “and a usurer,” Morwen (1558), xxxvii; similarly Howell (1652), 40. 314 Mark Antony, (83–30bce), a Roman general and supporter of Julius Caesar, and husband of Cleopatra. See ZDR, chap. 3. 315 Pacorus I King of Parthia (d. 38bce) who repeatedly invaded Syria and Palestine. His deputy deposed Hyrcanus and appointed his nephew Antigonus. 316 PARISBN 585, PHIL UP HB 13, Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (c. 1513), Münster (1529), and Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (1711) add “and boys.” דברי מלכי ישראל 228

מירושלם וילוה הוא ועם רב אתו מישראל ויבאו אל ירושלם ויצורו עליה וילחמו בה מלחמות גדולות עד אשר נבקעה העיר וילכד הורקנוס. וגם פסילו הוכה לפי חרב ויכרות אנטיגנוס את אזן הורקנוס להסירו מן הכהונה כאשר הסירו מן המלכות. והורודוס נס וימלט אל אגוסטוס מלך רומי. וימלך פגורוס מלך פרס את אנטיגנוס בן ארסתבלוס על 5 ירושלם ויסע וישב לארצו וישא את הורקנוס אסור.

[38. הורדוס בן אנטיפטרוס ומרקוס אנטוניוס]

וימלך אגוסטוס מלך מלכים את הורודוס בן אנטפטר על כל ארץ יהודה וישלח בידו חיל רומיים כבד מאד. ובבאו מצא בדרך את אלכסנדרה בת הורקנוס ואת מרימי בתה אשר ילדה לאלכסנדר בן ארסתבלוס. וישב אותן לארץ ישראל ויקח לו את מרימי לאשה ויבא 10 אליה בהר הגליל כי כל ישראל היושבים בהר הגליל השלימו אתו. ובימים ההם היה מרקוס אנטונינוס חברו של אכתבינוס אגוסטוס משוטט בכל ארץ המערב לכובשה לרומיים במצרים ובדמשק ובארם. וילך אליו הורודוס אל נהר פרת ויעזור לו מאד כי גוי ערב היו אורבים לו על הדרך והורגים את כל הבא לעזרת מרקוס אנטונינוס ויכם הורודוס וימיתם. וישמח מרקוס אנטונינוס על גבורת הורודוס שמחה 15 גדולה. וישיבהו אל ארץ ישראל ועמו כסיאו שלישו ושר צבאו ובידו ספר אל כל שלישי

1Sam 19:10 [נס וימלט cf. Josh 10:28 et al. 3–4 [הוכה לפי חרב cf. 2Kgs 25:4 2 [נבקעה העיר 2 ויכם Exod 2:11 et al. 14 [ובימים ההם Chr 29:23 11 [ויבא אליה cf. 2Kgs 19:7 9–10 [ויסע וישב 5 cf. 1Chr [וישמח מרקוס אנטונינוס על גבורת הורודוס שמחה גדולה Josh 11:17 14–15 [הורודוס וימיתם 29:9

1 אל] על ל 1 בה] בו ל 3 כאשר] אשר דחטMü 8 את] אל ח 8 ואת] ואשת ד | אשת ח 10 היושבים] היו יושבים טחAMü

East M | Orient W [המערב 12 history of the kings of israel 229

Then, Pagorus gathered his army [to march] towards the land of Israel, and Antigonus, too, left Jerusalem, accompanied by many of [the people of] Israel. They came to Jerusalem, laid siege upon it, and waged great battles until a breach was made into the city and Hyrcanus was captured. Phasael, too, was put to the sword,317 and Antigonus mutilated Hyrcanus’ ear to 5 prevent him from ever assuming the high priesthood, as he had deprived him from assuming royal power. Herod fled and escaped to Augustus, king of Rome.318 The Persian king Pagorus crowned Antigonus ben Aristobulus king over Jerusalem, and departed and returned to his land, carrying along the imprisoned Hyrcanus. 10

[38. Herod ben Antipater and Mark Antony]319

Augustus, king of kings, crowned Herod ben Antipater king over the entire land of Judea, and set a powerful Roman army in his power. On his way, he encountered Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and her daughter Mariamne, whom she had born to Alexander ben Aristobulus.320 He 15 brought them back to the land of Israel and took Mariamne to be his wife. He went in unto her on the Mount of the Galilee, and all the Jews living on the Mount of the Galilee made peace with him. In those days, Octavian Augustus’ friend, Mark Antony, wandered throughout the western321 lands, through Egypt, Damascus and Aram, to 20 conquer them for Rome. Herod came to him and to the Euphrates, and was of great help to him; the Arab nations used to ambush him on the way and annihilated all who had come to assist Mark Antony, but Herod struck them down and killed them. Mark Antony greatly rejoiced about Herod’s daring, and brought him back to the land of Israel, along with 25 his general Cassius, his commander of the army, and a letter for all the Aramean generals: “Let it be known that our lord Octavian Augustus, king

4 a breach was made into the city] cf. 2Kgs 25:4 5 was put to the sword] cf. Josh 10:28 et al. 7 fled and escaped] 1Sam 19:10 9 departed and returned] cf. 2Kgs 19:7 17 went in unto her] Gen 29:23 19 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 24 struck them down and killed them] Josh 11:17 24 greatly rejoiced] cf. 1Chr 29:9

317 According to Josephus, he commits suicide, Josephus, War, 1.270–273. 318 Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus (r. 27bce–14ce). ZDR, p. 10512–13. 319 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 43.98–193; Josephus, Ant., 14.353, War, 1.241, 1.324, 1.344. 320 Alexandra and her daughter Mariamne by Alexander ben Aristobulus. Mariamne I (60?–29bce) was Herod’s second wife. 321 Translated as “East” in Morwen (1558), xxxix and “Orient” in Wolff, (1557), [98]. דברי מלכי ישראל 230

ארם: דעו כי אדננו אכתבינוס אגוסטוס מלך מלכי[ם] המליך את הורודוס בן אנטפטר על כל ארץ יהודה. ועתה בבא הספר הזה אליכם חושו לעזרתו אין נקי ומכל חוגר חגורה ומעלה ילכו עמו אל ירושלם להלחם באנטיגנוס המורד על המלך. וכל אשר לא ילך עמו מעושי המלחמה יומת בחרב. ואני מרקוס אנטונינוס נשבעתי בחרבי ולא אמיר.

5 [ 39 .הורדוס מגן על בית המקדש והורג את אנטיגונוס]

ויהי כקרוא שלישי ארם את הספר וימהרו וילכו כולם אל הורודוס ויגדל מחנהו עד מאד. וגם אנטיגנוס שלח אליהם פפמיוס שר צבאו ותהי מלחמתם קשה מאד וימת עם רב מאלה ומאלה. ויוסף אחי המלך הורדוס נפל בחרב. ואחרי כל זאת נגף חיל אנטיגנוס. ובא הורודוס וכסיאו אל ירושלם ויצורו עליה בשנה השלישת למלך הורודוס על ישראל 10 ותבקע העיר ויבא כסיאו וחיל רומיים ויכו בישראל מכה גדולה מאד. וגם אל המקדש באו ורצו לבא אל בית קדש הקדשים. וימהר הורודוס ועבדיו וישלפו חרבותם | ויעמדו 25r פתח ההיכל ולא הניחו אדם לבא אל בית קדש הקדשים. והמלך הורודוס כעס על כסיאו ואנשיו ואמר להם: אם רצונכם להשמיד את כל יושבי העיר על מי אמלוך המלכות הזאת האשר צוה לי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס? מיד צוה כסיאו ויעבירו קול במחנה רומיים כי כל 15 הורג נפש מישראל יומת בחרב.

נשבעתי בחרבי ולא 2Kgs 24:16 4 [מעושי המלחמה 2Kgs 3:21 4 [ומכל חוגר חגורה ומעלה 3–2 ויכו מכה גדולה cf. 2Kgs 25:4 10 [ותבקע העיר Num 21:6 10 [וימת עם רב cf. Ps 15:4 7 [אמיר cf. Exod 36:6 [מיד צוה כסיאו ויעבירו קול במחנה 1Sam 19:8 14 [בישראל

2 ועתה] ואתה צ 7 רב] +מישראל ח bSot 42b 8 [נפל בחרב 9 ובא] ויבא A 10 בישראל] בירושלים חטA 13 על] אל Mü 14 האשר] אשר חטA 15 נפש מישראל] רומייים > נפש מישראל ח sancti sanctorum Mü | Sanctum Sanctorum [הקדשים Jerusalemites M 12+ [בישראל 10 WH history of the kings of israel 231

of kings, crowned Herod the son of Antipater king over all the land of Judea. Now, upon receiving this letter, hurry to his assistance. Nobody is excused. Every man old enough to bear arms, go with him to Jerusalem to battle Antigonus, who is rebelling against the king, and all those and those trained for battle who do not go with him shall die by the sword. I, Mark 5 Antony, swear by my sword and I will not change my mind.”

[39. Herod Defends the Temple and Assassinates Antigonus]322

Having read the letter, the Aramean generals hurried all to Herod, and his camp waxed very greatly. Antigonus also sent them Popmey, his army commander, and a brutal war broke out in which many of the people 10 died on both sides. Joseph, the brother of King Herod, fell by the sword.323 After all this, Antigonus’ army was defeated. Herod and Cassius324 came to Jerusalem and laid siege on the city. In the third year of King Herod’s rule over Israel, a breach was made into the city, and Cassius and the Roman army came and inflicted Israel325 with a crushing defeat. They came into 15 the Temple as well, and wished to enter the Holy of Holies but Herod and 25r his servants hastened to draw their swords, | and they stood in the Temple gate and did not allow anyone to enter the Holy of Holies. King Herod was angry with Cassius and his men, and told them: “If you wish to strike down all the inhabitants of this city, over whom shall I rule in this kingdom that 20 Octavian Augustus has given me?” Cassius immediately gave orders, and they caused it to be proclaimed throughout the Roman camp that anyone who killed a single Jew soul would be put to the sword.326

3 every man old enough to bear arms] 2Kgs 3:21 4–5 those trained for battle] 2Kgs 24:16 6 swear by my sword and I will not change my mind] cf. Ps 15:4 10–11 many of the people died] Num 21:6 14 a breach was made into the city] cf. 2Kgs 25:4 15 inflicted Israel with a crushing defeat] 1Sam 19:8 21–22 gave order and they caused it to be proclaimed throughout the Roman camp] cf. Exod 36:6

322 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 43.209–44.17; Josephus, Ant., 14.468–488, War, 1.347–357. 323 bSot 42a. 324 Sossius: Josephus, Ant., 14.469, War, 1.351. 325 “Jerusalem” in PARIS BN 585, PHIL UP HB 13, and Morwen (1558), xxxix, Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (1711). 326 While the standard editions of the Mishneh Torah refer to the killing of a human being in general, many important manuscripts and early printings note “Whenever a person kills a Jewish man ….” Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, The Laws of Murder and of the Protection of Human Life 1:1. דברי מלכי ישראל 232

ואחרי זאת תפס המלך הורודוס את אנטיגונוס ויאסרהו ויתנהו ביד כסיאו. ויתן לכסיאו ולאנשיו כסף וזהב מנחה וגם כסיאו העלה מנחה ליי׳ עטרת זהב גדולה כי ירא מאד מפני שנלחם בעיר הקדש. ויסע כסיאו וישב מצרימה ואנטיגנוס אסור בידו. וישלח לו הורודוס לכסיאו שחד גדול להרוג את אנטיגונוס כי ירא כי תשוב הממלכה אליו ויעש 5 לו כסיאו כן ויהרוג את אנטיגנוס. ותחזק הממלכה ביד הורודוס. וילחם בכל הגוים אשר סביבותיו עד אשר היו לו למס ויגדל האיש מכל אשר היו לפניו.

[ 40 .הורקנוס שב לירושלים]

אחר הדברים האלה נשא פגורוס מלך פרס את ראש הורקנוס בן אלכסנדר מבית הכלא 10 וישימהו לראש על כל גליות ישראל אשר בארץ שנער ובארץ פרס ויהי להם כמלך. ותכל נפש הורקנוס לראות את עיר הקדש ואת בית המקדש ואת הורודוס ואת מלכותו אשר היה לו בכן. וגם הורודוס כאשר שמע כי הורקנוס המלך המוסר היה עומד בבבל בכבוד גדול ירא ממנו ואמר: היום ישיבו לו בית ישראל את ממלכות אבותיו. ויחרוש עליו רעה ויכתוב ספר אל פוגרוס ויאמר לו: דע כי הורקנוס גדלני וישימני לו לבן וכאשר מלכתי על 15 ירושלם זכרתי את כל הטובה אשר עשה לי ונכספתי לעולם לו בטובותיו. ועתה שלחה נא אותו לי ואם לא דע כי מלחמות בינך ובין בני ישראל וכל בעלי בריתם. וכקרוא פגורוס את הספר שלח אל הורקנוס ספר ויאמר לו: אם רצונך ללכת אל הורודוס לך. ולא הניח פוגרוס עצה טובה שלא יעץ את הורקנוס ואמר לו: השמר לך מהורודוס כי הוא שופך דמים ומפר ברית. והוא לא קרא לך מאהבתו אותך כי אם מיראתו אותך. כי כל

[ויגדל האיש cf. Exod 37:2 7 [ויעש לו Neh 11:18 4–5 [בעיר הקדש 1Sam 31:4 3 [כי ירא מאד 2 cf. Jer 52:31–32 [מלך פרס את ראש נשא פגורוס Gen 22:1 et al. 9 [אחר הדברים cf. Gen 26:13 9 cf. 2Sam 16:3 [היום ישיבו לו בית ישראל את ממלכות אבותיו cf. 2Sam 13:39 13 [ותכל נפש 11–10 bShevu 13a [ומפר ברית mShab 23:5 19 [שופך דמים cf. Prov 3:29 19 [ויחרוש עליו רעה 13 1Sam 20:31 [כי כל הימים אשר אתה חי על האדמה 4.1–19

3 מצרימה] למצרימה ל 4 הממלכה] ממלכה חטMü | המלוכה לA 6 הממלכה] המלוכה A 7 לפניו]-ט 9 הורקנוס בן]-ל 10 כמלך] למלך דטAMü 12 היה]-ח 13 ממלכות] מלכות ד 15 את] אל ט 15 לעולם] לשלום A 15 שלחה]-ל 17 ספר]-חטA 19 אותך כי אם מיראתו אותך] -ט history of the kings of israel 233

After this, King Herod captured Antigonus, imprisoning and delivering him into Cassius’ hands. He gave Cassius and his men a gift of silver and gold, and Cassius [on his part] brought God an offering of a great golden crown, for he was extremely afraid since he had fought in the holy city. Cassius left and returned to Egypt with the imprisoned Antigonus in his 5 power. Herod sent Cassius a large bribe to kill Antigonus, because he feared that the rule would be restored to him, and thus Cassius did so for him; he killed Antigonus. Herod’s reign became fortified. He fought all his surrounding nations until all became his tributaries and he was more powerful than anyone 10 before him.

[40. Hyrcanus Returns to Jerusalem]327

Some time later, the Persian king Pagorus took note of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and released him from prison and appointed him head of all the Jewish exiles in Sumer and Persia, where he became a king to them. 15 Hyrcanus’ soul was pining away to see the holy city, the Temple, Herod, and the kingdom he had once held there. Herod, too, upon hearing that the betrayed King Hyrcanus was held in great honor in Babylonia, feared him and said: “The house of Israel will now give him back the kingdom of his fathers.” He devised harm against him and wrote a letter to Pagorus 20 saying: “Remember that Hyrcanus raised and regarded me as a son.328 When I became king over Jerusalem, I remembered all the good that he has done to me and I longed to repay him for his good deeds. Now, please send him to me. If not, know that there will be war between you and the children of Israel and all of their allies.” 25 When Pagorus read the letter, he sent a message to Hyrcanus and told him: “If you wish to go to Herod, go.” For Pagorus did not spare Hyrcanus any good advice, and he said to him: “Beware of Herod, who sheds blood and breaks alliances. He did not call for you out of love for you but out

4 holy city] Neh 11:18 10 he was more powerful] cf. Gen 26:13 13 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 14 and released him from] cf. Jer 52:31–32 16 was pining away] cf. 2Sam 13:39 16 holy city] Neh 11:18 19–20 The house of Israel will now give him back the kingdom of his fathers] cf. 2Sam 16:3 20 He devised harm against him] cf. Prov 3:29 28 who sheds blood] mShab 23:5 29 breaks alliances] bShevu 13a

327 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 44.13–39; Josephus, Ant., 15.11–20. 328 This episode is awash with allusions to the biblical story of Joseph and likens Hyr- canus’ release from prison to that of Joseph (Gen 45:8). דברי מלכי ישראל 234

הימים אשר אתה חי על האדמה בלילה לא תישן עין הורודוס שלא תשוב המלכות אליך. אלא טוב לך עמוד בכבוד מעט ממותך בבזיון הרבה והורד את שיבתך בדם שאולה. דע כי כן יצר לב האדם כי כשיהיו שני אנשים אחד נכבד ואחד נבזה ואחר כך יבאו קורות הזמן ויכבדו את הנבזה ויבוזו את הנכבד. לעולם הנכבד עתה שהיה נבזה לפנים אינו 5 יכול לראות את הנכבד לפנים ולא לדברו לשלום כי הוא אומר בלבו: עד עתה הוא בוזה אותי כאשר היה קודם לכן. וכל שכן אם יוסר האדון וימלוך העבד והוא יודע כי לב כל אנשי הארץ אחר האדון נוטה. ועוד אם היית ראוי לכהונה אפשר שהיה נותן אותה לך ועומד הוא במלכות אבל אתה כרות אזן ופסול לכהנה ושבתך בירושלם שובת ממלכות ומכהנה לא יתכן.

10 וכזה וכזה עצות יעץ פגורוס מלך פרס את הורקנוס וגם כל היהודים אשר בבבל הפגיעו בו לבלתי לכת אל הורודוס. ולא שמע אליהם כי מאת יי׳ היתה סבה לבא חמס חכמים שהרג אביו והורו וחמס חוני המעגל לבלתי השאיר לבית חשמונאי שם ושאר ונין ונכד.

[ 41 .מותו של הורקנוס]

ויסע וילך הורקנוס אל ירושלם ויצא לקראתו הורודוס ויחבק לו וינשק לו ויביאהו אל

Isa [ושאר ונין ונכד Gen 8:21 12 [יצר לב האדם Cf. 1Kgs 2:9 3 [והורד את שיבתך בדם שאולה 2 ויחבק לו לו ויביאהו אל ביתו 2Chr 35:20 14–4.1 [ויצא לקראתו Isa 37:37 14 [ויסע וילך 14 14:22 Gen 29:13 [וינשק

2 דע] ודע ח 3 כך] כן חטלMü 4 את] אותו חטMü 5–4 אינו יכול לראות את הנכבד לפנים]-ט 7 אפשר] +שירא ל 10 עצות]-ל 12 והורו] והוא ל 12 שם] שמו ל 14 ויחבק לו וינשק] וינשק לו ויחבק ל history of the kings of israel 235 of fear from you. Since, as long as you live on earth, Herod will not sleep soundly at night lest the kingdom will be returned to you. But it will be better for you to be held in some honor rather than die in great shame and bring your head down to the grave with blood. Know that thus is the inclination of a man’s heart: if there are two people, one held in honor and 5 one in contempt, over the passage of time, the one who is held in honor becomes despised and the one in contempt honored. But the one honored who was previously despised cannot bear to look at the one once held in honor. He cannot talk to him with peace of mind because he says in his heart: ‘He still despises me as he did when he was held in honor.’ How 10 much more so if the lord is now imprisoned and the servant rules, and he knows that the hearts of all the people of the land are turned towards the [true] lord. Now, if you were eligible for the priesthood, he could have given it to you and he could keep ruling the kingdom, but as your ear is mutilated and you are defiled for the priesthood. You cannot return to 15 Jerusalem unless in a royal or a priestly function.”329 Such advice did the Persian king Pagorus give to Hyrcanus, and all the Jews of Babylonia implored him not to go to Herod. But he did not heed to them, because the call to return had come from God because of his father’s cruelty towards the sages, whom he had killed, and because of his 20 violence towards Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel,330 lest there remain anything from the Hasmonean dynasty, neither name nor remnant.331

[41. Hyrcanus’ Death]332

Hyrcanus left and went to Jerusalem, and Herod set out towards him. He embraced him, kissed him, and took him into his house.333 Every day, he 25

1 as long as you live on earth] 1Sam 20:31 4 bring your head down to the grave with blood] cf. 1Kgs 2:9 5 inclination of a man’s heart] Gen 8:21 22 neither name nor remnant] Isa 14:22 24 left and went] Isa 37:37 24 set out towards him] 2Chr 35:20 25–4.1 He prepared him a banquet] Gen 21:8

329 Morwen explains: “thou shalt remaine in Hierusalem depriued both of kingdome and priesthode, which is uncomely for thee,” Morwen (1558), xli; similarly Howell (1652), 65. 330 For Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel see DMY, chap. 26. 331 Ibn Daud asses here Hyrcanus’ inability to accept sage advice, and points to his and his ancestors’ shortcomings. 332 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 44.39–80; Josephus, Ant., 15.21–24, 163–182. 333 See GenR to Gen 21:8 where Laban’s words are contradicted by his intentions. דברי מלכי ישראל 236

ביתו. ויעש לו משתה בביתו בכל יום | והוא קורא אותו: אבי אבי! לנגד כל ישראל ובלבו 25v לקשור עליו להמיתו. ותדע הדבר אלכסנדרה בתו חותנת המלך הורודוס ותגד להורקנוס. ולא שמע אליה בתחילה עד שנגלה לו הדבר לאחר זמן ויתיעץ הורקנוס לברוח אל מלוק מלך ערב. 5 וישלח הורקנוס מלאך אל מלוק שישלח לו סוס ורכב שינוס עמם והמלאך קשר ובגד והוליך את ספר הורקנוס אל הורודוס בסתר ויתן לו הורודוס משאת גדולה ויאמר לו: לך אל מלוק והדברים אשר ישיב לו הודיעני. ויולך המלאך את הספר אל מלוק וישמע מלוק אל הורקנוס וישלח לו סוסים ורכב ויכתוב לו ספר: הנה שלחתי אליך סוסים ופרשים ועתה בא אלי וכל אשר תאמר נפשך אעשב לך. והמלאך הביא בסתר את תשובת מלוק 10 אשר הביא להורקנוס אל יד הורודוס. וישלח המלך הורודוס אל המקום אשר ידע כי אנשי מלוק אורבים ויתפשום חיים ויביאום אל הורודוס. ויאמר הורודוס לקרוא לכל הסנהדרין ויבאו לפניו וגם הורקנוס הובא לפניהם וישאלהו המלך לאמר: הגד לי אם כתבת ספר אל מלוק מלך ערב? ויאמר: לא שלחתי. ויובא רוסתיאוס המלאך המלשין וגם חיל ערב הנתפשים ויגידו את כל הדבר לפני הסנהדרין. 15 ויפלו פני הורקנוס ויצו המלך את עבדיו ויפגעו בו וימת והממלכה נכונה ביד הורודוס. והימים אשר מלך הורקנוס ארבעים שנה וששה חדשים. אחרי מות אמו מלך שלש [שנים] ויסירהו ארסתבלוס אחיו וימלוך תחתיו וישימהו לכהן גדול. ואחר ג׳ שנים שב למלכותו וימלוך ארבעים שנה. ויסירהו אנטיגנוס בן ארסתבלוס ויכרות את אזנו ויגל

[פני ויפלו Deut 31:11 15 [לנגד כל ישראל 2Kgs 2:12 1 [אבי אבי Gen 21:8 1 [ויעש לו משתה 1 והימים אשר מלך הורקנוס ארבעים 1Kgs 2:46 16 [ויפגעו בו וימת והממלכה נכונה ביד Gen 4:5 15 2Chr 36:3 [ויסירהו 2Kgs 10:36 17 [שנה

3 ותדע] תדע Mü 3 אלכסנדרה] אלכסנדרא חMü 4 בתחילה]-ט 4 מלוק]-ל 6 בסתר] בספר Mü 6 משאת] מנחה ט 8 וישלח] ושלח ח 10 אל] על ל 13 הגד] ויגד ח 14 רוסתיאוס] ריסתיאוס חטMü | רוסטיאוס ל 15 וימת]-ט 15 וימת]-ט 17–16 אחרי מות אמו מלך שלש [שנים] ויסירהו ארסתבלוס אחיו וימלוך תחתיו וישימהו לכהן גדול. ואחר ג׳]- 17A שנים]-חצ 17 -וימלוך תחתיו]-חטMü history of the kings of israel 237

25v prepared him a banquet in his house and every day | called him: “My father, my father!” before all Israel, but in his heart he conspired to kill him. His daughter Alexandra, King Herod’s mother-in-law, knew about [Her- od’s intentions] and informed Hyrcanus. He did not heed to her at first, until the affair was revealed to him after a while and Hyrcanus was advised 5 to flee to the Arab king Maluk334 [Malchus]. Hyrcanus sent a messenger to Maluk and requested a horse and a carriage so that he might flee, but the messenger plotted against him and betrayed him, and secretly brought Hyrcanus’ letter to Herod who, rewarding him generously, said: “Go to Maluk and inform me of his response.” The messenger brought the let- 10 ter to Maluk, and Maluk complied with Hyrcanus’ [request]. He sent him horses and a chariot, and wrote him a letter: “Behold, I have sent you horses and cavalrymen. Now, come to me, and I will do whatever your heart desires.” The messenger secretly delivered Maluk’s answer for Hyr- canus into Herod’s hands. King Herod sent people to the waiting place of 15 Maluk’s men, who captured them alive and brought them to Herod. Herod convened the entire Sanhedrin and they appeared before him, and Hyrcanus, too, was brought before them. Then the king asked him: “Tell me, did you write a letter to the Arab king Maluk?” He responded: “No, I did not send him [a letter].” But then his messenger, the informer Rustius 20 [Dositheus], and the captured Arab troops were brought in, and they told the Sanhedrin everything. Hyrcanus’ face fell and the king ordered his servants to strike him down. He died and the kingdom was secured in Herod’s hands. The time that King Hyrcanus reigned was forty years and six months. 25 After his mother’s death, he reigned for three [years]335 and then his brother Aristobulus deposed him and ruled in his stead, and he set him up to become high priest. But after three years, he returned to power and reigned over Israel for forty years. Antigonus ben Aristobulus deposed him, mutilated his ear, and exiled him from the holy city. Under the rule 30

1–2 My father, my father] 2Kgs 2:12 2 before all Israel] Deut 31:11 22 face fell] Gen 4:5 23–24 to strike him down and he died and the kingdom was secured in Herod’s hand] cf. 1Kgs 2:46 25 And the time that King Hyrcanus reigned was] 2Kgs 10:36 27 deposed him] 2Chr 36:3

334 Malchus, the Arab king. Josephus, Ant., 14.370, 372, 274, 390, War 1.276, 286, 360. This is perhaps the Nabatean king Malikhas. See Jan Retsö, The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads (London: Routledge, 2003), 372–387. 335 PARIS BN 585 and MOS 1420 are missing “years.” The following have “years:” PHIL UP HB 13, Münster (1529), Schwyntzer (1530), 52; Wolff (1557), [106]; Morwen (1558), xlii; Howell (1652), 61. דברי מלכי ישראל 238

מעיר הקדש. ובמלכות הורודוס עבדו שב לעיר הקדש וישפוך הורודוס את דמו בחנם עקב אשר מלט הוא את הורודוס מיד הסנהדרין לבלתי הורגו בדמי חזקיהו. ומימיו לא עשה הורקנוס דבר רע בעיני יי׳ כי אם זה אשר החניף להורודוס על דם הנקי אשר שפך ותהי נפשו תחת נפשו. ברוך שאין לפניו לא עולה ולא שכחה!

5 [ 42 .אריסטבלוס ואלכסנדרה]

והיה למרימי בת אלכסנדר בן ארסתבלוס אשת הורודוס אח ושמו ארסתבלוס. והורודוס לא העלהו לכהונה גדולה מפני שהיה ירא מבני חשמונאי. והיתה אשתו מתרעמת עליו בדבר הזה והמלך שם לכהן גדול איש אשר לא מזרע חשמונאי ושמו חניאל. וכאשר הרג את הורקנוס הורה של אשתו אבי אלכסנדרה חותנתו הסיר את חניאל כהן גדול 10 והעלה לכהונה גדולה ארסתבלוס אחי אשתו. והוא עודנו נער אבל היה משכיל ומבין ויפה מראה ואין איש מבני ישראל יפה וטוב ממנו. ולעולם לא הוסר כהן גדול ברשות מלך ישראל כי אם חניאל זה שהסירו הורדוס לעשות נחת רוח לאשתו ולחותנתו. ובכל זאת לא שתקה אלסנדרה חותנתו ומאנה הנחם על אביה והיתה מדברת עתק למלך עד אשר הפקידה במשמר.

עולה ולא 2Kgs 24:4 4 [דם הנקי אשר שפך 2Kgs 21:2 3 [דבר רע בעיני יי׳ לא עשה הורקנוס 3–2 cf. 1Sam [ויפה מראה ואין איש מבני ישראל יפה וטוב ממנו mAvot 4:28 11 [שאין שכחה לפניו לא Ps 77:3 [ומאנה הנחם 13 9:2

3 על] אל W 4 ברוך] הוא +ל 4 שאין] +לו ט 4 לא]-ט 6 בת אלכסנדר בן ארסתבלוס]-S 10 גדולה]+ את דחטMü 11 וטוב] > וטוב< ח dan das Weib lag jm darūb an Sch [אשתו Haniel Ananelus Sch (m) 10 [חניאל 8 history of the kings of israel 239 of his servant Herod, he returned to the holy city, and Herod spilled his blood without reason, despite the fact that he had [let] him escape the Sanhedrin lest they killed him on account of Hezekiah’s blood. Hyrcanus never did that which was evil in the eyes of God, apart from when he overlooked336 the [action] of Herod, who had forfeited his life when he 5 shed innocent blood. Blessed be the One before whom there is no sacrifice and no forgetting!337

[42. Aristobulus and Alexandra]338

Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander ben Aristobulus and wife of Herod, had a brother called Aristobulus.339 Herod did not install him as high priest 10 because he feared the Hasmoneans. His wife complained, but the king appointed a man who was not a Hasmonean to the high priesthood, whose name was Ananel.340 [But] once he had killed Hyrcanus, his wife’s relative and father of his daughter-in-law Alexandra, he removed Ananel the high priest and elevated Aristobulus [son of Alexander], his wife’s brother, to 15 the high priesthood.341 He was still a child but already learned, wise and good-looking; no-one among the Jews was handsomer than he. Never had a high priest been removed from office by authority of the king of Israel except for this Ananel, whom Herod removed from office to please his wife and his mother-in-law. In spite of all this, his mother-in-law Alexandra 20 did not remain silent, and refused to be comforted because of her father [Hyrcanus]. She argued with the king until he arrested her.

4 did that which was evil in the eyes of God] 2Kgs 21:2 5–7 when he shed innocent blood. Blessed be the One before whom there is no sacrifice and no forgetting] mAvot 4:28 17 no-one among the Jews was handsomer than he] cf. 1Sam 9:2 21 refused to be comforted] Ps 77:3

336 Literally: to flatter. Hyrcanus was flattered and so was inclined to overlook Herod’s actions. 337 This blessing seems to indicate a break in the narrative, possibly indicating that with Hyrcanus, the last innocent man with the potential to hold political power had passed away. See mAvot 4:22; Josephus, Ant., 15.178–183. 338 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 45.1–59; Josephus, Ant., 15.23–48. 339 High priest Aristobulus III (53–36bc), brother of Mariamne, was at first ignored for the post and later drowned. 340 Alexandra regarded Herod’s appointment of the Babylonian (or Egyptian?) Ananel (Hananel) to the high priesthood as an attack on Hasmonean rights and tried to secure it for Aristobulus, her son. See Josephus, Ant., 15:23, 80, 232–236, 247–251. 341 Schwyntzer adds “Dan das weib lag jm darūb an,” Schwyntzer (1530), 53. דברי מלכי ישראל 240

ותשלח אלכסנדרה ספר אל קלפרטה מלכת מצרים אשת מרקוס אנטונינוס גבור רומי וספרה לה את כל הרעה אשר עשה הורדוס אל זרע חשמונאי ותשאל ממנה לעזור לה עליו. ותשב לה קלפטרה תשובה לאמר: אם תוכלי לבא אלי בסתר תראי מה אעשה. וכקרוא אלכסנדרא את הספר שלחה אל בנה ארסתבלוס כהן גדול והגידה לו כי בורחת 5 היא אל ים יפו ומשם תרד בספינה אל ארץ מצרים. ואמרה לו: שמע בני וברח עמי! ונעשה שני ארונים גדולים ונתן | שחד לעבדים שיוציאונו בסתר אני באחד ואתה באחר 26r וננוס אל נפשנו ויעשו כן. ויודע הדבר לאחד מעבדי הורודוס ויגד למלך. ויאמר המלך לעבד המלשין בצאתכם לשאת את שני הארונים הביאם ויעש העבד כן. ויובאו הארונים אל המלך ויפתח אותם ויוצא את אלכסנדרה ואת בנה ארסתבלוס. וידבר להם המלך 10 קשות וגם אלכסנדרה השיבה עזות עד אשר כעס המלך ונס מפניה אל עלייתו ואמר טוב שבת על פנת גג מאשת מדינים ובית חבר.

[ 43 .מות אריסטובולוס]

ויהי המלך כמחריש ולקץ שנה אחת לבש ארסתבלוס כהן גדל בגדי כהונה ונכנס להיכל ואחר כך עמד על המזבח להקריב קרבנות. וכל ישראל צופים ביופיו ושכלו ויופי עבודתו 15 והיו כולם שמחים בו ונותנים שבח לאל שלא השבית גואל לבית חשמונאי. והמלך שמע דבריהם ופחד וירע לו כי אמר בלבו: עתה ישיבו לו כל ישראל את ממלכות אבותיו כי ראה כי לב כל ישראל נוטה אליו.

שלא Prov 25:24 15 [טוב שבת על פנת גג מאשת מדינים ובית חבר Exod 7:10 et al. 11 [ויעשו כן 7 cf. Ruth 4:14 [השבית גואל

1 קלפרטה] קלאופטרה טA 2 לה]-ח 3 מה] בה > מה ח 4 אלכסנדרא] אלכסנדרה חMüA | אלכסנדר ל 6 ארונים] ארונות חטMüA 7 אל] את ח 8 את]-ח 8 הארונים] הארונות דחטMüA 8 הארונים] ארונות דחטMüA 9 ויפתח] ויפתחו חטMüA 9 ויוצא] ויוציאו חטMüA 14 ויופי] -MüA | יופיו חט 14 ועבודתו] עטרתו צ 17 כל]-ל

,The King dissembled the matter [ויהי המלך כמחריש ולקץ שנה אחת coffers H 13 [ארונים 6 [חשמונאי Bischofliche Sch 15 [כהונה and strewed no great displeasure a year after H 13 +but left one to reuenge ý iniuries done to the house of Chasmonani M |+but left one to revenge the injuries done to the house of Chasmonani H history of the kings of israel 241

Alexandra sent a letter to Cleopatra,342 queen of Egypt and wife of the Roman general Mark Antony. She told her all the evil that Herod had done to the Hasmoneans and requested assistance. Cleopatra responded: “If you can come to me secretly, you will see what I shall do.” Reading this letter, Alexandra sent for her son, the high priest Aristobulus, and told him 5 that she would flee to the sea near Jaffa, and from there by ship down to Egypt. She said to him: “Listen, my son, and flee with me! Let us make 26r two big boxes343 and bribe the servants | that they shall bring us out in secret—I in one of them, you in the other—and let us flee for our lives.” So they did. This became known to one of Herod’s servants, and he told 10 the king. The king told the traitor: “Bring me the two boxes when you are leaving.” The servant did this. The boxes were brought to the king. He opened them, and out came Alexandra and her son Aristobulus. The king reproached them, and Alexandra gave back in the same manner until the king was infuriated and fled from her to his upper floor, exclaiming: 15 “Dwelling in the corner of a roof is better than a contentious wife in a spacious house.”

[43. The Death of Aristobulus]344

The king dismissed the people, and after a year had passed, the high priest Aristobulus put on his priestly robes, entered the Temple, and then stood 20 by the altar to offer sacrifices. All of Israel watched him in his beauty, intellect, and the crown of his priesthood. They rejoiced in him and gave thanks to God that He had not withheld a redeemer from the Hasmonean dynasty.345 The king, upon hearing their words, became fearful and said to himself: “Now, all of Israel will return his ancestors’ kingdom to him,” for 25 he saw that the people of Israel favored him.

10 And so they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 16–17 Dwelling in the corner of a roof is better than a contentious wife in a spacious house] Prov 25:24 23 he had not withheld a redeemer] cf. Ruth 4:14

342 Cleopatra VII Philopator (r. 51–47bce). See Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon,” 211–212; Sefer Josippon (Flusser) pp. 437–438; bNid 30b. 343 Translated as “coffers” in Howell (1652). 344 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 45.60–98; Josephus, Ant., 16.356–404. 345 Morwen translates as “but left one to reuenge ý iniuries done to the house of Chas- monani,” Morwen (1558), 52; similarly Howell (1652), 46. דברי מלכי ישראל 242

ויועץ המלך הורודוס ויצא בחג הסכות אל יריחו הוא וכל עבדיו ויעש שם משתה גדול לכל שריו ועבדיו. וישבו לפניו כל אחד על כנן והושיב את הנער ארסתבלוס כהן גדול על ימינו ויאכלו וישתו וישמחו. ויבאו נערי המלך לשוט בירדן והמלך צוה אותם בלט שישאלו מארסתבלוס כהן גדול לבא בירדן לשוט עמהם ושיט כי עוהו. וכן עשו הנערים 5 היו שטים בירדן וישאלו מארסתבלוס לבא ולשוט עמהם ולא אבה כי אם על פי המלך. וישאל ארסתבלוס את פי המלך וימאן המלך ויפצר בו הנער מאד ואמר לו: עשה כל אשר תאמר נפשך. ויבא הנער בירדן לשוט עם נערי המלך וירכב המלך וכל עבדיו וישובו יריחו. וישוטו הנערים עד בא השמש ובנטות צללי ערב הטביעו את ארסתבלוס כהן גדול וימת. ויבאו 10 ויגידו למלך. ויבך העם בכי גדול כי מרה נפש כולם על צדקתו ועל ייחוסו ועל יופיו וקצרות ימיו עד נשמע הבכי למרחוק. ומרימי אשת המלך ואלכסנדרה אם הנער מאנו הנחם וגם המלך בכה בכי גדול כי ניחם על הרעה הגדולה אשר עשה וידע כל העם כי מאת המלך היה הדבר. וגם אלכסנדרה חותנתו דברה אליו קשות על הורגו את אישה ואת אביה ואחר כך את בנה ולא דבר המלך מרע ועד טוב.

15 ומהיום ההוא ומעלה היתה איבת עולם בין אלכסנדרה ומרימי ובין קפרין אם הורודוס ושלומית אחותו שהיא מזרע עבדים. והיתה מרימי מחרפת אותן בפניהן על שאינן מזרע

ובנטות Exod 17:12 9 [עד בא השמש Esth 2:18 9 [ויעש שם משתה גדול לכל שריו ועבדיו 2–1 מאנו 1Sam 30:6 11–12 [כי מרה נפש Judg 21:2 10 [ויבך העם בכי גדול cf. Jer 6:4 10 [צללי ערב איבת 1Sam 17:13 15 [ומהיום ההוא ומעלה Judg 21:2 15 [בכה בכי גדול Jer 31:14 12 [להנחם Ezek 25:15 [עולם

1 אל] על ל 1 הוא]-ל 2 כנן] כנו טA 5 אבה] אבא ל 6 ואמר] ויאמר חטA 8 בירדן]-ט 9 כהן גדול] הכהן חטMüA 10 בכי גדול] בכיה גדולה חל 12 גדול] גדולה ל 12 הרעה]-ט 14 מרע ועד טוב] מטוב ועד רע דל 15 קפרין] קיפרין ח vnd ihn alß den zu ertrencken Sch [כי עוהו after his degree HM 4 [כנו 2 history of the kings of israel 243

King Herod spoke to his advisors and went to Jericho with his servants on the holiday of Sukkot, and he prepared a great banquet there for all his ministers and courtiers. They reclined before him, each on his couch according to his rank,346 and he seated young Aristobulus, the high priest on his right. They ate, drank, and were merry. When the king’s young men 5 came to bathe347 in the Jordan, the king secretly instructed them to ask the high priest Aristobulus to join them.348 And so, they went swimming in the Jordan and asked Aristobulus to come and bathe with them. He, however, would not go without the king’s consent. Aristobulus turned to the king, who refused at first, but the young man pleaded, and [finally] the king 10 said: “Do whatever your heart tells you [to do].” The young man came to the Jordan to swim with the young men of the king, while the king and his servants returned to Jericho. The young men bathed until dusk, and when the shadows of evening grew long, they drowned the high priest Aristobulus and he died. Then they went and told 15 the king about it. Much mourning arose among the people. They were embittered because of his righteousness, his lineage, his beauty and the short span of his life, until the crying could be heard from afar. The king’s wife, Mariamne, and Alexandra, the young man’s mother, refused to be comforted. The king, too, wept copiously, because he regretted the great 20 evil he had done. Everybody knew that this had happened through the king’s initiative. Alexandra, his mother-in-law, reproached him severely for the killing of her husband, her father and finally, her son, but the king did not react. From this day onwards, there was bitter enmity between Alexandra and 25 Mariamne, and between Herod’s mother Cypros349 and his sister Salome,

2–3 and he prepared a great banquet there for all his ministers and courtiers] Esth 2:18 14 until dusk] Exod 17:12 14 when the shadows of evening grew long] cf. Jer 6:4 16 mourning arose … the people] Judg 21:2 16–17 people were embittered] 1Sam 30:6 19–20 refused to be comforted] Jer 31:14 20 wept copiously] Judg 21:2 25 From this day onwards] 1Sam 17:13 25 bitter enmity] Ezek 25:15

346 Translated as “after his degree” in Morwen (1558), xlv; similarly Howell (1652), 70. 347 Also to ‘sail,’ ‘travel,’ or ‘float.’ See bKid 29a. Translated as “baden” in Schwyntzer (1530), 54; “bath” in Howell (1652), 71. 348 Translated “vnd ihn alß den zu ertrencken” in Schwyntzer (1530), 54. 349 Cypros, of Nabatean descent, married Antipater the Idumean and bore him four sons, Phasael, Herod, Joseph, Pheroras, and a daughter, Salome. See Josephus, Ant., 14:121; 15:81, 184, 213, 220, 239, Wars, 1:181, 407, 438; 2:484. דברי מלכי ישראל 244

ישראל ועל פסלותן. אבל הורודוס היה אוהב את מרימי אהבה עזה כמות ולא עצבה מימיו לאמר: מדוע ככה דברת?

[ 44 .הורדוס ואוקטביוס אוגוסטוס]

אחר הדברים האלה מרקוס אנטונינוס גבור רומי שני לאכתבינוס אגוסטוס מלך מלכים 5 אשר שלחו אגוסטוס להלחם במלכי מערב וימלוך בארץ מצרים הסתה אותו קלפטרה אשתו להרים יד באכתבינוס אגוסטוס. ויצא להלחם בו בים באניות ובציים וביבשה בחיל ובפרשים. ומפני שארץ מצרים קרובה לארץ ישראל הורודוס היה נסמך על מרקוס אנטונינוס והיה מרקוס אנטונינוס עוזר לו מאד ולא היה מלך בעולם מתגרה בו | מפני 26v מרקוס אנטונינוס. וגם כאשר קשר מרקוס אנטונינוס על אדניו עזרו הורודוס בחיל 10 ובפרשים ובאניות והלך להלחם באכתבינוס אגוסטוס ויכהו אכתבינוס אגוסטוס וימיתהו ואת כל עמו לפי חרב. ויבא בספינות אל ארץ מצרים ויבא אל אי הנקרא רודוס. וישמע הורודוס כי מרקוס אנטונינוס נפל בחרב וכי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס בא אל מצרים וירפו ידיו ויבהל מפני חמת אכתבינוס אגוסטוס. אחרי כן התחזק ועשה מנחה גדולה לעבור אל פניו. ויבא גם הוא אחריה אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ובצאתו קרא ליוסף בעל 15 שלומית אחותו ויפקידהו על ביתו ויצוהו ויאמר לו: אם יהרגני אכתבינוס אגוסטוס תשקה את מרימי אשתי סם המות ותמת כי לא יאות למלכים שאלמנת המלך ישא אותה הדיוט וישכב אותה על מטת המלך.

וימיתהו ואת כל עמו Gen 22:1 et al. 10–11 [אחר הדברים האלה cf. Song 8:6 4 [אהבה עזה כמת 1 cf. 2Sam [וירפו ידיו ויבהל 1Sam 1:15 and Josh 10:28 et al. 13 [לפי חרב ויכהו אכתבינוס אגוסטוס 4:1

9 כאשר]-A 10 ויכהו אכתבינוס אגוסטוס] - A| אגוסטוס]-ל 11 חרב] חרבו ח 12 סוף כ״י ח. 14 אל] על טלצ 15 תשקה] תתשקה צ history of the kings of israel 245

who was descended from slaves.350 Mariamne would insult them to their faces because they were not born of Jew stock and because of their idol worship. But Herod loved Mariamne with a love fierce like death, and never caused her sorrow by asking: “Why did you so speak?”

[44. Herod and Octavian Augustus]351 5

Some time later, the Roman commander Mark Antony was incited by his wife Cleopatra to rebel against Octavian Augustus; Mark Antony was second-in-command to Octavian Augustus, the king of kings, who governed Egypt and who had sent him to fight the kings of the west. Mark Antony attacked him by sea, in the desert, and by land with foot soldiers 10 and cavalrymen. Since Egypt was close to the land of Israel, Herod had frequently relied on Mark Antony’s assistance, and Mark Antony had often 26v come to his assistance. No king would have dared to challenge him, | fearing Mark Antony. So, when Mark Antony conspired against his overlord, Herod assisted him with soldiers, cavalrymen, and ships, and went to fight 15 Octavian Augustus, who defeated him and put all who were with him to the sword. He sailed to Egypt by ship, and on his way he came to the island of Rhodes. When Herod heard that Mark Antony had fallen by the sword and that Octavian Augustus had landed in Egypt, he lost heart and was alarmed 20 because of Octavian Augustus’ anger. Then he took courage and prepared a valuable present in order to be accepted. Once [he had offered his gift], he set out to appear before Octavian Augustus but, prior to his departure, he called in Joseph, his sister Salome’s husband. He gave him authority over his household and instructed him: “If Octavian Augustus kills me, 25 poison my wife Mariamne and make sure she dies, because it is not befitting that he shall marry the king’s widow and lie with her in the king’s bed.”

3 love fierce like death] cf. Song 8:6 6 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 16–17 who defeated him and put all who were with him to the sword] cf. 1Sam 1:15 and Josh 10:28 et al. 20 he lost heart and was alarmed] cf. 2Sam 4:1

350 Mariamne and her mother Alexandra, both of Hasmonean descent, mocked Cypros, the wife of Antipater the Idumean and Herod’s mother, because of her Nabatean origins. 351 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 47, 48.1–48, 49.36–68; Josephus, Ant. 15.63, 185–197, 202–231, War, 1.388–393, 1.441–444. דברי מלכי ישראל 246

ויסע המלך הורודוס אכתבינוס אגוסטוס אל אי רודוס וימצאו סר וזעף על אשר עזר למרקוס אנטונינוס. ועל ראש הורודוס היה כתר מלכות וכראותו את אכתבינוס אגוסטוס הסירו מעל ראשו וישתחו לאפיו ארצה לפני רגלי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ויאמר: אודה עלי פשעי לאדני המלך מלך מלכים כי הייתי אוהב למרקוס אנטונינוס בעל בריתי שהיה קרוב 5 אלי ועוזר לי ואדני מלך מלכים אחרי אשר המליכני. ושמע את כל הקורות המוצאות אותי לעולם לא הושיעני ומרקוס אנטונינוס לא עשה כן. ואני מודה כי בצאתו להלחם באדני מלך מלכים עזרתי אותו בחיל ופרשים ואניות. ולא יצאתי עמו מפני המלחמות אשר סבבוני ואם יצאתי עמו הייתי עוזרו בכל כחי. ואם נפל הייתי סומך אותו ואם נגף הייתי מעמידו. ואני מודה על כל זה שלא אהיה לפני מלך מלכים כמפר ברית ועתה 10 הנה מרקוס אנטונינוס מת. אם אדני מלך מלכים ישיבני על כני אם הייתי נאמן בבריתי למרקוס אנטונינוס לאדני מלך מלכים על אחת כמה וכמה. ואם יהרגני בצדק ובאמונה יעשה כי בן מות אני. וכשמוע אכתבינוס אגוסטוס את דברי הורודוס אמר להורודוס: קום לך מלך ישראל שלום לך. אל תירא כי כמוך יאות להיות משנה וריע למלך. ואני ידעתי כי מרקוס 15 אנטונינוס אשתו הסתה אותו ולא שמע לעצתך כי אם היה שומע לעצתך לא היה קושר. ויאמר להשיב כתר המלכות על ראש הורודוס ויכרות לו ברית ויצאו שניהם לבא אל ארץ מצרים להנקם מקלפטרא. והיא המרשעת כאשר ראתה כי נכבשה העיר לבשה בגדי תפארתה וישבה על כסא מלכותה וקראה והביאו לה אפעה והכניסתו תחת דדיה וישך אותה ותמת. ויבא אכתבינוס אגוסטוס אל היכל המלכות ויראה אותה יושבת

[אודה עלי פשעי לאדני Gen 48:12 3–4 [וישתחו לאפיו ארצה 1Kgs 20:43, 21:4 3 [סר וזעף 1 [וישבה על כסא מלכותה cf. 1Sam 20:31 18 [כי בן מות אני bShav 13a 12 [כמפר ברית Ps 32:5 9 cf. Esth 5:1 et al.

1 המלך] למלך Mü 1 אי] +אל A 1 אכתבינוס] לאכתבינוס A 1 אל] על ל 1 אי]-טMü 1 וימצאו] וימצאהו טAMü 10 מרקוס]*מרקוס ט 17 מקלפטרא] מקלפטרה טMüA 18 והביאו] ויביאו ד history of the kings of israel 247

King Herod traveled to Octavian Augustus in Rhodes and found him dispirited and sullen, because of the assistance [Herod] had rendered to Mark Antony. Herod wore the royal crown, but when he saw Octavian Augustus, he removed it from his head, bowed low with his face on the ground at the feet of Augustus, and said: “I will confess my transgressions 5 to my lord the king, king of kings, because of my support for my ally Mark Antony.He was close to me and helped me, oh king of kings, who has made me king. He knew all that had happened to me; I could never have survived if not for Mark Antony. I also confess that when he went out to fight my lord, the king of kings, I helped him with soldiers, cavalrymen, and ships. 10 I did not join him in battle because of the [ongoing] wars around me, but had I gone out with him, I would have helped him with all my might. Had he fallen, I would have supported him; had he stumbled, I would have steadied him. I confess this lest it might appear to the king of kings that I broke my alliance. But now, Mark Antony is dead. If my lord, the king 15 of kings would only make me king! If I was faithful to my covenant with Mark Antony, how much more so would I keep a treaty with my lord, the king of kings. Now, if I am executed in justice and faith, so be it, since I am marked for death.” When Octavian Augustus heard the words of Herod, he said to him: 20 “Rise, King of Israel, peace be upon you. Do not fear, because it befits you to be [my] second-in-command and a friend of the king. I knew that in the case of Mark Antony, it was his wife who had incited him, and that he did not follow your advice. Had he listened to you, he would not have conspired against me.” He ordered the royal crown to be returned 25 to Herod, and he made a treaty with him; the two then went to Egypt to take revenge upon Cleopatra.352 The evil woman, when she saw that the city had been conquered, clothed herself in splendid robes, sat on her royal throne, and gave orders to bring in an adder, which she laid under her breast; it bit her and she died. When Octavian Augustus came 30 to the royal palace and saw her sitting there, he was eager to take his

2 dispirited and sullen] 1Kgs 20:43, 21:4 4–5 bowed low with his face on the ground] Gen 48:12 5 I will confess my transgressions] Ps 32:5 19 marked for death] cf. 1Sam 20:31 28–29 sat on her royal throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al.

352 For the meeting of Augustus and Herod in Rhodes see Josephus, Ant., 15.187–197, War, 1.388–393. דברי מלכי ישראל 248

וישמח להנקם ממנה. ויאמר להורידה מעל הכסא וימצאוה מתה וירע הדבר לאכתבינוס אגוסטוס מאד.

[ 45 .הורודוס ומרים]

ויוסף בעל שלומית אחות המלך הגיד למרימי כי המלך צוהו כי אם יהרגהו אכתבינוס 5 אגוסטוס ישקה סם המות | למרימי ותוסף מרימי שנא אותו. ובבואו בשלום ובכבוד מאת 27r אכתבינוס אגוסטוס שמחו כל אנשיו ועבדיו ואנשי ביתו שמחה גדולה ומרימי אשתו לא שמחה. והוא היה מספר לה את כל אשר גדלו אגוסטוס וכל אשר נשאו והיה רואה פנים רעים. וכאשר ראתה שלומית אחות הורודוס כי מרימי הכעיסה אותו אמרה לו כי יוסף בעלה שכב עם מרימי בהיות הרודוס עם אכתבינוס אגוסטוס. ולא האמין הורודוס דברי 10 שלומית כי ידע כי היא אויבתה. ואחרי כן שאל המלך את מרימי ויאמר לה: למה לא שמחת בשובי בשלום מאת אכתבינוס אגוסטוס וראיתי פנייך רעים אין זה כי אם רוע לב. ותאמר לו מרימי: אתה אמרת כי אהבתני מכל נשיך ופילגשיך. ואתה צוית את יוסף בעל שלומית אחותך שישקני

וראיתי פנייך רעים אין זה כי אם רוע 1Chr 29:9 12 [שמחו כל אנשיו ועבדיו ואנשי ביתו שמחה גדולה 6 cf. Neh 2:2 [לב

7–6 לא שמחה]-ל 7 רואה] בהט +טA 13 יוסף]-ל saye what she could MH+ [שלומית 10 history of the kings of israel 249

revenge upon her. But when he ordered her to be brought down from the throne, he discovered that she was dead, and Octavian Augustus was not pleased.353

[45. Herod and Mariamne]354

Joseph, the husband of Salome, the king’s sister, told Mariamne that the 5 27r king had instructed him to [kill her] with a poisoned drink | in case Octavian Augustus executed him, and Mariamne’s hatred increased. Upon his peaceful and honorable return from Octavian Augustus, all his people, his servants and the members of his household rejoiced greatly, but his wife Mariamne was not pleased. He told her how Augustus had elevated 10 him and all he had done, but he saw that her mood was bad. When Salome, Herod’s sister, saw that Mariamne annoyed him, she told him that her husband Joseph had slept with Mariamne while Herod had been with Octavian Augustus. Herod did not believe Salome’s words,355 because he knew that she was her enemy. 15 Later, the king asked Mariamne: “Why did you not rejoice when I returned from Octavian Augustus in peace? How is it that you look so bad? It must be bad thoughts.” Mariamne responded: “You said you loved me more than all your [other] wives and concubines, yet you ordered Joseph, the husband of your sister Salome, to poison me with drink.” When 20 Herod heard her words, he was seized with very violent trembling that

17–18 How is it that you look so bad? It must be bad thoughts] cf. Neh 2:2 21 he was seized with very violent trembling] Gen 27:33

353 For Cleopatra’s death in the classical tradition see Plutarch, Antonius 86; Strabo 17:1:10. Ilse Becher postulates that the idea of the snake bite originated in Africa and reached Europe by the seventh century. It is mentioned in two northern European chronicles, the twelfth-century Chronica apostolicorum et imperatorum Basileensia and the mid- thirteenth century AlbertiMilioliNotariiReginiCronicaImperatori. See Ilse Becher, DasBild der Kleopatra in der griechischen und lateinischen Literatur, vol. 51, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft (Berlin: Akademie, 1966), 151–157; Wilhelm Spiegelberg, “Weshalb wählte Kleopatra den Tod durch Schlangenbiß?,” in Ägyptologische Mitteilungen (München: n.p., 1925), 3–6. 354 According to Sefer Josippon (Flusser), pp. 437–438, this version is noted in two manuscripts. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 48.1–48, 49.36–68; Josephus, Ant., 15.202–231, War, 1.442–444. 355 Morwen adds “saye what she could.” Morwen, (1558), xlviii; similarly Howell (1652), 76. דברי מלכי ישראל 250

סם המות. וכשמוע הורודוס דבריה חרד חרדה גדולה מאד על אשר גלה יוסף את סודו. ויאמר בלבו כי יוסף שכב עמה כאשר אמרה שלומית ומפני כן גילה לה את הסוד. ויצא המלך מהיכלו סר וזעף. וכראות שלומית כי המלך כעס על מרימי הוסיפה להלשין ושכרה רכילים ובודי שקר 5 לאמר כי מרימי רוצה להשקותו סם המות. וחזקה הדבר בלבו מכמה פנים ואמרה לו: אם תחיה אותה היא תמהר להמיתך ולהסיר ממלכתך והתורה אמרה הבא להורגך השכם להורגו! וכזה וכזה דברה שלומית אל הורודוס עד אשר הסתה אותו ויאמר להוציא את מרימי אל רחוב העיר ולכרות את ראשה.

[ 46 .מות מרים]

10 ויוציאוה עבדיו אל רחוב העיר. וכל נשי ירושלם יוצאות אחריה ואלכסנדרה אמה יוצאת אחריה ומקללת אותה ואומרת: צאי גועלת אישה וקושרת על אדוניה! ואלכסנדרה בוכה ומראה שהיא בוכה מרוע מעשה בתה והיא בלבבה להתרצות למלך אולי יחיה אותה עד אשר תוכל להשקותו סם המות. ומרימי היתה יוצאת ושותקת ולא היתה מבטת ימין ושמאל ולא מפחדת מן המות כי היתה יודעת תום לבבה ונקיון כפיה וכי אלהים ישלם 15 לה שכר טוב לעולם הבא. ופשטה את צוארה בלי פחד ויכרתו את ראשה וישפכו את דמיה נקיה. ולא איחר יי׳ את נקמתו ויהי דבר גדול בבית הורודוס וימותו גדולי עבדיו ושרותיו ופילגשיו. ובכל ארץ יהודה היה דבר כבד מאד. וידע כל ישראל כי בדמי מרימי הצער הגדול הזה עליהם. ויצעקו אל יי׳ ויאמרו: האיש אחד יחטא ועל כל העדה תקצוף? ויעתר 20 יי׳ לארץ והסיר הדבר מעל העם. והמלך ניחם על אשר שפך דמיה בלי עון ותגבר אהבתה

bBer 58a et [להורגך השכם להורגו 1Kgs 21:4 6–7 [סר וזעף Gen 27:33 3 [חרד חרדה גדולה 1 האיש אחד יחטא ועל כל העדה Exod 9:3 19 [דבר כבד מאד Ezek 16:45 18 [גועלת אישה al. 11 cf. 2Sam 24:25 [ויעתר יי׳ לארץ והסיר הדבר מעל העם Num 16:22 19–20 [ תקצוף?

2 את]-ל 4 ובודי] ודברי ל 5 בלבו] בלבה W 7 את] אל ט 10 ויוציאוה עבדיו] ויציאוהו אותה ל 10 יוצאות] יצאו עמה ל 12 ומראה] והראה ל 15 לה]-ל 17 נקמתו] נקמתה לMü

The lawe geueth a man his counsell M | The lawe geueth a man his counsel H+ [להורגו 7 history of the kings of israel 251

Joseph had revealed his secret to her. He told himself that Joseph must indeed have slept with her as Salome had said, and had told her the secret. Dispirited and sullen, the king left the palace. When Salome saw that the king was angry at Mariamne, she added to her accusations and hired gossipers and rumor-mongers, who said that 5 Mariamne intended to poison him. His convictions were confirmed from other sources, and she said to him: “If you let her live, she will quickly kill you and rob you of the kingdom, as the Torah says: hasten to kill the one who wants to kill you!”356 Salome spoke to Herod in this vein until she had incited him, and he gave orders to bring Mariamne out to the main street 10 in order to cut off her head.

[46. Mariamne’s Death]357

His servants took her out to the street, and all the women of Jerusalem and her mother Alexandra walked behind her and cursed her: “Go away, you who rejected her husband and intrigued against her lord!” Alexandra 15 wept, and it seemed that she was crying about her daughter’s terrible misdeeds, but in truth she was making up to the king so that he might let her live until she could poison him. Mariamne was brought out and was silent. She looked straight ahead and did not fear death, because she knew that she was innocent, and that God would grant her a great reward 20 in the world to come. Fearlessly, she stretched out her neck and they cut off her head and spilled her pure blood. God did not tarry in His revenge, and a severe pestilence raged in the house of Herod and killed the great among his servants, ministers, and concubines. The entire land of Judea was greatly afflicted by a plague, and 25 all of Israel knew that this great trouble had come upon them because of the spilling of Mariamne’s blood. They cried out to God: “When one man sins, will you be wrathful with the whole community?!” The Lord responded to the plea for the land, and the plague against Israel was

3 Dispirited and sullen] 1Kgs 21:4 8–9 to kill the one who wants to kill you] bBer 58a et al. 23 a severe pestilence] Exod 9:3 27–28 When one man sins, will you be wrathful with the whole community] Num 16:22 28–4.1 The Lord responded to the plea for the land, and the plague against Israel was checked] cf. 2Sam 24:25

356 Morwen adds “The lawe geueth a man his counsell.” Morwen (1558), xlix; Howell (1652), 77. 357 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 48.49–54. Ant. 15.87, 231–251, 342. דברי מלכי ישראל 252

בלבו עד אשר חלה למות. ואלכסנדרה אם מרימי כראותה כי מאד חולה הוא נתייעצה להשקותו סם המות. ויוגד הדבר למלך ויצו המלך ויפגעו בה ותמת. וכן עשה הורודוס לכל בני חשמונאי ולכל הנקרא בשמם לא השאיר שריד ופליט. וגם את יוסף בעל שלומית הכה וימת.

5 ולמלך ב׳ בנים אלכסנדר וארסתבלוס אשר ילדה לו מרימי אשתו. וכהרוג המלך את אמם היו הם ברומי כי אביהם שלחם ללמדם ספר ולשון רומיים. ויבכו ויספדו את אמם וישנאו את אביהם ואביהם התרפא מחליו | והתחזק במלכותו. ויבן ערים בצורות ויגבר 27v עד מאד. ובשנת י״ג למלכותו היה רעב גדול בארץ. ויוצא המלך מבית גנזיו כסף וזהב לרוב מאד 10 ואבן יקרה וישלח אל ארץ מצרים ויבאו אליו בלחם מחנות מחנות. והמלך נתן מתנות לכל רעב ואיש מצוק וינהלם בלחם. ולא חסה עינו על ממונו ולא לישראל בלבד אלא לכל הנופלים עליו והסרים אל משמעתו מן הנכרים ועמי הארצות כן עשה ויצא למלחמה והצליח.

[ 47 .הורודוס בונה מחדש את בית המקדש]

15 ויהי עם לבבו לחדש את בית המקדש. ויתיעץ עם העם ישראל לבנותו על מדתו כאשר בנה שלמה מלך ישראל כי השבים מן הגולה בימי כורש התחילו לבנותו על המדה אשר

[ויבכו ויספדו cf. Dan 1:4 6 [ללמדם ספר ולשון רומיים Josh 8:22 6 [לא השאיר שריד ופליט 3 Gen 47:17 [וינהלם בלחם 1Sam 22:2 11 [ואיש מצוק 2Sam 1:12 11

1 בלבו-]ל 1 כראותה] -12A לכל] כל ל 12 עליו] עליה ד 15 עם] אם ד

Wolt sie jm volns mit gift hingeholffen haben Sch [נתייעצה להשקותו סם המות 2–1 history of the kings of israel 253

checked. The king regretted spilling Mariamne’s innocent blood, and his love for her increased until he fell mortally ill. When Alexandra, Mari- amne’s mother, saw that he was very ill, she was advised to poison him.358 The king was told about this, and he gave orders to beat her, and she died.359 So Herod did with all the Hasmoneans and all who bore their 5 name; none escaped or got away. He also beat Joseph, Salome’s husband, until he died.360 The king had two sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, whom his wife Mariamne had given birth to. When the king killed their mother, they were in Rome, where their father had sent them to study Roman letters 10 and Latin.361 They wept and mourned their mother, and hated their father 27v who, recovering from his illness, | strengthened his hold even more so over the kingdom. He laid siege to cities and became even more powerful. In the thirteenth year of his rule, a great famine broke out in the land. The king took a large amount of silver, gold, and precious stones from his 15 treasury and sent them to Egypt, and they sent back copious amounts of bread. The king fed all those in straits generously and provided them with bread. He disregarded the expense, and had compassion not only on Israel, but on all who were under his sovereignty; all who were under his charge, foreigners as well as ordinary people. This is what he did. He went 20 out to war and he was successful.

[47. Herod Rebuilds the Temple]362

[Herod] set his heart on renewing the Temple. He held counsel with the people of Israel to build it according to the dimensions of the Temple of Solomon, the king of Israel, since in the days of Cyrus,363 the returnees had 25

6 none escaped or got away] Josh 8:22 10–11 Roman letters and Latin] cf. Dan 1:4 11 They wept and mourned] cf. 2Sam 1:12 17 all those in straits] 1Sam 22:2 17–18 and provided them with bread] Gen 47:17

358 Translated as “wolt sie jm volns mit gift hingeholffen haben” in Schwyntzer (1530), 59. 359 Alexandra’s death in Josephus Ant., 15.247–251. 360 See Josephus, Ant., 15.87. 361 Howell (1652) translates as “to learn the Romane tongue.” 362 This following account is based on Exod 26:1–27:18. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 50; Josephus, Ant., 15.380–425, War, 1.401–402. See William Horbury, “Herod’s Temple and ‘Herod’s days’,” in Templum Amicitiae; Essays on the Second Temple Presented to Ernst Bammel, ed. William Horbury (Sheffield: JSOT, 1991). 363 See Ezra 1:1–3. דברי מלכי ישראל 254

צוה כורש ולא כאשר לפנים. וכשמוע כל ישראל כי עם לבבו להרוס את הבית מעקרו ולבנותו לא השיבוהו כי יראו אולי יהרוס ואחרי כן יתמהמה בבניינו. והוא ידע אשר בלבבם והשיב להם כי לא יתמהמה ולא ישקוט עד אשר יכלה הדבר. ויאמר להוציא מבית גנזיו זהב וכסף לרוב לתת לחוצבים אבנים יקרות ואבני בהט ושש. ולחרשי עץ 5 ואבן וזהב וכסף ונחשת וברזל לעשות את כל העשוי למלאכה ולהיות הכל עתיד ואם יהרוס את הבית יוכל לבנותו מהרה ויעש כן. ויסתור את הבית ויבנהו ויכלהו אורך מאה באמה ורחב מאה אמה וקומה מאה באמה כולו באבני שיש לבן: מאה ועשרים באמה קמת האבנים עשרים באמה מעורות בארץ ומאה למעלה. ורוחב האבן י״ב אמה וחבץ ח׳ אמות מדה אחת לכל האבנים. וצפה 10 דלתות הבית זהב טהור ממולא באבנים יקרות ואדניהם כסף וויהם כסף. ויעש גפן זהב מעשה חושב שריגיה זהב אדום ואשכלותיה זהב אדמדם ועליה זהב ירקרק ואשכולות של בדולח גדול מאד משקל הגפן אלף ליטרא זהב סגור לא נראה כמוה בעולם. ויעש את האולם ויעש לפני האולם קירות שנים של כסף מעשה חושב. ואחרי הבית לפאת ים חצר ארכו מאה וחמשים באמה ורחבו מאה באמה ויצפהו באבני שיש 15 טהור. ולפאת נגב ולפאת צפון אורך החצר מאה וחמשים באמה ורוחב מאה באמה.

Exod [ואדניהם כסף cf. Exod 26:2. 10 [מדה אחת לכל האבנים Exod 27:18 9 [מאה באמה 7 Exod 27:18 [מאה באמה bTam 29a 14 [גפן זהב cf. Exod 27:17 11 [וויהם כסף 10 36:30 Exod 26:11 [ולפאת צפון Exod 26:18 15 [ולפאת נגב 15

8 באבני] אבני טA 8 באמה] אמה טAMü 9 וחבץ] ועביו טAMü 12 ליטרא] ליטרין דטAMü 13 האולם ויעש לפני ]-ט 15 באמה] אמה טMüA marmoreos Mü | steyn auß der [ושש lapides thasos Mü | stones of Thasies H 4 [בהט 4 and finished [האבנים עשרים באמה מעורות בארץ ומאה למעלה באמה קמת Insel Thaso Sch 8–9 it in length a hundred cubits, all of white Marble so that the whole hight of the stone was in occidentem uersus Mü [לפאת ים W 14 2000 [אלף all, a hundred and twenty cubits H 12 | gegen Mittag und Mittnacht Sch | Im teil gegen Mittag / vnd anderen gegen Mitternacht W history of the kings of israel 255 begun building according to Cyrus’ instructions [only] and not as it had previously been. Hearing that he planned to tear down the Temple and to rebuild it, the people of Israel did not respond, because they feared that he might destroy it and then tarry with the reconstruction. He knew what they were thinking, and he reassured them that he would not tarry and 5 would not rest until the building was completed. He gave orders to take copious amounts of gold and silver from his treasury to give it to those who cut precious stones, alabaster and marble.364 [Further, he ordered] the craftsmen of wood, stone, gold, silver, copper, and iron to prepare the required items. Everything had to be ready for future use, so that, if 10 he were to tear down the Temple, he could rebuild it quickly, and so he did. He destroyed the Temple, and built it until it was done, 100 cubits365 long, 100 cubits wide, and 100 cubits high, all in white marble: the wall of stone 120 cubits, 20 cubits deep in the earth and 100 [cubits] high.366 The 15 width of the stone was 12 cubits; they were 8 cubits thick and all [stones] had the same size. He covered the gates of the Temple with pure gold and beset them with precious stones. Their sockets were of silver, and so were their hooks. A golden vine was made of special design, its branches of red gold, its 20 grapes of reddish gold, and its leaves of greenish gold, with large grapes of crystal.367 The weight of the vine was 1,000368 measures of pure gold; nothing like it had ever been seen before.369 He built a hall, and in front of it two walls made from specially designed silver. Behind the Temple,towards the west, he set a courtyard, 150 cubits long, 100 cubits wide, covered with 25

16–17 all [stones] had the same size] cf. Exod 26:2 18 Their sockets were of silver] Exod 36:30 18–19 and so were their hooks] cf. Exod 27:17

364 Translated as “Steyn auß der Insel Thaso” in Schwyntzer and “stones of Thasies” according to Howell (1652), 80. 365 Usually translated as cubit, an ʾammah is a measure in biblical and Talmudic literature where it seems to be the basic unit of the Palestinian system (e.g. 2Chr 3:3, Ezek 40:5; bMen 97a). There is much discussion as to the precise length of the ʾammah, since different sources yield varying results. Ibn Daud seems to adopt the traditions of his vorlage, Josippon. 366 Howell summarizes the entire building process as: “… and finished it in length a hundred cubits, all of white Marble so that the whole hight of the stone was in all, a hundred and twenty cubits.” Howell (1652), 80. 367 See bTam 29a. 368 “2000” in Wolff (1557), [123]. 369 See mMid 3:8. דברי מלכי ישראל 256

ויעמד בו מאה וחמשים עמודי שיש לבן בארבעה טורים ארבעים אמה אורך הטור האחד וקומת העמוד ארבעים אמה. ועביו ג׳ אמות מדה אחת לכל העמודים מדה אחת לחצר נגב תימנה ולפאת צפון ולעמודיהם ולפאת קדמה מזרחה שבע מאות ועשרים באמה עד נחל קדרון. בבניין לא נראה כמוהו בכל העולם וישם את הגפן לפני האולם. ויעש את 5 העליות על פני החצר. וכל אשר היה מהלך בעליות היה רואה את נחל קדרון באמת המים מרוב גובהו. ויעש המלך את הקיר של כסף כמו מסך בין האולם ובין הבית עביו חצי זרת ובו פתח של זהב שחוט ועל הפתח חרב מוזהבת משקל הזהב אשר בה י״ב ליטרין. ופתחו על הזהב אשר בה פתוחי חותם: והזר הקרב יומת. ודברי הבית הזה אשר עשה הורודוס נפלאות הם. ומלך בכל העולם | לא נשמע שיוכל לבנות כמוהו. ותשלם 28r 10 כל המלאכה. וישלח המלך אל השרון אל מקנהו ויביאו לו שלש מאות פרים וצאן הרבה מאד ביד המלך ויחנכו את הבית בשמחה גדולה. ויום אחד היה לו בכל שנה ביום אשר מלך בו עושה משתה גדול לכל שריו ועבדיו ולכל גדולי ישראל וחכמיהם. ובאותו היום נתכוון המלך להשלים את המלאכה ותגדל שמחתו מכל מקום ושמחת כל העם עמו וכן צוה 15 לעשות בכל מדינות מלכותו. וישלח ספרים ביד הרצים אל האחשדרפנים והפחות ושרי המדינות לעשות כן כולם ביום אחד ובכל שנה ושנה באותו היום. ומן העם הגולים בארצות אויביהם באו ראשיהם ושריהם מכל ארץ רחוקה או קרובה לראות את הבית ואת המלך כי לא האמינו עד אשר ראו ויראו והנה לא הוגד להם החצי.

והזר הקרב Exod 28:21; 39:6, 30 8 [פתוחי חותם cf. Exod 26:2. 8 [מדה אחת לכל העמודים 2 [בשמחה גדולה 2Chr 5:1; 1Kgs 7:51 12 [תשלם כל המלאכה Num 1:51; 3:10, 38; 8:7. 9–10 [יומת מכל ארץ רחוקה או Esth 8:9 17 [אל האחשדרפנים והפחות ושרי המדינות 1Chr 29:9 15–16 cf. 1Kgs 10:7 [והנה לא הוגד להם החצי 2Chr 6:36 18 [קרובה

1 ויעמד בו מאה]-ל 1 מאה וחמשים] חמישה ט 2 אמות] אמה ל 4 בבניין לא נראה] לא נראה בניין דטAMü 10–8 ודברי הבית הזה אשר עשה הורודוס נפלאות הם. ומלך בכל העולם לא נשמע שיוכל לבנות כמוהו ותשלם כל המלאכה]-ט 11 גדולה] +והבקעה דטMüA 13 גדול]-ל campestria propecoribus suis Mü | und andere orten W | Sarons & [וישלח המלך אל השרון 11 his pastures H history of the kings of israel 257

pure marble. Between the southern370 and the northern part, he placed a courtyard, 150 cubits long and 100 cubits wide. There, he erected 150 pillars of white marble in 4 rows. One row was 40 cubits long, and they were 40 cubits high. Each of the pillars was 3 cubits thick, all the same size, and the courtyard to the south was as long as the one to the north with its 5 pillars. Between the north and its pillars and the eastern courtyard, 720 cubits [led] down to the Kidron Valley.371 There was no building like it on earth. He put the vine before the hall. Then he built an ascent from the courtyards, so that whoever was ascending could see the aqueduct in the Kidron Valley from its height. The king put up a screen-like wall of silver 10 between the hall and the Temple, half a span thick, and in it he set an opening of spun gold, and over the gate a golden sword that weighed 12 measures. And they engraved the sword, saying any stranger who enters here shall die. Herod’s building of the Temple was splendid; no-one had 28r ever heard of a king in the entire world | who could build like him. And 15 the work was completed. The king sent to Sharon372 for cattle, and they brought him 300 bulls and sheep, and they dedicated the Temple joyfully. Every year, there was one day on which the king used to prepare a great banquet for all his ministers and servants, and all the leaders of Israel and their sages. On this day, 20 the king intended to complete the work, and everywhere, people rejoiced with him and he gave orders to so do in all the cities of his kingdom. He sent out letters by couriers to the satraps and the governors and the servants to [have a celebration], all in one day and every year on the same day. The heads and leaders of those in exile, living in enemy territory, 25 came from everywhere, near and far, to see the Temple and the king, because they [would] not believe it until they had seen it for themselves, and then, upon seeing it, they realized that they had not even been told half!

13 they engraved the sword] Exod 28:21; 39:6, 30 13–14 any stranger who enters here shall die] Num 1:51; 3:10, 38; 8:7 15–16 and the work was completed] 2Chr 5:1; 1Kgs 7:51 18 joyfully] 1Chr 29:9 23–24 to the satraps and the governors and the servants] Esth 8:9 26 near and far] 2Chr 6:36 28–29 that they had not even been told half] cf. 1Kgs 10:7

370 Translated as “gegen Mittag und Mittnacht” in Schwyntzer (1530); 61 similarly Wolff (1557), [125]. 371 Translated as “brook Cedron” in Howell (1652). 372 The following add “and to the valley:” Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513), Münster (1530); PHIL UP HB13, Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (1724); “& campestria” Münster (1529). Wolff adds “und andere orten,” Wolff (1557), [126]; “his pastures” Howell (1652). דברי מלכי ישראל 258

[ 48 .הורדוס ובניו אלכסנדר וארסטובולוס]

אחר הדברים האלה יצאו מרומי שני בני המלך אלכסנדר וארסתבלוס אשר ילדה לו מרימי. ויבאו ירשלם באף ובחמה וביד חזקה כי גבה לבם מאד כי אלכסנדר הגדול נשא את בת מלך כפתור וארסתבלוס נשא בת שלומית אחות המלך. ובבאם ירושלם לא באו 5 למלך אביהם ולא ראו פניו. וידע המלך כי הם חורשים רעה עליו וגם כל עבדיו יעצוהו להשמר מהם וישמר כפי יכולתו. והמלך היתה לו אשה מדלת הארץ קודם מלכותו וילדה לו בן ושמו אנטפטר ובהרוג המלך את מרימי האהובה השיב את אשתו השנואה אל היכלו. וכראותו כי שני בני מרימי שונאים אותו גדל את אנטפטר בנה ונשאו ונתן בידו את כל גנזיו ויפקידהו על 10 אשר לו ויאמר לו כי הוא ימלוך אחריו. ואנטפטר זה היה חכם להרע ובעל תחבולות. והיה אומר לאביו יום יום: אדני מה תתן לי ושני האריות האלה פוערים פיהם על ראשי? והיה מחרחר ריב ושנאה בינם ובין אביהם ויקש בעיני המלך להרע לשני בניו.

[ 49 .הורדוס ואלכסנדר נפגשים עם אוקטביאנוס אוגוסטוס]

15 ויסע וילך אל רומי אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס וילך עמו אלכסנדר בנו כי קוה כי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ישיבהו משנאת אביו ויטהר את לבו. ובבאו אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס שמח

Exod [וביד חזקה Deut 29:27 et al. 3 [באף ובחמה Gen 22:1 et al. 3 [אחר הדברים האלה 2 1Chr [שמח אכתבינוס אגוסטוס בבאו שמחה גדולה Isa 37:37 16–4.1 [ויסע וילך et al. 15 32:11 29:9

4 נשא] את +דל 4 באו] להשתחות +דטAMü 12 פוערים] את +ל 15 אגוסטוס]-Mü history of the kings of israel 259

[48. Herod and his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus]373

Some time later, Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod’s two sons borne to him by Mariamne, left Rome. They came to Jerusalem in anger and fury and with a mighty hand, haughty, because Alexander, the elder, had married the daughter of the king of Cappadocia, and Aristobulus had wed the 5 daughter of Salome, the king’s sister. When they arrived in Jerusalem, they did not go to see the king, their father. Thus the king knew that they were devising evil against him. His servants advised him to be on guard, and he was as careful as he could be. Now, before he had become king, Herod had had a wife of humble 10 origins who had borne him a son called Antipater.374 After the king had killed his beloved Mariamne, he took his previously detested wife back to the palace. When he saw that the two sons of Mariamne disliked him, he elevated her son Antipater, and he gave him control over the treasury, let him manage his property, and assured him that he would rule after 15 him. Antipater was wise in the ways of conspiracy and trickery. He told his father day after day: “My lord, how can you give me anything whilst these two lions open their mouths and stand ready to [rip off] my head?” Antipater caused arguments and bitter enmity between the [sons] and 20 their father, but the king hesitated to hurt his two sons.

[49. Herod and Alexander before Octavian Augustus]375

He left and went to Rome to Octavian Augustus, and his son Alexan- der went with him, for he hoped that Octavian Augustus might avert his father’s hatred and purify his heart. When they came to Octavian 25

2 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 3 in anger and fury] Deut 29:27 et al. 4 a mighty hand] Exod 32:11 et al. 23 left and went] Isa 37:37

373 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 51.1–17; Josephus, Ant., 16.78–86, War, 1.445–466, Jose- phus, War, 1.231–276, 1.489. 374 Antipater, the eldest son of Herod by his first wife Doris. After Mariamne’s execution, Herod called back Antipater who vigorously intrigued against his brothers until Alexander and Aristobulus were executed on Herod’s order (7bce). But when Antipater’s plot to assassinate Herod was discovered, Aristobulus was executed, five days before Herod’s death. See Alfredo M. Rabello, “Herod’s Domestic Court? The Judgment of Death for Herod’s Sons,” Jewish Law Annual 10 (1992). 375 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 51. 18–52; Josephus, Ant., 16.87–129. דברי מלכי ישראל 260

אכתבינוס אגוסטוס בבאו שמחה גדולה ויאמר לו: תאב הייתי לראותך אבל על מי נטשת את ארץ יהודה? ויאמר הורודוס: באתי להקביל פני אדני מלך מלכים ועוד להודיעו את קורותי עם בני זה עבדו. ויספר לו את כל הדבר מראש ועד סוף ויוכיח אכתבינוס אגוסטוס את הנער על שנאתו את אביו. ויאמר הנער: ואיך לא אשנא אותו או איך אשכח את 5 הבטן הטהור אשר נוצרתי בו אשר היה מזרע הקדש? אם אשכח את הורתי אשכח ימיני אשר נהרגה נקייה בלי פשע. וכזה וכזה דבר הנער לפני אכתבינוס עד אשר נכמרו רחמיו ויתן הנער את קולו בבכי וגם כל שרי אכתבינוס בכו בכי גדול. וישב אכתבינוס להוכיח את הורודוס על קשי עברתו ועזות אפו. וידבר על לב הנער דברים ניחומים ויצוהו להשתחות לאביו ולנשק ידיו ורגליו 10 ויעש כן כי דבר המלך אין להשיב. וישלח אכתבינוס אגוסטוס את ידו ויאחוז ביד הנער וישיביהו בחיק הורודוס. וישק לו אביו ויחבק לו ויבכו שניהם. ואחרי כן ניחמם אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ויתן להם משאת ביד המלך וילכו מאתו בשלום. וידע הורודוס כי שנאת בני מרימי לא תוכל ליתקן לעולם. ובשובו ירושלם אסף את כל זקני ישראל ואמר להם: אני רצוני לצות נגיד מבני על עם 15 יי׳ ולא יכולתי לעשות כי אם ברשיון אכתבינוס | אגוסטוס. ועתה הנה צויתי שלשת בני 28v וחלקתי מדינות המלכות ביניהם בשוה. ואתם עזרום על אויביהם ואל תעזרו אחד על אחד. ואם תראו שיש ביניהם שנאה הסירוה כפי יכולתכם. וישביעם בירושלם ויכרתו ברית וישובו איש לביתו.

Gen [נכמרו רחמיו cf. Ps 137:5 7 [אם אשכח את הורתי אשכח ימיני Eccl 3:11 5 [מראש ועד סוף 3 [דבר המלך אין להשיב Judg 21:2 10 [בכו בכי גדול Gen 45:2 8 [ויתן הנער את קולו בבכי 7 43:30 1Chr 18:16 [לביתו וישובו איש Esth 8:8 18

1 בבאו]-A 7 אכתבינוס] +אגוסטוס ל 11 כן]-ט history of the kings of israel 261

Augustus, he greatly rejoiced at their arrival, and said: “I was anxious to see you, but in whose hands have you left Judea?” And [Herod] responded: “I came before my lord, the king of kings to give account of the events surrounding my son, his servant.” He told him the whole story from first to last, and Octavian Augustus scolded the youth for his hatred of his father. 5 The young man said: “How could I not despise him or forget the pure womb in which I was created and that was of holy seed? If I forget my mother, my right hand shall wither away! She was murdered, [although she was] completely innocent.” In this vein, the young man spoke to Octavian until he was overcome 10 with compassion. He sobbed loudly and all of Octavian’s ministers wept copiously. Octavian Augustus reproached Herod for the severity of his transgression and his anger. He addressed the young man consolingly, and he ordered him to prostrate himself before his father and to kiss his hands and feet. Alexander did so, because one does not disobey the 15 king. Octavian Augustus stretched out his hand, grasped the youth’s hand, and pulled him onto Herod’s lap. His father kissed and hugged him and they both cried. Once Octavian Augustus had consoled them, he gave the king presents and they left in peace. But Herod knew that the hatred of Mariamne’s sons would never abate. 20 Upon his return to Jerusalem, [Herod] gathered all the leaders of Israel and said to them: “I wished to appoint one of my sons as leader of God’s 28v people, and I could not do this without permission from Octavian | Augus- tus. Now, I have instructed my three sons, and I shall divide the cities of the kingdom equally among them. You shall help them against their ene- 25 mies, but not against one another! If you see hatred arising between them, pacify them as best you can.” He swore them to an oath in Jerusalem, and they made an alliance and everybody returned to his home.

1 greatly rejoiced] 1Chr 29:9 4–5 from first to last] Eccl 3:11 7–8 If I forget my mother, my right hand shall wither away] cf. Ps 137:5 15–16 because one does not disaboey the king] Esth 8:8 28 and everybody returned to his home] 1Chr 18:16 דברי מלכי ישראל 262

[ 50 .מזימות אנטיפטרוס]

ולא שקטה השנאה בין אנטפטר ובין שני אחיו כי היה ירא מהם כי היו מזרע חשמונאי וחתנים למלכים גדולים. ויהי אנטפטר שומר מלשינים ואנשי שקר לאמר למלך כי הנערים בני מרימי אומרים להורגו. וכן חרחר ריב בין שלומית ובינם כי היתה גדולה ממנו ולא 5 היה עושה שום דבר אלא על פיה וכן בינם ובין פרודה אחי המלך. ואמר לשלומית כי בני מרימי יודעים כי בעצתך נהרגה אמם ואם יוכלו להרוג את המלך יחתכו את שלומית אבר אבר. וכשמוע הנערים את הדבר באו לפני המלך ונשבעו לו כי אין בלבם לשלוח יד באביהם. ובכו לפניו והתחננו לו ויאמן בהם המלך. ויצר לאנטפטר מאד וישכור עדי שקר ויעידו על אלכסנדר בן המלך כי ראוהו עומד 10 בלילה וחרבו שלופה בידו לפני היכל המלך להרוג את אנטפטר. ועוד שכר נערים מנערי המלך והעידו על אלכסנדר שנתן להם מתנות גדולות לשכב במשכב זכור ולא אבו ועוד שאל מהם שיטילו למלך סם המות ולא אבו. ויקצוף המלך מאד וחמתו בערה בו ויאמר לתפוש אותם ולתת אותם בית משמרת אסורים בכבלי ברזל ולהרוג עם רב מכל הנלוים לאלכסנדר והסרים אל משמעתו ויהי כן.

,Num 31:18 [במשכב זכור Num 22:23 11 [בידו וחרבו שלופה Judg 2:15 10 [ויצר לאנטפטר מאד 9 [בכבלי ברזל Esth 1:12 13 [ויקצוף המלך מאד וחמתו בערה בו Judg 21:11–12; bNid 13b 12 ;18:35 2Sam 23:23 [אל משמעתו Ps 149:8 14

3 שומר] שוכר טA 8 בהם] להם טMüA dederit eis magna munera ut alliceret eos ad masculinũ concubitũ, sed [במשכב זכור 11 illinoluerũt Mü | mänlichem beischlaf Sch | filthy buggery M | unnaturall venery H history of the kings of israel 263

[50. Antipater’s Intrigue]376

The hatred between Antipater and his two brothers did not cease, because he feared [the power stemming from] their Hasmonean descent, and because they were related to great kings by marriage.377 Antipater kept informers and liars to tell the king that the young men who were Mari- 5 amne’s sons had conspired to kill him. He caused strife between Salome and them—she was more powerful than he was and he only acted on her advice—and also between them and Pheroras, the king’s brother. He told Salome: “Mariamne’s sons know that their mother was killed at your bequest and, if they succeed in killing the king, they will hack Salome to 10 pieces, limb by limb.” When the young men heard this, they went before the king and swore that they had not planned to kill their father. They wept and asked for clemency, and the king believed them. Antipater was quite distressed and hired false witnesses, who swore that they had seen Alexander, the king’s son, stand before the king’s palace 15 at night, his drawn sword in his hand, in order to kill Antipater. He also hired some of the king’s young men, who testified that Alexander had given them valuable presents to have sex with him,378 which they did not wish to do, and that he had asked them to poison the king, which they did not wish to do either. The king was greatly incensed, and his fury 20 burnt within him. He ordered them arrested and brought to prison, and kept there in chains of iron. [He also ordered] the execution of many of Alexander’s party, all who were under his charge, and it was done.

14 was quite distressed] Judg 2:15 16 his drawn sword in his hand] Num 22:23 20–21 The king was greatly incensed, and his fury burnt within him] Esth 1:12 22 in chains of iron] Ps 149:8 23 all who were under his charge] 2Sam 23:23

376 Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 51.53–96; Linda-Marie Günther, “Herodes, sein Sohn Antipa- ter und die jerusalemitische Aristokratie,” in Herodes und Jerusalem, ed. Linda-Marie Gün- ther (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2009). 377 See DMY , p. 2594–6. 378 For the term see bNid 13b. Daniel Boyarin, “Are there any Jews in the History of Sexuality?,” Journal for the History of Sexuality 5, no. 3 (1995): 336. Translated as “dederit eis magna munera ut alliceret eos ad masculinũ concubitũ, sed illinoluerũt” in Münster (1529); “mänlichem beischlaf” in Schwyntzer (1530), 64; “filthy buggery” in Morwen (1558), lv and “unnaturall venery” in Howell (1652), 54. דברי מלכי ישראל 264

[ 51 .ארכילאוס מפייס בין הורדוס לאלכסנדר ופרורס]

וישלח אלכסנדר אל ארקלוס חותנו ספר לבא אל ירושלם אל הורודוס אביו וזה ארקלוס איש נבון דבר ובעל עצה. ובבאו ירושלם שמח עליו הורודוס שמחה גדולה וישאלהו למה בא אליו. ויאמר לו: שמעתי כי אלכסנדר בנך חתני בקש להרים יד בך ובתי אשתו 5 אי אפשר שלא ידעה הדבר ולא הודיעה אותך. ומפני כן שנאתיה שנאה גדולה שהיא קושרת. וידעתי כי אתה תכבדני ולא תהרוג אותה. ואני באתי אליך שאתה תהרוג את בנך ואני את בתי כי מותם טוב לנו ממותנו. וכשמוע הורודוס את דבריו שמח שמחה גדולה והאמין באהבתו מאד. וכאשר ידע ארקלוס כי הורודוס האמין בו שב ואמר לו: אבל בתחלה נדרוש ונחקור את הדבר היטב 10 כי עדי שקר ואנשי כזב יש הרבה בעולם ולא נשפוך דם נקי בספק. כי ידע ארקלוס כי הורודוס רחב אזן ומקבל לשון הרע היה מאד. ומפני כן באו אל אנשי ביתו כל הרעות האלה וייטבו דבריו בעיני הורודוס. ואחד מן המלשינים בבני המלך היה פרודה אחי המלך והוא היה ראש כולם. והמלך אהב את ארקלוס מלך כפתור אהבת נפשו. וכאשר הכיר מלך כפתור אהבת המלך שב 15 להוכיחו ואמר לו: אתה זקנת ובאת בימים והמלשינים האלה משלו בך והסיתוך לעשות את כל הרעות האלה בביתך ופרודה אחיך הוא הסיתך על בניך בשקר. וכשמוע פרודה את הדבר היה ירא מאד כי המלך הפכפך הוא ויבא פרודה אל ארקלוס לבקש על נפשו ויאמר לו ארקלוס: אם רצונך שיכפר המלך את עונך בא ונפול לפני רגליו והתודה כי שקר דברת על בניו ואני ערב שיסלח לך ולבניו ויעש פרודה כן ויתודה כי

1Chr [שמח שמחה גדולה 1Chr 29:9 8 [שמח עליו הורודוס שמחה גדולה Gen 31:33 3 [איש נבון 3 cf. Josh 13:1 [אתה זקנת ובאת בימים 1Sam 20:17 15 [אהבת נפשו 14 29:9

9 ארקלוס] הרקלוס ט 13 בבני המלך]-ט 16 את]-דטAMü 17 היה] הזה טMüA 18 המלך] -דטAMü 18 את] על ל history of the kings of israel 265

[51. Archelaus Reconciles Herod with Alexander and Pheroras]379

Alexander sent a letter to his father-in-law Archelaus,380 and asked him to come to Jerusalem, to [see] his father Herod. Archelaus was a discerning man, and could give good advice. When he arrived in Jerusalem, Herod rejoiced greatly, and asked him why he had come. He told him: “I heard 5 that your son Alexander, my son-in-law, rebelled against you. It is not possible that my daughter, his wife, did not know about this and did not notify you. Therefore, I hate her very much because she committed treason. I knew that you would not execute her out of respect for me and I, therefore, came to you so that you might execute your son and I my 10 daughter—better they die than we.” When Herod heard his words, he rejoiced very much, and believed in his affection for him. When Archelaus saw that Herod believed him, he went back and told him: “But first, let us ask around and make sure we are right, because there are many false witnesses and liars in this world, 15 and we should not spill innocent blood if we have any doubts.” Archelaus knew that Herod was susceptible to gossip and that was the cause of many of the evil things that had befallen his household, and Herod appreciated Archelaus’ words. One of the slanderers of the king’s sons was Pheroras, the king’s brother, 20 the leader of all [the informers]. The king loved Archelaus, king of Cap- padocia, like a soul mate. When the king of Cappadocia saw that the king loved him, he returned to chastise him, and he said: “You have gotten old; you have aged, and these slanderers have ruled over you and incited you to do all this evil to your family, and even your brother Pheroras has incited 25 you against your sons by lying.” When Pheroras heard this, he grew fearful because the king was fickle, and he came to Archelaus to beg for his life. Archelaus said to him: “If you desire forgiveness from the king, come and prostrate yourself before him and confess that you spread lies about his sons. I will vouch that he will 30

3–4 discerning man] Gen 31:33 5 rejoiced greatly] 1Chr 29:9 12 he rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9 22 like a soulmate] 1Sam 20:17 23–24 You have gotten old; you have aged] cf. Josh 13:1

379 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 51.97–160; Josephus, Ant., 16.130, 16.261–270, War, 1.498– 511. 380 Archelaus of Cappadocia, Alexander’s father-in-law (Josephus, Ant., 16:11), acted as a mediator in this and other instances (Josephus, Wars, 1:498–512). דברי מלכי ישראל 266

שקר דבר על בני המלך. וישאל ארקלוס מן המלך לסלוח לו ויעש המלך כן. וגם שאל ממנו לפתח את הנערים מכבליהם ולהוציאם מבית האסורים. ויאמר המלך להעשות כן ויבאו הנערים | ויעמדו לפני המלך ויפלו לפני רגליו ויחמול עליהם המלך וישק להם 29r ויחבק להם. וישמח על ארקילוס שמחה גדולה כי במזל טוב בא אליו ויתן לו משאת 5 שבעים ליטרי זהב ואבן יקרה הרבה ופלגשים וישלחהו.

[ 52 .מות אלכסנדר ואריסטובלוס]

וישב עוד אנטפטר לשכור מלשינים ולכתוב ספרים מזוייפים על שמות בני המלך אל אחד מן השלישים להודיעו כי הם רוצים לקשור ולהרוג את המלך. וחזק האבה בינם ובין אביהם מכמה פני[ם] עד אשר אמר המלך לאסרם בכבלי ברזל כבדים מאד.

10 ויגנוב אנטפטר את לב שרי המלך ועבדיו. וישכרו השרים את הספר אשר למלך ויעד עדות שקר כי אלכסנדר בן המלך שאל ממנו לשחוט את המלך בתער בגלחו את גרונו. וכשמוע המלך את דברי הספר צר לו מאד ואמר: קצתי בחיי מפני אלה הגולים את אזני. אין לי טוב כי אם אשר יאמר לי דבר על אדם בעולם יומת. ויצו על הספר ויומת בחרב ויוצא שני בניו ויתלו שניהם על עץ וישפך דמם נקיים. וישמח אנטפטר ויחשוב כי 15 הממלכה נכונה בידו ולא ידע כי גבוה מעל גבוה שומר.

[הממלכה נכונה בידו Gen 27:46 15 [קצתי בחיי 1Chr 29:9 12 [ארקילוס שמחה גדולה וישמח על 4 Eccl 5:7 [כי גבוה מעל גבוה שומר 1Kgs 2:46 15

4 על] אל ל 5 ליטרי] לטרים A 9 בכבלי] כלי AMü 10 הספר] הוספר צ 11 בתער]-דטAMü 12 את]-ל 14 נקיים] נקייה ד 15 נכונה]-טA vii. hu[n]dreth M | seven hundred H hundert vnd viertzig marck goldes W [שבעים 5 history of the kings of israel 267

forgive you and his sons.” Pheroras did so and he confessed that he had lied about the king’s sons. Archelaus asked the king to forgive him and the king did so. He also asked him to free the young men from their bonds and to release them from prison. The king so commanded, and the young 29r men came | and stood before the king; they prostrated themselves before 5 him and the king’s compassion was stirred, and he kissed and embraced them. He rejoiced very much that Archelaus had come to him at such an opportune moment, and he gave him a present of 70381 measures of gold and many precious stones and concubines and sent him off.

[52. The Death of Alexander and Aristobulus]382 10

Once more, Antipater set out to hire slanderers and to write forged letters in the name of the king’s sons to one of the officers to let him know that they wished to intrigue and murder the king. The aversion between them and their father increased for various reasons, until the king finally gave orders to imprison them and to chain them in heavy iron chains. 15 Antipater usurped the hearts of the king’s ministers and his servants, and the ministers hired one of the king’s barbers to give false testimony [and to say] that Alexander, the king’s son, had asked him to cut the king’s throat with the barber’s knife while he was shaving him. When the king heard the barber’s words, he was saddened and said: “I am disgusted with 20 my life because of all those things that have been revealed to me. My situation will not improve until each of the informers is dead.” He gave orders to put his barber to death by the sword. Then he brought out his two sons and hanged them, spilling their innocent blood. Antipater rejoiced and thought that now the kingdom would be secured in his hand, not 25 knowing that one high servant is protected by a higher one.

7 rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9 20–21 disgusted with my life] Gen 27:46 25 that now the kingdom would be secured in his hand] 1Kgs 2:46 26 that one high servant is protected by a higher one] Eccl 5:7

381 “vii. hūdreth” in Morwen (1558), lvii; similarly Howell (1652), 90. Wolff has “hundert vnd viertzig marck goldes.” Wolff (1557), [136]. 382 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 52.1–2. Rabello, Alfredo M. “Herod’s Domestic Court?”: 39–56. דברי מלכי ישראל 268

[ 53 .הורדוס ונכדיו]

ולאלכסנדר היו שני בנים תיגרון וארסתבלוס. ולארסתבולוס ג׳ בנים הורודוס ואגריפס ואלכסנדר. ובשוב המלך ירושלם כי בשומרון היה בתלותו את בניו על בריכת שמרון ויאמר להביא את בני בניו. ויחן אותם ויחבק להם וינשק להם ויבך בכי גדול הוא וכל 5 עבדיו וינחם מאד על הרעה הגדולה אשר עשה. ויעברו ימי בכיתם ויאמר המלך לקרוא לכל שרי ישראל ויאמר להם: אני הנה זקנתי ושבתי לא ידעתי יום מותי ואני רואה את הנערים האלה לפני יתומים ולא אוכל להביט אליהם מרוב עגמת נפשי בראותי אותם ובזכרי הרעה הגדולה אשר עשיתי לאבותם בחרון אפי ועברתי. ואני רוצה להפקיד עליהם פקיד שיהיה להם לאב ויעזרם כל ימיהם בכל כחו. ויענו כל העם ויאמרו: טוב הדבר אשר 10 דברת. ויאמר לאחיו פרודה: אתה תהיה פקיד עליהם. ותשיא בתך לתיגרון בן אלכסנדר. וגם את אנטפטר בנו צוה להשיא את בתו להורודוס בן ארסתבלוס ויעשו את האירוסין לפני המלך. וכראות אנטפטר את אהבת המלך לבני בניו צר לו מאד כי תיגרון בן אלכסנדר אבי אמו מלך גדול הוא והוא ארקילוס מלך כפתור. ויפול אנטפטר לפני רגלי המלך להפר 15 את האהבה שהיה אוהב את בני בניו ושלא לתת להם פתחון פה ולא יכול. וישב לכרות ברית עם פרודה אחי המלך ויבקש ממנו להפר את בינו ובין הורודוס ובינו ובין תיגרון בן אלכסנדר הנתלה. ויבא פרודה לפני המלך ויגנוב את לבו ויפר את החתונה. ויתחבר

Gen [הנה זקנתי לא ידעתי יום מותי Judg 21:2 6 [ויבך בכי גדול cf. Gen 29:13 4 [ויחבק להם 4 2Sam [צר לו מאד Deut 1:14 13 [טוב הדבר אשר דברת Jer 49:37 9–10 [בחרון אפי 8 27:2 Ezek 16:63 [פתחון פה 15 24:14

15 את]-ט 15 האהבה] אהבה ד 16 ויבקש] מבקש ד

Es hetten aber+ [וארסתבלוס Thigarun (text) Tigranes (m) MüSch | Thigarus W 2 [תיגרון 2 die Heyrath vnd vergangene [ויפר את החתונה die erwurgten Söne Herodis / kinder /W 17 Verlöbnus zu nichten machet W history of the kings of israel 269

[53. Herod and his Grandsons]383

Alexander had two sons, Tigranes and Aristobulus.384 Aristobulus had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Alexander.385 When the king returned to Jerusalem—he had been in Samaria when he hanged his sons by the Pool of Samaria—he gave orders to bring in his grandsons. He took pity 5 on them, embraced and kissed them, and wept copiously, together with his servants, regretting the great evil he had done. The days of mourning passed and the king gave orders to call all the ministers of Israel. He told them: “Look, I have become old, and I do not know how soon I may die, and I see these young men, orphans, before me, and I cannot [bear to] 10 look at them. My soul suffers when I see them and I remember the great evil I have caused them and their fathers in my fury, because of my anger. I wish to set a mentor over them who shall be like a father and who shall always help them to the best of his ability.” The people answered: “What you propose to do is good.” He told his brother Pheroras: “You shall be that 15 warden. Give your daughter in marriage to Tigranes ben Alexander.” He also ordered his son Antipater to give his daughter to Herod, the son of Aristobulus, in marriage, and the betrothal took place before the king. When Antipater saw the king’s affection for his grandsons, he was greatly distressed, because the mother of Tigranes ben Alexander was the 20 daughter of a great king, Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia.386 Antipater prostrated himself before the king in order to subvert the love he now felt towards his sons’ sons, imploring that he should not give them authority, but to no avail. He returned and made a treaty with Pheroras, the king’s brother and asked him to revoke his alliance with Herod and the covenant 25 with Tigranes ben Alexander, who had been hanged. Pheroras went to the king, won over his heart, and invalidated the contract.387 Pheroras, the

5 Pool of Samaria] 1Kgs 22:38 6 embraced and kissed them] cf. Gen 29:13 9 Look, I have become old, and I do not know how soon I may die] Gen 27:2 12 in my fury] cf. Nah 1:6 14–15 What you propose to do is good] Deut 1:14 19–20 was greatly distressed] 2Sam 24:14 23 them authority] Ezek 16:63

383 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 53.2–43; 16.356–17.21. 384 Tigranes V of Armenia and Gaius Julius Alexander. Wolff adds “Es hetten aber die erwurgten Söne Herodis / kinder.” Wolff (1557), [138]. 385 Aristobulus, Herod of Calchis, and Agrippa I in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 53.6. 386 Glaphyra was the daughter of Arachelaus, the last king of Cappadocia and wife of Alexander, the son of Herod (Josephus, Ant., 16:11). 387 Wolff clarifies “die Heyrath vnd vergangene Verlöbnus zu nichten machet.” Wolff (1557), [140]. דברי מלכי ישראל 270

פרודה אחי המלך ואנטפטר בנו היושב על כסאו לאכול ולשתות יומם ולילה ולחשוב מחשבות עד אשר שמע המלך את הדבר. ויירא מתחבולותיהם ויצו אשר לא יבא אחיו פרודה לפניו לעולם ויהי כן.

[ 54 .אנטיפטר ופרורס]

5 וגם אנטפטר בנו שלחו אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס להחזיק הממלכה בידו ולהיות עמו בשלום כי לא יכול הורודוס ללכת כי זקן הוא. ובלכתו אל רומי בא אל ארץ מצרים לראות את הארץ לפני מות פרודה דודו. ויהי הוא משוטט בשוקי מצרים ויבא סרסור אחד ובידו צלוחית סתומה וחתומה והסרסור מכריז עליה ואומר: מי ירצה לקנות מה שלא יראה בדמים יקרים? ויתמה אנטפטר על דבריו וישאלהו: מה הדבר הזה שהוא 10 בצלוחית וימכר בדמים יקרים? ולא יראהו הקונה וילחש לו באזנו הסרסור כי הוא סם המות שממית | פתאום ויקנה אנטפטר הצלוחית וישלחנה אל פרודה ויצוהו להצניע 29v אותה עד עת באו מרומי. ובין כך ובין כך מת פרודה והצניעה אשתו את הצלוחית. ובשוב אנטפטר מרומי היה ריב בינו ובין אשת פרודה כי אמרה לו: אתה סבות שלא יבא פרודה לראות פני המלך כל ימיו עד אשר מת מרוב עגמתו! ויחל אנטפטר להלשין 15 לחרחר ריב ולהסית את המלך עליה. וישכור סריס אחד וילך הסריס ויאמר למלך: אדוני המלך פרודה אחיך כאשר כעסת עליו ולא הרשיתו לראות פניך לקח סם המות ונתן לאשתו וציוה להשקותו אותך. ויכעס המלך על הסריס ויאמר לו: כבר דרשתי וחקרתי על סם המות זה שהם אומרים על כל אנשי ביתי שרוצים להשקות אותי. ולא מצאתי הדבר אמת וחנם הרגתי את מרימי אשתי ואת אלכסנדרא חותנתי ואת שני בני. וכשמוע

Gen 44:26 [לראות פני Lev 8:35 et al. 14 [יומם ולילה cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 1 [בנו היושב על כסאו 1 .Gen 44:26 et al [לראות פניך 1Kgs 1:2 16 [אדוני המלך et al. 15–16

2 מתחבולותיהם] מתחבולות טלA 2 אחיו] אחי ל 5 הממלכה] המלוכה ל 9 דבריו] עבדיו ל 10 באזנו הסרסור] הסרסור באזנו A 12 את]-ל 18 המות] מות דAMü

Kämmerling SchW [סריס Schale W 15 [צלוחית 8 history of the kings of israel 271

king’s brother and his son Antipater, who was sitting on the royal throne, got together day and night to eat and drink and to plot over this affair until the king heard about it. He feared their cunning and gave orders that his brother Pheroras should never again appear before him, and so it was. 5

[54. Antipater and Pheroras]388

He [Herod] sent his son Antipater to Octavian Augustus to strengthen his hold over the kingdom and to maintain peaceful relations. Herod could not go himself because he was old. On his way to Rome, Antipater visited the land of Egypt to see the place before the death of his uncle Pheroras. 10 He walked around in the markets of Egypt. An agent came with a corked and sealed flask389 in his hand, and he announced: “Who wants to buy something invisible for a high price?” Antipater was astonished and asked him: “What is this phial you are selling for so much money?” The agent did not show him, but whispered in his ear that it was a poison that 15 29v caused sudden | death. Antipater bought the flask, sent it to Pheroras, and ordered him to put it away for him until after his return from Rome. In the meantime, Pheroras passed away and his wife hid the flask. When Antipater returned from Rome, he argued with Pheroras’ widow, who told him: “You are the reason that Pheroras was banned from the 20 king’s presence until he finally died in his distress!” Antipater slandered her to kindle strife and to incite the king against her. He bribed a certain eunuch, who went and said to the king: “My lord the king, when you were angry at your brother Pheroras and did not permit him to see you, he purchased a strong poison, handed it to his wife and ordered her to give it 25 to you to drink.” But the king became annoyed at the eunuch, and said to him: “I already inquired about this poison that every member of my family allegedly wanted to give me to drink. I found no truth in this, and in vain I killed my wife Mariamne and Alexandra, my mother-in-law, and my two sons.” When Antipater heard that the king did not believe the eunuch, he 30

1 who was sitting on the royal throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 2 day and night] Lev 8:35 et al. 21 presence] Gen 44:26 et al. 22 kindle strife] Prov 26:21 23 My lord the king] 1Kgs 1:2 24 him to see you] Gen 44:26 et al.

388 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 53.44–118; 17.46–82. 389 “Schale” in Wolff (1557) [141]. דברי מלכי ישראל 272

אנטפטר כי לא האמין המלך מן הסריס שאל מן המלך שישלחהו אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס פעם שנייה כי ירא מפני כי הצלוחית היתה מוצנעת בבית אשת פרודה וכתב ידו שהוא שלחה והוא היה בלבו להשקותה לבני בני המלך המומתים אבל חופר גומץ בו יפול! ויתחנן אנטפטר אל המלך שישלחהו אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס וישלחהו.

5 אחר הדברים האלה בקש המלך לחקור את דברי הסריס אם אמת הם. וישלח ויקרא לכל אנשי בית פרודה וישאלם אם שמעו או ידעו ממנו לעולם שהיה בלבו להרים בו יד. וכולם נשבעו שלא שמעו דבר זה מעולם. ויאמר להכותם בשוטים מכות גדולות ולא הגידו לו דבר. ויש מהם שמתו תחת ידו ויש מהם שענה בכל מיני עינוים ויש מהם שציוה לעקור את כל שניהם.

10 ויאמר להכות שפחה אחת שהיתה נאמנת בחצר פרודה ולא יכלה עמוד מרוב המכות ותצעק ותאמר: הקדוש ברוך הוא ינקום נקמתינו מרוסתיוס אשת המלך אמו של אנטפטר שהיא עשתה כל זה. וכשמוע המלך את דבריה אמר: הניחו לה. ותגיד ותאמר למלך כי אם אנטפטר היתה עושה משתה בכל יום לפרודה אחיך ולאנטפטר בנך. והיו אוכלים ושותים ומתייעצים להשקותך סם המות בלכת אנטפטר אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס 15 כי אמרו: אם לא נכנו נפש הוא יהרוג אותנו כאשר עשה לכל בני ביתו. ועוד שהוא אוהב את בני בניו המומתים והם גדלים בכל יום ואפשר שיהפך לבו להמליך את אחד מהם. ואנטפטר בנך היה אומר לאחיך כי המלך מראה לי אהבה ואיני מאמינו. והוא נתן לי מאה ליטרין של זהב וכל זה איננו שוה לי. וכשמוע המלך את דבריה הכיר את כולם מפני מאת הליטרין כי בסתר נתנם לאנטפטר. ותאמר לו השפחה גם: הנה הצלוחית של 20 סם המות ששלח בנך ממצרים עומדת בבית פרודה.

cf. 2Kgs [הניחו לה Gen 22:1 et al. 12 [אחר הדברים האלה Eccl 10:8 5 [יפול חופר גומץ בו 3 cf. Ps 105:25 [שיהפך לבו Gen 37:21 16 [לא נכנו נפש 15 23:18

2 שנייה] שנית Mü 3 להשקותה] להשקותו ל 3 בו] בה לA 6 שמעו או ידעו] ידעו או אם שמעו דטA 6 לעולם] מעולם A 6 בלבו] בלבבו טA 19 מפני] בפני ד zwey hundert W [מאת zwey hundert W 19 [מאה 18 history of the kings of israel 273 asked the king to send him to Octavian Augustus for a second time, since he feared that the flask might be concealed in the house of Pheroras’ wife, together with written evidence that he had sent it to her, and that he had planned to secretly give it to the king’s murdered grandsons. He who digs a pit will fall into it! Antipater implored the king to send him to Octavian 5 Augustus, and he did so. Some time later, the king gave [orders to carry out] an inquiry into the eunuch’s testimony to find out whether he had spoken the truth. He sent for all members of Pheroras’ household, and asked them if they had ever heard that [Pheroras] had planned to revolt against him. All swore 10 that they had never heard such a thing. He gave orders to whip them severely, but they said nothing. Some of them died under his hands, some he tortured in many different ways, and he ordered to extract the teeth of some of them. He gave orders to beat a female servant who was well respected in 15 Pheroras’ courtyard. She could not stand the beatings, and cried out: “The Holy One Blessed be He, shall take revenge, because Rustius [Doris] the king’s wife and mother of Antipater did all this.” When the king heard this, he commanded: “Leave her alone!” She told the king: “Every day, Antipater’s mother prepared a banquet for your brother Pheroras and your 20 son Antipater. They would eat and drink and plot how to give you a lethal poison to drink once Antipater had gone to visit Octavian Augustus. They said: ‘If we do not take his life, he will take our lives as he killed all the members of his family, the more so that he loves the sons of his murdered sons who get older every day. He might have a change of heart and make 25 one of them king.’ Your son Antipater said to your brother: ‘The king shows me his love, but I do not believe him. He gave me 100390 measures of gold, and all this is worth nothing to me.’” When the king heard her words, he knew everything [she had said was true] because of these 100391 measures, which he had given Antipater in secret. The servant also told him: “See, 30 the flask of lethal poison that your son had sent from Egypt is in the house of Pheroras.”

4–5 but he who digs a pit will fall into it] Eccl 10:8 7 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 19 Leave her alone] cf. 2Kgs 23:18 23 If we do not take his life] Gen 37:21 25 He might have a change of heart] cf. Ps 105:25

390 Wolff 1530 [145] has “zwey hundert.” 391 Wolff 1530 [145] has “zwey hundert.” דברי מלכי ישראל 274

וישלח המלך אל אשת פרודה לאמר: מהרי קחי בידך הצלוחית של סם המות ובאי אלי. וכראותה סריסי המלך אשר באו להבהילה עלתה לראש הגג והפילה את עצמה למות ולא תראה פני המלך ועינויו. ואף על פי כן לא מתה ושלוחי המלך נשאוה במטה והעמידוה לפני המלך. ותגד לו כי אנטפטר בנו נתייעץ עם אחיו להרוג את אביו בסם 5 המות וכי הוא קנה אותו במצרים ושלחו אל פרודה והלך אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס. וכי ביום מות פרודה ניחם וצוה אותה שלא להרוג את המלך | ושלא לתת הסם המות 30r לאנטפטר ולשפכו על הארץ. ואמרה לו: ואני עשיתי כמצותו והשלכתי הסם המות ארצה והותרתי ממנו מעט בצלוחית כי יראתי מפני יום אשר כזה. ויאמר המלך תובא הצלוחית לפניו ובה שארית הסם ויכרהו ויאמנו דבריה ויכפר לה המלך ויצו את הרופאים לרפאתה 10 ותחיה.

[ 55 .משפט אנטיפטרוס]

אחר הדברים האלה המלך שלח ספר אל אנטפטר לאמר: מהרה באה כי זקנתי וחליתי ולא אדע יום מותי. ועוד היו למלך שני בנים ברומי ארקילוס ופולימוס. וישלח אנטפטר ספר אל אביו לאמר כי שני בניך דברו עליך רעות לאכתבינוס אגוסטוס. וישב לו תשובה 15 מהרה: בואה והביאם ואעשה להם כאשר תשפוט אתה. ויתמהמה אנטפטר שבעה חדשים עד אשר ישמע דבר ממעשה אביו ולא שמע ושלוחי אביו אצים ונוגשים להבהילו.

cf. Exod 5:13 [אצים ונוגשים Gen 22:1 et al. 16 [אחר הדברים האלה 12

4 את]-ל 6 אותה] אותו ל 7 על הארץ] הארץ על ל 7 ואני] אני טA 8–7 והשלכתי הסם המות ארצה והותרתי ממנו]-Mü 9–8 בצלוחית כי יראתי מפני יום אשר כזה. ויאמר המלך תובא הצלוחית לפניו]-ל 12 המלך שלח] שלח המלך A 12 באה] בא דל 13 היו למלך שני בנים ברומי ארקילוס ופולימוס וישלח ]-ל

(Polimum; Philippus Sch (m [ופולימוס horse litter M | horse-litter HW 13 [במטה 3 six H [שבעה 15 history of the kings of israel 275

The king sent for Pheroras’ wife: “Hurry, come to me and bring the flask of poison with you.” When she saw the king’s eunuchs coming to get her, she went up to the top of the roof and leapt to her death so that she would not have to face the king and his tortures. In spite of this, she did not die, and the king’s messengers laid her out on a stretcher392 and presented her 5 to the king. She told him that his son Antipater had taken counsel with his brother to kill his father with the lethal poison. She told him that Antipater had bought it in Egypt, sent it to Pheroras, and then gone to Octavian Augustus, and how, on the day of his death, Pheroras had comforted and 30r instructed her not to kill the king. | She was not to return the lethal poison 10 to Antipater, but to pour it on the ground. She told him: “I did as I was told and poured the deadly poison to the ground, and left only a little bit in the flask because I feared that a day like this [might come].” The king had the flask brought to him and it still contained some of the poison. He was convinced and believed her; he forgave her and even ordered his 15 physicians to heal her, and she lived.

[55. The Trial of Antipater]393

Some time later, the king sent a letter to Antipater, saying: “Hurry, return, because I am old and sick and do not know when I will die.” The king had two more sons in Rome, Archelaus and Polimus [Philip].394 Antipater 20 sent a letter to his father, saying: “Your two sons have slandered you before Octavian Augustus.” He replied quickly: “Come, bring them, and I will deal with them as you see fit.” Antipater tarried for seven395 months to hear more about what his father planned to do, but he heard nothing, and his father’s messengers, [his] taskmasters, pressed him to leave. After seven 25 months he left for Judea, and when he arrived in the city of Caesarea,396 he

18 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 25 taskmasters pressed] cf. Exod 5:13

392 Morwen has “horse litter.” Morwen (1558), lxi; similarly Howell (1652), 59 and Wolff (1557), [145]. 393 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 53.118–54.196; Josephus, Ant., 17.83–141. 394 Arachelaus, son of Herod by his Samaritan wife Malthace, ruled as ethnarch of Judah (4bce–6ce). See Josephus, Ant., 17:200–355, War, 1:668ff.; 2:1–100, 114–116; Matt 2:22. 395 “six” in Howell (1652). 396 Caesarea is a port city on the Mediterranean between modern-day Tel Aviv and Haifa. Captured by Alexander Yannai in 96bce, the city regained autonomy under Pompey. Caesarea was greatly enlarged under Herod, and became the seat of the Roman procurators of Judea, and Vespasian’s headquarters during the Jewish war against the Romans. דברי מלכי ישראל 276

ואחר שבעה חדשים יצא אל [ארץ] יהודה וכאשר הגיע אל מדינת קיסרי שמע כי אביו גרש את אמו מהיכלו וכי היא שנואה. ולא ידע על מה אבל חרד ופחד ורצה לשוב מן הדרך. אבל עבדיו ההולכים עמו היו תאבים אל ביתם ואל בניהם והם השיאוהו ואמרו: אם תשוב מן הדרך תצדיק דברי אויביך. ואם תבא לפני אביך והוא אוהב אותך אהבה 5 נפלאה אתה תגבר על אויביך ותרום ידך על צריך. וישמע להם ויבא ירושלם. ובבאו לא יצא לקראתו אדם בעולם ולא דבר לו שלום שכל העם היו שונאים אותו על שקריו ומלשינותו ומועצותיו הרעות ועוד מפני יראת המלך. ויבא אל היכל המלך והוא לבו מלא פחד. ויפול לפני המלך ויסתר המלך פניו כי לא יכול להביט אליו וילך לביתו אבל וחפוי ראש. ותגד לו אמו כי נגלה הסוד של הצלוחית של סם המות וכי לב המלך 10 מלא חמה עליו ויוסף פחד ואימה. ולמחר צוה המלך ויביאוהו ויקהל את כל שרי ישראל וידבר עם אנטפטר משפטים לפניהם. ויספר להם את שקריו ופחזותיו ואת אשר הסיתו להרוג את בניו אשר היו מזרע המלוכה וצדיקים וטובים ממנו. וישא המלך את קולו בבכי על מרימי אשתו אשר הרגה מבלי עון ועל שני בניה עד אשר נשמע עד למרחוק.

15 ואחרי כן נשא אנטפטר את ראשו והתחיל לדבר שפת חלקות ולשון מרמה. ולא הניח דברי פיוסים שלא פייס את אביו ולא דברי תחנונים שלא דבר עד אשר נכמרו רחמי כל השרים ובכו לקושי יומו חוץ מנירלאוס סופר המלך שהיה אוהב את בני המלך המומתים ועוד גער בכל הבוכים לאיד אנטפטר וצעק בכל כחו: שאו ראשיכם אלכסנדר וארתסבלוס המומתים נקיים ותראו איש הדמים ואיש הבליעל והוא טובע בשחת עשה 20 ורגלו נלכדת ברשת טמן ובוראכם נוקם נקמתכם. ודורש את דמכם מידו ביום אידו כי

Ps 12:3 [שפת חלקות Judg 21:2 15 [וישא המלך את קולו בבכי Esth 6:12 13 [אבל וחפוי ראש 9 והוא טובע בשחת 2Sam 16:7 19–20 [ותראו איש הדמים ואיש הבליעל Ps 52:6 19 [ולשון מרמה 15 כי ליום אד יחשך cf. Obad 1:13 20–4.1 [ביום אידו cf. Ps 9:16 20 [עשה ורגלו נלכדת ברשת טמן cf. Job 21:30 [רע

1 ארץ]-צ | >ארץ< ל הוסף בשוליים 1 כאשר הגיע] וכשהגיעו דטAW 3 היו]-ל 6 לקראתו אדם בעולם] אדם בעולם לקראתו ל 7 הוא]-ל 12 ופחזותיו] פחזותיו את ל 14 מבלי] בלי ל 14 עד]-ל 16 תחנונים] חנונים טA 17 מנירלאוס] מנירליאוס טAWMü | מנורולאוס ל 18 גער]-ל but that he could not do,) H)+ [תחנונים uberredten Sch | betrogen W 16 [והם השיאוהו 3 Niraleum Mü | Niralus Sch | Niraleus H [מנירלאוס 17 history of the kings of israel 277 learned that his father had expelled his mother from the palace because she had fallen out of favor. He did not know the reason, but he trembled and was fearful and wanted to return the way he had come. But his servants were eager to be with their families and their children, and they distracted397 him, saying: “If you turn back now, you will justify the words 5 of your enemies. But, if you appear before your father and he loves you, you shall rise above your enemies and overcome your foes.” He listened to them and went to Jerusalem. At his arrival, no-one came to greet him; no-one spoke to him, for the entire people hated him on account of his lies, slander, and malice, and 10 because they feared the king. He came to the king’s palace, his heart full of fear. He prostrated himself before the king, who hid his face because he could not look at him, and so he went home, his head covered in mourning. His mother told him that the secret of the flask with the deadly poison had been discovered, and the king’s heart was filled with anger 15 against him and his fear increased. On the following day, the king gave orders to bring him in, and he convened all the ministers of Israel to put him on trial. He told them about [Antipater’s] lies and slandering, and how the author had intrigued to kill [Herod’s] sons of royal descent, who were more just and noble than he 20 was. The king wept and wailed for his wife Mariamne, whom he had killed without reason, and for her two sons, until his voice could be heard from afar. Then, Antipater raised his head and began to speak smoothly and treacherously. He tried to appease his father and to reconcile with him 25 in every possible manner,398 and he begged in every way he could think of, until the ministers felt sorry for him and cried out because of the harshness of his life, except for Nicolaus, the king’s secretary, who had loved the dead sons of the king. He rebuked them that they felt sorry for Antipater and shouted with all his might: “Raise your heads, Alexander 30 and Aristobulus, killed though you were innocent. Look at this criminal, this villain who sinks in the pit that he has made, his foot caught in the net you have hidden, and your Creator will avenge you. He will demand

13–14 his head covered in mourning] Esth 6:12 21 The king wept and wailed] Judg 21:2 24 smoothly] Ps 12:3 24–25 and treacherously] Ps 52:6 31–32 Look at this criminal, this villain] 2Sam 16:7 32–33 sinks in the pit that he has made, his foot caught in the net you have hidden] cf. Ps 9:16

397 Schwyntzer (1529), 70 has “uberredten.” Wolff (1557), [147] translates as “betrogen.” 398 Howell explains “(but that he could not do),” Howell (1652), 100. דברי מלכי ישראל 278

ליום אד יחשך רע. ויזעף המלך וישלח לקרוא מבית האסורים לאיש אשר הוא בן מות. ויבא וישקוהו מעט מן הסם אשר בצנצנת וימת פתאום. ויצו המלך ויאסרו את אנטפטר בכבל גדול מאד.

[56. מות הורדוס]

5 ויחלה המלך הורודוס בשנת הארבעים למלכותו והוא בן שבעים שנה ולא נמצאה לו ארוכה ולא רפואה תעלה. וכל עבדיו הרופאים לא היה להם ידים להרגיעו כי רוב חוליו היה מקוצר רוחו מכל הרעות הבאות עליו מבני ביתו והוא אומר וצועק: אוי לו שלא יניח אדם למלכותו ולא מי שילך לפני מטתו! והיה | זוכר את מרימי אשתו בשמה ואת שני 30v בניה בשמותם וצועק ובוכה והדברים האלה היה מדבר בכל עת ובוכה.

10 ויהי היום ויגבר חליו ויאמר לעבדיו: הביאו לי תפוח מתוק אולי יסעד לבבי. ויביאו לו תפוח ויבקש מהם סכין לכרות את התפוח. ויביאו לו ויקם ויתחזק וישען על יד שמאלו והסכין בימינו וירם את ידו לתקוע אותה בבטנו כי ראה כי חייו חיי צער היו וחיי אבל וימהרו עבדיו ויתפשוהו בידיו ולא הניחוהו. ויבך בכי גדול וגם כל עבדיו בכו בכי גדול. והקול נשמע מן ההיכל ותיהום כל העיר ויאמרו: מת המלך.

cf. Judg 21:2 [בכו בכי גדול cf. Judg 21:2 13 [ויבך בכי גדול cf. Prov 14:29 13 [מקוצר רוחו 7

1 האסורים] אסורים ל 3 מאד]-ט 6 רפואה] רפואת A 9 והדברים האלה היה מדבר בכל עת ובוכה] בכל עת תמיד דטMü 11 תפוח]-דMüA 13 גדול] גדולה ל 13 בכי גדול] בכיה גדולה ל der Athem Wardt jm vast kurtz / vnd keych stetiglich W | so grievously came [מקוצר רוחו 7 and mourne+ [שילך לפני מטתו his disease upon him, with shortnesse of his breath H 8 for him at his death M | +and mourn for him at his death H history of the kings of israel 279

your blood on the day of disaster, for the evil man is spared on the day of calamity.” The king was furious and sent for a prisoner waiting to be executed, and when he came, they gave him some of the deadly poison in the flask and he died instantly. The king gave orders to imprison Antipater in very heavy chains. 5

[56. Herod’s Death]399

In the fortieth year of his reign, when he was seventy years old, King Herod became ill.400 There was no relief, and no cure was found. None of his servants and physicians could calm him down, since most of his distress was caused by his impatience,401 because of all the evils that had 10 befallen him at the hands of members of his family. He shouted: “Woe is he who leaves behind no-one to succeed him and no-one to walk before 30v his funeral bier!”402 He | remembered his wife Mariamne and his two sons by name, and all day long he cried and wept. Thus he spoke continuously, and he wept. 15 The day came when the disease was too much for him to bear. He told his slaves: “Bring me a sweet apple, maybe it will refresh me.” They brought him an apple and he requested a knife to slice it. When they brought him [the knife], he rose, steadied himself with his left hand, and raised his right hand to push the knife into his belly because he saw that his life was one of 20 distress and mourning. His slaves hurried to restrain his arms and they did not let him to do it. He wept copiously, and all his courtiers cried copiously, and the voices were heard outside the palace. The city was in an uproar and cried: “The king is dead!”

1 on the day of disaster] cf. Obad 13 1–2 for the evil man is spared on the day of calamity] cf. Job 21:30 10 his impatience] cf. Prov 14:29 22 He wept copiously] Judg 21:2

399 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 55.1–26; Josephus, Ant., 17.146–184, War, 1.647, 663. 400 For Herod’s disease (as well as Antiochus IV’s) and death in Jewish and non-Jewish texts see Thomas Africa, “Worms and the Death of Kings: A Cautionary Note on Disease and History,” Classical Antiquity 1 (1982): 1–17. 401 Howell has “so grievously came his disease upon him, with shortnesse of his breath,” Howell (1652), 101. 402 Morwen, (1558), lxiiii adds “and mourne for him at his death.” Similarly Howell (1652), 101. דברי מלכי ישראל 280

וישמע הקול בבית האסורים וישאל אנטפטר ויאמר: מדוע קול הקריה הומה? ויאמרו לו כי מת המלך. וישמח שמחה גדולה ויאמר לשר בית הסהר: פתח את הכבל אשר עלי ואצא אל היכלי ואעשה לך טובה. ויאמר לו שר בית הסהר: ירא אני כי אפשר כי המלך עודנו חי. אלכה ואדעה דבר אמת ואשוב אליך. ויבך אנטפטר בכי גדול מפני הכעס 5 אשר הכעיסו שר בית הסהר. ושר בית הסהר היה מתהלך לפני בית המלך. ויגידו למלך ויביאוהו ויעמד לפניו וישאלהו ויאמר לו המלך: מה עשה אנטפטר כאשר שמע את הבכי וכי מתי? ויאמר: שמח שמחה גדולה עד מאד וכאשר לא פתחתיו מן הכבל בכה בכיה גדולה. ויצעק המלך ויאמר לשריו: ראו שנאתו אותי והוא בבית הסהר! ואם היה לפני הוא היה 10 עוזרני להמית את עצמי לא כעבדים אשר מיהרו לקחת הסכין מידי. חי יי׳ אלהי ישראל כי התוחלת הזאת אשר הוא מקוה לה לא יראנה לעולם! ויצו המלך להמיתו ולא היה אדם בעולם ששאל ממנו שלא לעשות כן כי כולם שמחו במפלתו. ויצו המלך אל שר בית הסהר ויוציאוהו אל רחוב העיר ויכרתו את ראשו וילך בלא חמדה. ועוד צוה המלך לשאת את נבלתו אל מדינת אנקליה לקוברה שם ולא יקבר בעיר ויעשו כן.

15 ובשוב העם מקוברו שלח המלך ויקרא לכל שרי ישראל. ויתחזק וישב על המטה ויאמר לקרוא לבנו ארקילוס ויסמוך את ידיו עליו וימליכהו על ישראל. ויצעקו כולם: יחי המלך יחי המלך!

[ויבך אנטפטר בכי גדול 1Chr 29:9 4 [וישמח שמחה גדולה 1Kgs 1:42 2 [מדוע קול הקריה הומה 1 וילך 1Sam 25:34 et al. 13 [חי יי׳ אלהי ישראל Gen 29:9 10 [שמח שמחה גדולה cf. Judg 21:2 7 Gen 48:2 [ויתחזק וישב על המטה Exod 7:10 et al. 15 [ויעשו כן 2Chr 21:20 14 [בלא חמדה 2Sam 16:16 [יחי המלך יחי המלך Num 27:23 16–17 [ויסמוך את ידיו עליו 16

1 ויאמרו] ואמרו Mü 2 הכבל] הכבד? ל 4 ואדעה] +אם A 10 את עצמי] אותי ל 14 אנקליה] אנקלילא V | אנקליא טMü and so he lepte besides his purpose M | so he missed of his purpose H+ [בלא חמדה 13 יחי Ankaliæ Mü | Ankalia; Hircanium Sch (m) | Nircanion W | Ankalia H 16–17 [אנקליה 14 Viuat rex uiuat rex Mü | Glück zu dem König—Glück zu W | God save the [המלך יחי המלך King H history of the kings of israel 281

The noise reached the prison and Antipater asked: “Why is the city in such an uproar?” When they told him that the king had died, he rejoiced very much, and said to the prison warden: “Release me from my chains and I shall go to my palace and reward you.” The prison warden said: “I am fearful, because it is possible that the king is still alive. I shall go and 5 find out the truth, and then I will get back to you.” Antipater wept from anger and was furious at the warden. The warden approached the king’s palace, and when the king was notified of his arrival, he was brought to him, and he stood before him and said to him: “What did Antipater do when he heard the crying and [thought that] I had died?” He answered: 10 “He rejoiced very much and when I refused to release him from his chains, he wept copiously.” The king became angry and told his ministers: “Look at his hatred, and he is in prison yet! If he had been here with me, he would have helped me kill myself, unlike my slaves who hurried to take the knife from me. As the 15 Lord, the God of Israel, lives, he will never realize his hope!” The king gave orders to put him to death, and there was no-one who intervened on his behalf, because all rejoiced in his downfall. The king instructed the prison warden to bring him out to the main street of the city, where they cut off his head and he departed unpraised.403 The king ordered that his corpse 20 be brought to the city of Onkelia for burial, for he was not to be buried in the city, and so they did. When the people returned from the burial, the king sent for the ministers of Israel. He steadied himself and sat up in bed. He called for his son Archelaus. He laid his hands upon him and made him king over Israel, and 25 all cried: “Long live the King, long live the King!”404

1–2 Why is the city in such an uproar] 1Kgs 1:42 2–3 he rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9 6 wept] Judg 21:2 11 he rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9 15–16 As the Lord, the God of Israel, lives] 1Sam 25:34 et al. 20 he departed unpraised] 2Chr 21:20 22 and so they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 24 He steadied himself and sat up in bed] Gen 48:2 26 Long live the King, long live the King] 2Sam 16:16

403 Translated as “and so he lepte besides his purpose” in Morwen (1558), lxv; similarly Howell (1652), 103. 404 “Glück zu dem König—Glück zu” in Wolff, (1557), [152]. “God save the King” in Howell (1652), 103. דברי מלכי ישראל 282

[57. קבורתו של הורדוס]

ויחי המלך אחרי הרגו את אנטפטר בנו ח׳ ימים ויגוע וימת. והימים אשר מלך על ישראל ארבעים שנה והוא היה גבור חיל ואיש שכל ונבון דבר ואיש תאר ויי׳ עמו. והוא אהב את החכמים הלל ושמאי וסיעתם והוא העשיר מכל מלכי בית שני ונדיב לב היה מכל 5 המלכים אשר היו לפניו. מתנותיו היו מתנות מעשירות כי לאבנים נחשב לפניו כסף וזהב. והניח לישראל מכל צריהם. ובנה בית המקדש בניין טוב מבניין המלך שלמה אבל היה מכביד עול המס על ישראל והיה רחב אזן מקבל לשון הרע הפכפך שופך דמי נפשות אביונים נקיים. ארקילוס בנו מלך תחתיו. והמלך הורודוס צוה לפני מותו לקוברו במדינת ארודיאן 10 מירושלם מהלך ב׳ ימים וחצי. וישכיבוהו במטה מצופה בזהב וממולאה באבנים יקרות. והמצע אשר תחתיו מצופה וממולא באבן יקרה. ועל ראשו רדיד ממולא באבנים יקרות

.1Kgs 11:42 et al [והימים אשר מלך על ישראל ארבעים שנה Gen 25:8 et al. 2–3 [ויגוע וימת 2 1Sam 16:18 [ונבון דבר ואיש תאר ויי׳ עמו Ezra 8:18 3 [ואיש שכל 1Chr 12:29 et al. 3 [גבור חיל 3 Exod 35:5 [ונדיב לב 4

4 והוא] היה ל 10 וממולאה] וממולא ל

[במטה mit der gantzen Synagog W 10 [וסיעתם quinque Mü | fünff SchW | five H 4 [ח׳ 2 loculo Mü | Sark SchW | Coffin MH history of the kings of israel 283

[57. The Burial of Herod]405

After the execution of his son Antipater, the king lived for another eight406 days and then died. The length of his reign over Israel was forty407 years. He was a valiant man, educated, sensible in speech, and handsome in appearance, and the Lord was with him. He favored the sages Hillel and 5 Shammai and supported them.408 He was wealthier than any other king of the Second Temple period, and more generous than all the kings who preceded him. His gifts were fulsome, and he considered silver and gold to be but stones. The Jews had rest from their enemies. He built the Temple, a building greater than the Temple of King Solomon, but he taxed Israel 10 greatly and was susceptible to gossip and unstable; he spilled the innocent blood of the poor.409 His son Archelaus ruled after him. Before his death, King Herod [left] instructions that he be buried in the city of Herodion,410 at a distance of two and a half days from Jerusalem. They laid him on a bier411 coated with 15 gold and beset with jewels; the mattress on which he rested was covered

3 he died] Gen 25:8 et al. 3 The length of his reign over Israel was forty years] 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 4 a valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 4 educated] Ezra 8:18 4–5 sensible in speech, and handsome in appearance and the Lord was with him] 1Sam 16:18 7 more generous] Exod 35:5

405 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 55.27–56.44; Josephus, Ant., 17.188–209. D.J. Ladouceur, “The Death of Herod the Great,” Classical Philology 76 (1981): 35–34. 406 Abraham ibn Daud’s eight days are here in contrast to Josephus’ five, perhaps because See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 55.27, War, 1.665. Five .5 ,(ה) to he ,8 ,(ח) a scribe changed ḥet days also in Schwyntzer (1530), 74; Wolff (1557), [153]; Howell (1652), 103. 407 37 years according to Josippon (Flusser), 55.28. 408 For Hillel and Shammai see above, p. 223, n. 308. A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2.117–124, see also mAvot 1.12. Wolff translates “mit der gantzen Synagog” in Wolff (1557), [154]. 409 See Herod’s portrayal in the Auto de los Reyes Magos, a mid-twelfth century liturgical fragment found in the Cathedral of Toledo and probably performed on the feast day of Epiphany. This text presents Herod as a twelfth-century Spanish ruler and is reminiscent of contemporary courtly life. Ibn Daud also stresses the king’s erudition but is less interested in contemporary power structures. The text is published in R. Menéndez Pidal, “Auto de los Reyes Magos,” in Textos medievales españoles, Ediciones críticas y estudios, Obras completas de R. Menéndez Pidal (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1976), 165–177; McCluskey, “Malleable Accounts,” 211–225 and Alan Deyermond, “El “Auto de los reyes magos” y el renacimiento del siglo XII,” in Actas del IX Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas: 18–23 agosto 1986: Berlin, ed. Sebastián Neumeister (Frankfurt a. M.: Verveurt, 1989), 187–194. 410 Herodion, a fortress, was built by Herod I and is located some seven km southeast of Bethlehem. 411 “in a coffin” in Howell (1652). דברי מלכי ישראל 284

ועל הרדיד כתר המלכות והוא נסמך במטה על שמאלו ובימינו שרביט המלכות. ועל המטה סדין ממולא באבני בדולח ואחלמה | וספירים לרוב מאד. וכל הגבורים סביבותיו 31r לובשי שריונות וחרבותיהם שלופות בידיהם וכובעיהם בראשיהם בימי מלחמותיו. וארקילוס בנו המולך בא אחריהם ואחריו כל עם ישראל. וחמשים מעבדיו סובבים המטה 5 איש איש במקטרת זהב בידו ושורפים עצי בשמים לרוב מאד ומשליכים על המטה מר דרור בכל עת כל הסובבים אותה. וגדולי ישראל נושאים אותו על צואריהם והולכים בנחת ובכבוד עד אשר הגיעו לארודיאן ויקברוהו בכבוד גדול. לא נעשה כמוהו לכל מלך. ויהי אחרי קברם אותו נקהלו כל שונאיו ועמוד על נפשם כי קצו בחייהם כל ימי הורודוס 10 ואמרו: אנחנו צפינו וכלו עינינו מיחלים למות הורודוס שופך הדמים אשר הכביד את עולנו ולא השאיר לנו מחיה מעוצם המס אשר שם עלינו. ועתה הנה בנו ארקילוס מלך והוא רע ממנו. ויתייעצו ויתלו עיניהם באנטפטר בן שלומית אחות המלך שהיה מבני חשמונאי. וילכו עמו אל אכתבינוס אגוסטוס וישאלו ממנו להעביר את הממלכה מארקילוס אל אנטפטר. ולא שמע אליהם אכתבינוס אגוסטוס ויחזק את הממלכה ביד 15 ארקילוס.

קצו Esth 9:16 9 [נקהלו כל שונאיו ועמוד על נפשם Num 22:23 9 [וחרבותיהם שלופות בידיהם 3 ולא השאיר bNid 13a et al. 11 [שופך הדמים cf. Jer 14:6 10 [וכלו עינינו Gen 27:46 10 [בחייהם cf. Judg 6:4 [לנו מחיה

3 בימי] כבימי A 5 עצי] עצים ל 5 מר דרור] מר לA | מי צ | מיו Mü 10 הורודוס] להורדוס ל 12–11 הנה בנו ארקילוס מלך] בא אל ארקילוס ל 12 המלך] ה[מל]ך ט

Auff solcher Leinwadt / Was zur lincken Seiten der Bare / eine Königliche [במטה על שמאלו 1 ,succendebant ligna aromatica plurima [ומשליכים על המטה מי דרור Kron angehefftet W 5 atque proijciebant super pheretque mirrhã purã omni momento Mü | vnnd worffen für vnd für purmirren uff den sarck Sch | streweten auch auff die Bar den allerlautersten Myrren W | every foote casting upon the herse pure murhe M history of the kings of israel 285

and encrusted with precious stones. On his head was a veil decorated with jewels, and on the veil [sat] the royal crown. He was laid out on his bier on his left side, and in his right hand, he held the royal scepter. On the 31r bier was a cover beset with a great number of crystals, amethysts | and sapphires. The soldiers surrounding him wore their body-armor, carried 5 their drawn swords in their hands, and [wore] helmets on their heads as in times of war. His son Archelaus, having been made king, walked after them, and after him all of Israel. Fifty of his servants surrounded the bier, each holding a golden incense burner, burning plenty of scented wood, and perfume was sprinkled412 over the bier by those who surrounded it. 10 The leaders of Israel carried him majestically on their shoulders until they came to the Herodion, where they buried him with great honor, the likes of which had not ever been done for any other king. After the burial, all his enemies assembled and fought for their lives for they had been disgusted with their lives during the reign of Herod, and 15 they said: “We saw with our own eyes and looked forward to the death of Herod, the murderer, who increased our burdens and left us no means of sustenance because of the enormous taxes he leveled upon us. Now his son Archelaus is king and he is even worse!” They took counsel and set their eyes on Antipater ben Salome, the king’s sister, who was a Has- 20 monean. They went with him to Octavian Augustus and asked him to transfer the kingship from Archelaus to Antipater. Octavian Augustus did not listen to them, but rather confirmed Archelaus’ kingship.

5–6 and carried their drawn swords in their hands] Num 22:23 14 assembled and fought for their lives] Esth 9:16 15 they had been disgusted with their lives] Gen 27:46 16 We saw with our own eyes] cf. Jer 14:6 17 murderer] bNid 13a et al. 17–18 and left us no means of sustenance] cf. Judg 6:4 in LON BD 28 and Seder ʿOlam Rabʾa (1711). See Exod 30:22. Most ( רורדרמ ) Mardror 412 ימ ) scribes seem to have been unsure what to make of this. Their variants—mey dror in Münster (1529) suggest assocations with Song ( רורדוימ ) in MOS 1420, or miyu dror ( רורד 3:6; Naḥmanides’ commentary to Lev 14:4, yNaz 8 (57a/b), and, perhaps, a faint echo of and, taken in a literary sense, mean ‘copious رد 2Macc 1:21. The term could also allude to amounts of water.’ Edward William Lane and Stanley Lane-Poole, Arabic-English Lexicon, (London: Williams and Norgate, 1863–1893). vol. 2, 862. Schwyntzer has “vnnd worffen für vnd für purmirren uff den sarck,” Schwyntzer (1530), 75; similarly Wolff (1557), [156]. Morwen translates “every foote casting upon the herse pure murhe.” Morwen (1558), lxvi, similarly Howell (1652), 63. דברי מלכי ישראל 286

[ 58 .ארכילאוס ואנטיפטרוס]

ויעש ארקילוס הרע בעיני יי׳ ויקח את אשת אלכסנדר אחיו לו לאשה והיו לה בנים מאלכסנדר ועוד רעות גדולות עשה. ויחלום ארקילוס חלום בלילה אחת בשנת תשע למלכותו והנה תשע שבלים עולת בקנה אחד מלאות וטובות והנה שור אחד בא גדול 5 ויאכל כולם בבת אחת. ויקץ ארקילוס והנה חלום ויקרא לאחד מחכמי ישראל ויספר לו את חלומו ויאמר לו: זה פתרונו תשע השבלים הבריאות והמליאות תש[ע] שנים שמלכת הנה. והשור הגדול המלך הגדול אכתבינוס אגוסטוס הוא. וזו השנה א[תה] מוסר ממלך עקב אשר מאסת את דבר יי׳ ותקח את אשת אחיך לך לאשה. ולא דבר ארקילוס לאיש מרע ועד טוב. ולקץ חמשה ימים עלה אכתבינוס אגוסטוס על ירו[שלם] ויצא ארקילוס 10 אליו ויאסרוהו בנחשתים ויסירהו ממלוך על ישראל. וימלך אכתבינוס א[גוסטוס] את אנטיפוס אחיו תחתיו וישב את שמו הורודוס ויסע וישב אל רומי. ובימי א[נטיפוס] מת ברומי אכתבינוס אגוסטוס מלך מלכים בשנת נ״ו למלכותו וימלוך טיברש קיס[ר] תחתיו. וגם אנטיפוס הרשיע והתעיב מכל אשר היו לפניו ויקח אשת פולי[פוס] אחיו מתחתיו והיא כבר הולידה. ויוכיחהו על התועבה הזאת ר׳ יוחנן כהן גדול

.cf [תשע שבלים עולת בקנה אחד מלאות וטובות 1Kgs 11:6 et al. 4 [ויעש ארקילוס הרע בעיני יי׳ 2 מרע cf. Gen 41:26 9 [תשע השבלים הבריאות והמליאות תשע שנים שמלכת הנה Gen 41:22 6–7 2Kgs 25:7 [ויאסרוהו בנחשתים cf. Gen 31:24 10 [ועד טוב

4 בקנה אחד מלאות]-ד 4 אחד] +גדול A 4 בא גדול] גדול בא דטW 5 ויאכל] את ל 9 ירושלם] ירושלים ל 11 וישב] ויסב A 11 אל רומי] לרומי דWA 13 טיברש] טיביריש טA 14–13 מכל אשר היו לפניו ויקח אשת פוליפוס - Mü dann er nam die schwester Alexandri seins brůders [ויקח את אשת אלכסנדר אחיו לו לאשה 2 rabi Iohannes [יוחנן כהן for his shamefull deed H 14 [והיא כבר הולידה zum Weib Sch 14 magnus sacerdos (text) Ioãnes baptista Mü (m) | Johannes der Teuffer SchW (m) | Jhon Baptist M | Rabbi, John Baptist H history of the kings of israel 287

[58. Archelaus and Antipater]413

Archelaus did what was displeasing to the Lord and married his brother Alexander’s wife,414 although she had already had children with Alexander, and he acted wickedly in other ways, too. One night, in the ninth year of his reign, Archelaus dreamt of nine ears of grain, full and healthy, growing 5 on a single stalk. A big ox came and ate them all at once. Archelaus woke up and realized that it had been a dream. He called one of the sages of Israel and told him his dream, and he said: “This is what it means: those nine healthy and full ears symbolize the nine years of your rule until now. The big ox is the great king Octavian Augustus. This year, you shall be 10 released from the kingship, because you sinned against God when you took your brother’s wife as your own.” Archelaus did not answer bad nor good. Five days later, Octavian Augustus came to Jerusalem, and when Archelaus went out [to greet him], he had him bound in bronze fetters and stripped him of his power over Israel. Octavian Augustus appointed 15 Archelaus’ brother, Antipas, king in his place and changed his name to Herod,415 and then he returned to Rome. In the days of Antipas, Octavian Augustus, the king of kings, died in Rome in the 56th year of his reign, and Tiberius Caesar416 succeeded him as king. Antipas, too, acted more cruelly and wickedly than anyone before 20 him and took his brother Philip’s wife, though she had already borne him children.417 The high priest Rabbi Johanan418 reproved him for these

2 did what was displeasing to the Lord] 1Kgs 11:6 et al. 5–6 ears of grain, full and healthy, growing on a single stalk] cf. Gen 41:22 8–9 those nine healthy and full ears symbolize the nine years of your rule until now] cf. Gen 41:26 12–13 bad nor good] cf. Gen 31:24 14 he had him bound in bronze fetters] 2Kgs 25:7

413 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 56.45–57.3, 58.1–9; Josephus, War, 2.112–113. 414 Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus of Cappadocia and widow of Archelaus’ brother Alexander. Her second husband was still alive when she married him, so that this marriage contradicted Jewish law. Schwyntzer explains: “dann er nam die schwester Alexandri seins brůders zum weib.” Schwyntzer (1530), 76. 415 Herod Antipater, also known by his nickname Antipas (r. 4bce–39ce). 416 Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus (r. 14–37ce). 417 He married Herodias, who had been married to his brother Herod Philip I. Howell adds: “for his shamefull deed.” Howell (1652), 64. 418 Schwyntzer (1530), 76 adds in the margin: “Johannes der Teuffer.” Similarly Wolff (1557), [159]. Morwen (1558), lxviii glosses “Jhon Baptist.” Rendered as “Rabbi, John Baptist” in Howell (1652), 64. דברי מלכי ישראל 288

ויכ[הו] אנטיפוס וימיתהו. עליו עלה טיברש מלך רומי ויצא אליו אנטיפוס ויא[סרהו] בנחשתים ויוליכהו אל ספרד וימת שם. וגם ארקילוס המוסר מת בימי טיברש. וימליך טיברש את אגריפס בן ארסתבלוס אשר הרגו הורודוס אחיו תחתי[ו. והימים] אשר מלך אנטיפוס על ישראל י״א שנה.

5 [ 59 .אגריפס ותחילת המרד נגד הרומאים]

בימי אגריפס המלך מת טיברש [קיסר וימלוך] תחתיו גיוש. והוא קרא עצמו אלוה ולא הניח אדם במלכותו לעבוד עבודה אחרת [זולתו ולא] עמד ולא עצר כח ויגוע וימת. וימלוך בלאודיש תחתיו וימת וימלוך תחתיו נירון קיסר. והימים אשר מלך אגריפס על ישראל כ״ג שנה.

אנטיפוס על ישראל 2Kgs 25:7 3–4 [ויאסרהו בנחשתים 1Kgs 16:10 1–2 [ויכהו אנטיפוס וימיתהו 1 ולא 1Kgs 8:15 7 [מת טיברש קיסר וימלוך תחתיו 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 6 [והימים אשר מלך י״א שנה וימלוך תחתיו נירון קיסר. והימים אשר מלך Gen 25:8 8–9 [ויגוע וימת 2Chr 13:20 7 [עצר כח וימת .1Kgs 11:42 et al [אגריפס על ישראל כ״ג שנה

2 וימליך]-דMü 6 המלך] מלך ל 6 טיברש] טיבריש טMüA 6 קיסר]-ל 8 וימלוך בלאודיש תחתיו וימת] וימלוך תחתיו כלשודיש וימת כלאודיש AMü

There was at ý time one Iesus a wise man if it be lawful to cal him a man: for he+ [וימיתהו 1 was a worker of wōderful [and] strange workes, [and] a teacher of such mē as gladly did heare the truth, [and] had many disciples both of the Jewes, [and] also of the gētils: This mā was Christ whō, after he was accused of the chiefe rulers of our natiō, [and] condēned bi Pilate to be crucified, thei neuerthelesse ceased not to loue which loued him euen frō ý beginning. To these he appeared the 3. day aliue, according as the prophets by deuine inspiratiō had told before, aswel of this, as also of many other wōderful thinges which should be done by him. And euē unto this day the christiā sect which toke their name of him doth continue, M | +There was at that time one Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawfull to call him a Man, for he was a worker of wonderfull works, and a teacher of such men as gladly did hear the truth; and had many Disciples, both of the Jews, and also of the Gentiles. This man was Christ, whom after he was accused of the chief Rulers of our Nation, and condemned by Pilate to be crucified, they nevertheless ceased not to love him, which loved him even from the beginning. To these he appeared the third day alive, according as the Prophets by Divine inspiration had told before, as well of this, as also of many other things, which should be done by him. And even to this day the Christian sect, which took their name [בלאודיש brother M 8+ [אנטיפוס ins Elendt W 4+ [ספרד of him, continueth H 2 Claudius Mü history of the kings of israel 289 abominations, and Antipas struck him down and killed him.419 Then Tibe- rius, the king of Rome, came, and when Antipas went out to [meet] him, Tiberius had him bound in bronze fetters and sent420 to Spain, where he died. The imprisoned Archelaus also died in the days of Tiberius. Tiberius appointed Agrippa the son of Aristobulus, whom Herod had killed, as his 5 successor. The length of his421 reign over Israel was eleven422 years.

[59. Agrippa and the Beginnings of the Revolt against Rome]423

In the days of King Agrippa,424 Tiberius Caesar died and Gaius425 succeeded him as king. He proclaimed himself divine and did not permit anyone in his kingdom to worship anything but him. He could not muster strength, 10 and breathed his last. Claudius426 succeeded him as king. When he died, Nero Caesar427 succeeded him as king. The length of Agrippa’s reign over Israel was 23 years.

1 struck him down and killed him] 1Kgs 16:10 3 had him bound in bronze fetters] 2Kgs 25:7 6 The length of his reign over Israel was eleven years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al. 8–9 succeeded him as king] 1Kgs 8:15 10 could not muster strength] 2Chr 13:20 11 breathed his last] Gen 25:8 12–13 The length of Agrippa’s reign over Israel was 23 years] cf. 1Kgs 11:42 et al.

419 For a discussion of this passage see Reiner, “Yosippon,” 135–136 and Zeitlin, “Josephus on Jesus:” 29–30. Following perhaps Josephus, Ant. 18.63–64, Morwen explains “There was at ý time one Iesus a wise man if it be lawful to cal him a man: for he was a worker of wōderful [and] strange workes, [and] a teacher of such mē as gladly did heare the truth, [and] had many disciples both of the Jewes, [and] also of the gētils: This mā was Christ whō, after he was accused of the chiefe rulers of our natiō, [and] condēned bi Pilate to be crucified, thei neuerthelesse ceased not to loue which loued him euen frō ý beginning. To these he appeared the 3. day aliue, according as the prophets by deuine inspiratiō had told before, aswel of this, as also of many other wōderful thinges which should be done by him. And euē unto this day the christiā sect which toke their name of him doth continue,” Morwen (1558), lxviii; similarly Howell (1652), 107. 420 Wolff (1557), [159] adds “ins Elendt.” 421 Morwen (1558), 68 explains “Antipas brother.” 422 23 years in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 58.9. 423 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 58.10–61.40; Josephus, Ant., 18.244, War, 2.168–180. 424 Agrippa I (r. 41–44), son of Aristobulus and Berenice or, more likely, his son, (Herod) Agrippa II (d. 92), the last Herodian king. 425 Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus (r. 14–37), the second Roman emperor, was succeeded by Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (r. 37–41), known as Caligula. Ibn Daud conflates Caligula with Galba; ZDR, p. 1072; Schwab, “Zikhron,” 289; “Caius” in Wolff, (1557), [159]. 426 Galba (r. 68–69). ZDR, p. 1072. “Clandius” in Wolff (1557), [159]. 427 Nero (r. 54–68). ZDR, p. 1071. דברי מלכי ישראל 290

ובימי אגריפס המלך הכביד [נירון את] עולו על ישראל. והפקיד עליהם שלישים אנשי דמים ולא השאירו להם מחיה. | וענו ענוי עד אשר פשעו במלכות רומי והרימו יד בנירון 31v קיסר. ויצאו מתחת ידו כי נירון הפקיד על ירושלם ושמו פלורוש. והשליש הזה שפך דמי ישראל וענה בתולותיהם ולא השאיר לבעלי בתים ועשירים שבהם מחיה. והיה יושב 5 בבית המקדש ותולה אותם בקורות הבית. ויהי היום ותבא אליה אחות אגריפס המלך לבקש ממנו על ישראל ויבז לה ויצחק ולא שמע אליה. והיא שבה להתפלל אל יי׳ והוא בזה את תפלתה וילעג לה. ושם נמצא בחור גבור חיל ושמו אלעזר בן ענני. אביו היה הכהן הגדול ויצא לחצר בית יי׳ ויתקע בשופר ויאספו אליו כל בחור וכל גבור חיל. ויכבשו את הרומיים וילחמו בהם ויכו בהם מכה 10 גדולה. ויברח השליש לבדו אל ארץ מצרים ובנוסו מצא בדרך אגריפס המלך בא מרומי מאת נירון קיסר ויספר לו את כל אשר קרהו עם היהודים. ויבא המלך אגריפס ירושלם ויקבץ את כל היהודים אל בית המקדש ויספר להם את גבורת רומיים ואת עוצם ממלכתם ואת כל הגוים אשר השחיתו עד בלתי השאיר להם שריד ופליט. ויתחנן אליהם לבלתי התגרות ברומיים ולבלתי השחית פליטת ישראל. 15 וישא את קולו בבכי הוא וכל זקני ישראל וטובים שבהם והכהן הגדול ענני. אבל אלעזר

2Kgs [ויצאו מתחת ידו cf. Judg 6:4 3 [ולא השאירו להם מחיה Ps 26:9 et al. 2 [אנשי דמים 2–1 1Chr 12:29 et [גבור חיל cf. Judg 6:4 8 [ולא השאיר לבעלי בתים ועשירים שבהם מחיה 4 13:5 עד בלתי 1Sam 19:8 et al. 13–14 [ויכו בהם מכה גדולה 1Chr 12:29 et al. 9–10 [גבור חיל al. 9 Judg 21:2 [וישא את קולו בבכי Josh 8:22 15 [השאיר להם שריד ופליט

2 וענו] אותם בכל מיני A 2 ענוי] אותם בכל מיני ענוים דלMü 3 כי נירון]-ל 3 פלורוש] פלוריש A 3 והשליש הזה] ושליש זה דMüA 6 אליה] אליו דMüA 6 ויבז] ויבא ל 6 ויצחק]-דMüA 8 ושמו] שמו ט 8 אלעזר בן]-ט 8 אביו] ואביו טW 10 אל] על ד 14 ופליט]-דטWA 14 אליהם] עליהם ל 15 שבהם]-ט | והטובים שבהם ל of+ [אגריפס המלך wohnte HM 6 [יושב Phlorus Sch | Pilus M | Florus H 4 [פלורוש 3 deuotion to visit the holy place. She seing Pilus violently to oppresse the people, and for payment of exactōs and tollage, to uea many of them, euen at the entrance of the temple: Posaunen SchW [בשופר she came for the wepinge vnto Pulus, besechinge him M 8 history of the kings of israel 291

Under King Agrippa,428 Nero increased the hardships upon Israel. He appointed commanders over them, murderers who left them no means of 31v sustenance. | He oppressed them until they conspired against Rome and revolted against Nero Caesar. They rebelled against Nero because he had set a general over Jerusalem called [Gessius] Florus,429 who shed Jewish 5 blood and raped the young women, and left no means of sustenance for the homeowners or the wealthy among them. He even sat430 in the Temple and hung people from the rafters of the Temple.431 One day, King Agrippa’s sister432 came to him to intervene on behalf of Israel. He scorned her and laughed, and did not listen to her. When she 10 returned to her prayers, he made fun of her prayers and mocked her. There was a valiant man called Eleazar ben Ananias whose father served as high priest.433 He went to the courtyard of the Temple of God and blew the horn,434 and gathered around him all the young and the valiant men. They restrained the Romans, and fought them until they inflicted a crushing 15 defeat on them. The Roman commander fled alone to Egypt, and on the way he encountered King Agrippa who was returning from Nero Caesar in Rome, and he told him how the Jews had treated him. When King Agrippa arrived in Jerusalem, he gathered all the Jews in the Temple and warned them of the might of the Romans, the power 20 of their kingdom, and the nations they had destroyed so that no-one escaped or got away. He implored them not to challenge the Romans so that the remnant of Israel would not be slaughtered. He wept and wailed,

2 murderers] Ps 26:9 et al. 2–3 left them no means of sustenance] cf. Judg 6:4 4 They rebelled against] 2Kgs 13:5 6 left no means of sustenance for] cf. Judg 6:4 12 a valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 14 the valiant men] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 15–16 they inflicted a crushing defeat on them] 1Sam 19:8 et al. 21–22 no-one escaped or got away] Josh 8:22 23 He wept and wailed] Judg 21:2

428 Agrippa’s son Herod Agrippa II. 429 Gessius Florus, appointed by Nero as a procurator of Judea (r. 64–66). See ZDR, p. 1071; Josephus, Wars, 2.284–408. 430 Translated as “wohnte” in Wolff (1557), [159]. 431 At this point, Morwen (1558), fol. lix, and Howell (1652), 109 cease to use Ibn Daud and turn to the Constantinople edition of Sefer Josippon. See Reiner, “Yosippon”: 133–136. 432 Berenice, (b. 28ce), the oldest daughter of Agrippa I. In 66, she was in Jerusalem and tried to intervene with Gessius Florus. Later, she conducted a lengthy love affair with Titus. See also Acts 25:13–26;30. She was immortalized by Lion Feuchtwanger in his Josephus trilogy (1932). 433 Ananias ben Nebedeus (officiated 47–59) was the second high priest appointed by Herod of Chalcis. His son Eleazar became one of the leaders in Jerusalem during the Jewish war with Rome. See Josephus, Ant., 20:103, 131, 179, 205, Wars, 2:243, 426, 441. 434 “Posaunen” in Schwyntzer (1530), 78; similarly Wolff (1557), [161]. דברי מלכי ישראל 292

בנו הגבור והבחורים חבריו לא שמעו ולא הטו את אזנם. ויתפשו שני שלישים גדולים משרי נירון והם באו עם אגריפס מרומי והרגו אותם ואת כל אנשיהם הבאים עמם. וכראות זקני ישראל דבר זה וכל החכמים והחסידים ברחו מירושלם כי יראו מנירון ומאכזריות רומיים. וינוסו אל הר צידון וישבו שם. וישמעו אלעזר וכל הפריצים הנלוים 5 אליו כי נסו זקני העם וראשיהם וכי הם בהר [צ]ידון וילכו אליהם וילחמו בם וישחיתו מהם עם רב מאד. וישלח אגריפס המלך שני [שלי]שים ועמהם ו׳ אלפים איש חיל לעזרת הזקנים ויעזרום ויגברו על הפריצים ויכו בהם מכה [גדולה] והנשארים בהם באו אל ירושלם. ותהי המלחמה בן אלעזר בן ענני והפריצים ובין אגריפס המלך וחילו והזקנים והשרים. ויגברו 10 הפריצים ויכו בחיל והמלך ובשרי ישראל מכה גדולה ויברח המלך וכל גדולי העיר מן העיר. וישרפו הפריצים את בית המלך באש ויבוזו את גנזיו וכל אשר אצרו אבתיו והיכל אחותו ברונקי וכל ספרי עושי המלאכה למלך וישחיתו את הממלכה.

[ 60 .מות שמעון מבית שאן]

בימים ההם רומיים נקהלו בכל מושבותיהם להרוג את ה[יהודים] אשר בארצותם ויהרגו 15 בדמשק לבדה כעשרת אלפים איש מישראל. וכן בקסרי וכן בכל מדינות מלכות נירון. וכשמוע אלעזר בן ענני את אשר עשו אנשי דמשק ליהודים הלכו להם מהרה ויכבשו את העיר ויכו את כל אשר בה לפי חרב מנער ועד זקן [טף ונשים] לא השאירו כל נשמה. וכן עשו בכל ארצות ארם ההורגים את ישראל יצאו אליהם [כד]ב שכול והרגום ושלחו את טירותם באש.

cf. 1Sam [ויכו בחיל והמלך ובשרי ישראל מכה גדולה cf. 1Sam 19:8 et al. 10 [ויכו בהם מכה גדולה 8 .Josh 10:28 et al [ויכו את כל אשר בה לפי חרב Exod 2:11 et al. 17 [בימים ההם et al. 14 19:8 Hos 13:8 [שכול כדב Josh 11:14 18 [לא השאירו כל נשמה Esth 3:13 17 [מנער ועד זקן טף ונשים 17 et al.

1 והבחורים] והגיבורים ל 1 ולא] לא ל 2 אגריפס] +המלך ט 16 את]-ל creditor libros Mü | schuldbüchern Sch | schuldt Register W [ספרי עושי המלאכה 12 history of the kings of israel 293 and so did the leaders and nobles of Israel and the high priest Ananias. But his [Ananias’] son, the mighty Eleazar, and the young men, his friends, did not listen and did not care. They captured two of Nero’s great commanders, who had come from Rome with Agrippa and killed them and their entourage. Seeing this, the leaders of Israel, the sages, and the pious fled 5 Jerusalem, because they feared Nero and the cruelty of the Romans. They fled to Mount Sidon and settled there. When Eleazar and his rebels heard that the leaders and the heads of the people had fled to Mount Sidon, they followed them there, fought them, and killed many of them. King Agrippa dispatched two generals with six thousand soldiers to the 10 aid of the elders. They overcame the rebels and, inflicted a crushing defeat on them and the survivors went to Jerusalem. War broke out between Eleazar ben Ananias and the rebels [on the one side] and King Agrippa, his army, the leaders and the ministers [on the other side]. The rebels inflicted a crushing defeat on the king’s army and the ministers, and all 15 the prominent people of the city fled. The rebels burnt down the royal palace and plundered the treasury and all that Agrippa’s ancestors had accumulated, as well as the palace of his sister Berenice and all the king’s workers’ records.435 They totally destroyed the kingdom.

[60. The Death of Simon of Scythopolis]436 20

In those days, the Romans gathered in all their settlements to kill the Jews of their lands. In Damascus alone, they murdered approximately ten thousand Jews; and so too in Caesarea and in all the cities of Nero’s kingdom. When Eleazar ben Ananias heard what the Damascenes had done to the Jews, he hurried there, conquered the city, and put everyone to 25 the sword, young and old, children and women; they did not spare a soul. So they did in all of Aram to those who had killed Jews. They pounced upon them like a bear robbed of her young, killed them, and set fire to their castles.

2–3 did not listen and did not care] Jer 7:24 11–12 they inflicted a crushing defeat on them] 1Sam 19:8 et al. 15 inflicted a crushing defeat] 1Sam 19:8 et al. 21 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al. 25–26 and put everyone to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 26 young and old, children and women] Esth 3:13 26 they did … a soul] Josh 11:14 28 like a bear robbed of her young] Hosea 13:8 et al.

435 Translated as “schuldbüchern” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 78; similarly Wolff (1557), [163]. 436 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 62; Josephus, War, 2.466–476. דברי מלכי ישראל 294

ובשובם ירושלם בשלל גדול באו [אל מדינת] שיתופולי והיא עיר בצורה ובה קהל גדול מישראל וגבור חיל שמו שמעון ורוב [הקהל מבני] לוי. ויצא אליהם שמעון ויערוך אתם מלחמה ויעזור את ארם ויסע אלעזר ויעל [מעל העיר]. ויתיעצו אנשי העיר הארמיים ויאמרו: הנה חיל ישראל בא עלינו וישראל אחיהם יושבים בקרבנו וכי תקראנה מלחמה 5 ונוסף גם הוא על שונאינו. ויקומו ויגרשו את | היהודים ואת שמעון הגבור משתיפולי 32r וטפם ונשיהם וכל אשר להם. ושמעון זה היה שופך דמים רבים מישראל להתרצות על ארם. והקהל אשר היה משתיפולי מישראל היה קהל גדול ובצאתם משתיפולי הגבורים ובני חיל יצאו ונשארו בעיר דלת העם. ויקהלו ארם ויהרגו כולם לפי חרב כי״ג אלף איש. ועוד 10 יצאו אל שמעון ואל הגבורים להרוג אותם. וידבר אליהם שמעון: שמעוני חיל ארם לא כגמול יד שלמתם לי כי רבים מישראל הרגתי להתרצות אליכם? ואלעזר וגבוריו העלתי מעליכם ואתם עושים לי רעה? אני אשפוט על נפשי! ויקם באכזריותו ויתפוש ביד שאול אביו והוא זקן וכבד ויכרות את ראשו ויכרות את ראש אשתו וראש בניו ויפול גם הוא על חרבו וימת. וכל הנלוים אליו נסו ויהרגום ארם.

15 [ 61 .אגריפס וקסטיוס]

ויהי כשמוע אגריפס המלך את כל אשר עשו הפריצים ואשר שרפו את היכלו ויבוזו בית גנזיו הלך לרומי אל נירון ויספר לו את כל אשר קרהו. וישלח נירון ספר אל כסתיאו שלישו המולך על ארם לעזור לאגריפס. ויצא כסתיאו בחיל כחול אשר על שפת הים

וכי תקראנה מלחמה ונוסף גם הוא 1Chr 12:29 et al. 4–5 [וגבור חיל Ezek 38:13 2 [בשלל גדול 1 [ויהי כשמוע 2Kgs 24:14 16 [דלת העם mShab 23:5 9 [שופך דמים Exod 1:10 6 [על שונאינו .1Kgs 5:9 et al [כחול אשר על שפת הים Josh 5:1 18

1 שיתופולי] שתיפולי MüAט 3 הארמיים] הרומיים ל 6 על] אל ל 11 וגבוריו] גיבוריו ל reiss [ויכרות את ראשו tapferer Sch 13 [וכבד Sch 13-[מבני לוי Scytopolis W 2 [שיתופולי 1 jm den Kopff ab W history of the kings of israel 295

During their return to Jerusalem with immense booty, they came upon Scythopolis, a fortified city with a large Jewish population, mostly Levites, and among them a valiant man called Simon. This Simon waged war against Eleazar’s army, helping the Arameans, and chasing him out of the city. The Aramean inhabitants of the city took counsel and said: “Look, a 5 Jewish army has come to fight us and their own brothers are living among 32r us! In the event of war they may join our enemies!” They rose and expelled | the Jews and the warrior Simon from Scythopolis with their children, women and all their belongings—and Simon had shed much Jewish blood in order to be accepted by Aram. 10 The Jewish community of Scythopolis had been large, and after the warriors and populace had left the city, [only] the poorest remained. The Arameans gathered against them and put them all, about thirteen thousand people, to the sword. Then they left to kill Simon and his soldiers. Simon said to them: “Listen to me, soldiers of Aram, is this how you repay 15 me for having killed so many Jews in order to be accepted by you? I overcame Eleazar and his men for you, and you do me evil? I shall decide when I live or die!” Mercilessly, he rose and took hold of his father Saul, an elderly, heavy437 man, and he beheaded him.438 He also cut off the heads of his wife and sons. Then he fell upon his sword and died. All who were 20 with him ran off, but the Arameans killed them.

[61. Agrippa and Cestius]439

When King Agrippa heard what the rebels had done, and that they had burnt his palace and robbed his treasury, he went to Nero in Rome and told him what had happened. Nero sent a message to his general Cestius,440 25 who ruled Aram, to help Agrippa. With his forces as numerous as the sand on the shore, Cestius captured the cities of Israel, beginning with

1 immense booty] Ezek 38:13 3 a valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 7 In the event of war they may join our enemies] Exod 1:10 9 had shed much Jewish blood] mShab 23:5 12 the poorest] 2Kgs 24:14 23 When King Agrippa heard] Josh 5:1 26–27 as numerous as the sand on the shore] 1Kgs 5:9 et al.

437 Schwyntzer (1530), 80 has “tapferer.” 438 Rendered as “reiss jm den Kopff ab” in Wolff, (1557), [165]. 439 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 63. 440 Cestius Gallus (d. 67) was a Roman governor of Syria and appointed by Nero in 63 (or 65). דברי מלכי ישראל 296

וילכוד את כל ערי ישראל וילכוד בתחילה מדינה ששמה זבולן ויהרוג בה ח׳ אלפים וד׳ מאות מישראל. ואחר בא אל קיסרי ואל צפורי ויחרם את כל עיר מתים והנשים והטף לא השאיר כל נשמה. וישם את פניו לבא ירושלם וישאל אגריפס מכסתיאו לשלוח אליהם מלאכים לקרוא אליהם לשלום. וילכו המלאכים ויגידו לאלעזר את עוצם מחנה כסתיאו 5 ולא שמע אלעזר אליהם ויצו אלעזר את נעריו ויכו המלאכים לפי חרב.

[62. תחילת המצור על ירושלם ופלישת אספסיאנוס וטיטוס]

וישמע כסתיאו את הדבר ויבא ויצר על ירושלם. ויצא לקראתו אלעזר והפריצים ויערכו אתו מלחמה וינגף אלעזר וישב אל העיר וישב במצור ג׳ ימים. וביום הרבעי פתחו שערי העיר ויצאו אליהם פתאום ויכו בפרשים אלף גבור חיל וה׳ אלפים רגלי. ויחרדו רומיים 10 וירחיקו רומיים מעל העיר. ויפקידו לאיש רגלי להבעיר אש כל הלילה בהרבה מקומות ולתקוע שופרות. וכסתיאו ואגריפס נסו כל הלילה וילכו בלילה ההוא מהלך ג׳ ימים. ובעלות השחר נסו תוקעי השופרות ומבעירי האש וירא אלעזר והפריצים כי נסו רומיים ויצאו וירדפו אחריהם והנה כל הדרך מלאה בגדים אשר הניחו רומיים בחופזם. ולא הביטו אל השלל וירוצו רגלים עד אשר השיגום ויכום מכה גדולה עד קסרי.

15 ויגע הדבר אל נירון ויצר לו מאד. עודנו מתייעץ מה יעשה להם לישראל ויבא אליו מלאך ויגד לו כי פשעו בו אנשי פרס. וירא כי הרבה מלחמות התעוררו עליו ויחר לו מאד עד

Josh [ויכו המלאכים לפי חרב Gen 31:21 5 [וישם את פניו 1Kgs 15:29 3 [לא השאיר כל נשמה 3–2 1Chr [גבור חיל Gen 14:8 9 [ויערכו אתו מלחמה 2Chr 35:20 7–8 [ויצא לקראתו et al. 7 11:11 2Sam [ויחר לו מאד Gen 32:8 16 [ויצר לו מאד 1Sam 19:8 15 [ויכום מכה גדולה et al. 14 12:29 13:21

1 מדינה]-ל 1 וד׳] וחמש ל 2 את]-טMüA 2 והנשים] +והנשים צ 4 אליהם] עליהם ל 7 והפריצים]-ל 9 ויחרדו] ויהרגו ד 12 האש] אש ל 13 ולא] כי לא טMüA

Kyprum Sch [צפורי Naphtali Sch 2 [זבולן 1 history of the kings of israel 297

Zebulon,441 where he killed 8,400 of the people of Israel. Then he went to Caesarea and Sephoris; he destroyed [Beit Sheʾarim,] the City of the Dead,442 and he did not spare a single soul, [not even] women or children. He then headed toward Jerusalem, but Agrippa asked Cestius to send messengers with a call for peace. The couriers went and told Eleazar about 5 the might of Cestius’ army, but Eleazar would not listen to them. Instead, he ordered his young men to put the messengers to the sword.

[62. Beginning of the Siege of Jerusalem and Vespasian and Titus’ Invasion]443

When Cestius heard this, he came and laid siege on Jerusalem. Eleazar 10 and the rebels went out and engaged him in battle. Eleazar was beaten and returned to the besieged city for three days. On the fourth day, they opened the city gates and suddenly burst out, killing 1,000 valiant men and 5,000 foot soldiers. The Romans became afraid and moved away from the city. They instructed one of the foot soldiers to set the city aflame all night 15 long in many [different] places and to blow horns. Cestius and Agrippa fled throughout the night, and covered a distance of three days that night. When dawn came, the horn blowers fled, and so did those who had set the fire. Eleazar and the rebels realized that the Romans had fled, and they set out to pursue them. The whole way was strewn with clothes that the 20 Romans had thrown off in their haste. They disregarded the booty and ran on foot, until they caught up with them and inflicted them with a crushing defeat all the way to Caesarea. When Nero heard this, he was greatly frightened. While he was pon- dering what to do about Israel, a messenger came and told him that the 25 Persians had rebelled against him. He was fearful because he was involved

3 and he did not spare a single soul] 1Kgs 15:29 4 He then headed toward] Gen 31:21 7 to put the messengers to the sword] cf. Josh 11:11 et al. 11 rebels went out] 2Chr 35:20 11 engaged him in battle] Gen 14:8 13 valiant men] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 22–23 and inflicted them with a crushing defeat] 1Sam 19:8 24 he was greatly frightened] Gen 32:8

441 “Jaffo” in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 63.15. “Naphtali” in Wolff, (1557), [166]. 442 Bet Sheʾarim belonged to Berenice, the daughter of Agrippa I and sister of Agrippa II. In the second century, the city was home to Judah ha-Nasi, the compiler of the Mishnah, as well as to other prominent tannaim and amoraim (bNid 27a), and also the seat of the Sanhedrin (bRH 31a–b). Soon thereafter, Bet Sheʾarim became a central burial place for the Jews of Palestine and the Diaspora. 443 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 64. דברי מלכי ישראל 298

מות עודנו בעגמתו. ויבא אליו אספסינוס שלישו ויגד לו כי הכה את כל ארץ המערב ואשכנז ואשקוסיא וכל ארץ תובל וכל ארץ תוגרמה. ושמח נירון שמחה גדולה ויספר לו נירון את כל אשר עשו היהודים ויאמר לו אספסינוס: כמה הם נחשבים היהודים לפני כל הגוים הגדולים אשר השחתתי ושמתים כעפר לדוש תחת רגליך? אני אקום נקמתך מן 5 היהודים. וישלח אותו המלך נירון הוא וטיטוס בנו אל ארץ ישראל ויש אומרים כי בן אחותו היה ויש אומרים כי חורגו היה. ויצום ויאמר להם: נער וזקן ובחור ובתולה וטף ונשים תהרגו להשחית ואת כל עריהם שלחו באש וישימם תל עולם שממה. וילכו שניהם אספסינוס וטיטוס בנו ויעברו את הנהר וישימו את פניהם על ארץ ישראל 10 ומחניהם גדול כחול אשר על שפת הים לרוב. וגם כל העמים אשר | הכניעו בני ישראל 32v ונתנם למס עובד בימי חשמונאי ובניו ובימי הורודוס פרקו עול מעל צוארם והיו זרוע לאספסינוס וטיטוס חוץ מבני עשו כי המלך הורקנוס הראשון שנעשה צדוקי נצחם ופסק עמם להיותם נמולים וגיירם.

וזקן ובחור ובתולה 2Kgs 13:7 7–8 [ושמתי כעפר לדוש cf. 1Chr 29:9 4 [ושמח נירון שמחה גדולה 2 כחול אשר על שפת Josh 8:28 10 [וישימם תל עולם שממה Ezek 9:6 8 [וטף ונשים תהרגו להשחית Gen 49:15 [למס עובד 1Kgs 5:9 11 [הים

1 עודנו] עומד דטMüA 4 אקום] אנקום A 13 להיותם] להיות טMüA

-totam terrã occidentalẽ, Germaniæ Britan [ואשכנז ואשקוסיא וכל ארץ תובל וכל ארץ תוגרמה 2 niam, & totã terram Hesperiaæ, & uniuersam terrã Tograma Mü | Teutscheland / Engelland Saducęus [צדוקי Judea Sch 12 [ישראל Hispanien / vnd das ganz land Torgama SchW 9 / Mü | Phariseer Sch | -W history of the kings of israel 299

in many wars, and was greatly angered in his distress. His general, Ves- pasian, came to him and told him that he had defeated all the countries of the west, Ashkenaz and Scotland, and all of Tubal and Togarmah.444 Nero rejoiced very much and told him what the Jews had done, and Ves- pasian responded: “Why are these Jews compared to the great nations I 5 have destroyed and turned into dust under your feet? I shall take revenge on the Jews on your behalf.” King Nero sent him and his son Titus to the land of Israel. Some say that he was his sister’s son, and others say that he was his stepson.445 He instructed them: “You shall kill off young and old, boys and girls, children 10 and women. Burn down their cities and turn them into a mound of ruins, a desolation.” Both Vespasian and his son Titus left, crossed the river, and turned towards the land of Israel,446 their army as numerous as the sand on the 32v shore. All the nations that | the Jews had subdued447 and turned into toiling 15 serfs in the time of the Hasmonean and his sons and in the time of Herod rebelled. They now became allies of Vespasian and Titus; the exceptions were the sons of Esau, whom King Hyrcanus the First, who had become a Sadducee,448 had defeated, circumcised and converted.

1 was greatly angered] 2Sam 13:21 4 rejoiced very much] 1Chr 29:9 6 and turned into dust under your feet] 2Kgs 13:7 10–11 You shall kill off young and old, boys and girls, children and women] Ezek 9:6 11–12 them into a mound of ruins, a desolation] Josh 8:28 14–15 as numerous as the sand on the shore] 1Kgs 5:9 15–16 into toiling serfs] Gen 49:15

444 Ashkenaz, Tubal, and Togarmah are mentioned in the table of nations in Gen 10:2–3. In bYom 10a, the biblical Gomer and father of Ashkenaz is called Germania and associated with a region in Syria. In the eleventh century, Ashkenaz gradually emerges as the Hebrew term for Germany (GenR 37:1; yMeg 1:11, 71b). Tubal is at times identified with the Tuscans. For Togarmah see Ezek 38:6 where it is the name of a nation. The term eventually comes to be associated with Bulgaria and Turkey. See Ivan G. Marcus, “A Jewish- Christian Symbiosis,” in Cultures of the Jews; a New History, ed. David Biale (New York: Schocken, 2002); Krauss, “Die hebräischen Benennungen,” 410–411, 387–411; G.R. Cardona, “I nomi dei figli di Togarmah [Gen 10:3] secondo il Sepher Yosephon,” Rivista degli Studi Orientali 41 (1966). See Sefer Josippon (Flusser) chap. 1. Translated as “Teutscheland / Engel- land / Hispanien / vnd das land Tograma” in Schwyntzer (1530), 79; similarly Wolff (1557), [169]. 445 For Titus as Vespasian’s stepson see the footnote to ZDR, p. 1076–7. 446 “Judea” in Wolff (1557), [169]. 447 This paragraph seems to be Ibn Daud’s addition and is not contained in the versions of Josippon available to me. 448 Rendered as “phariseer” in Schwyntzer (1530), 80. דברי מלכי ישראל 300

[63. יוסף בן גוריון והמלחמות בצפון]

וכששמעו ישראל דבר זה חלקו את ארץ ישראל לג׳ חלקים והפקידו פקיד על כל חלק וחלק בגורל. והפקידים ענני הכהן הגדול ואלעזר בנו ראש הפריצים ויוסף בן גוריון הכהן משוח מלחמה שִחבר ספר גדול בדברי בית שני. ומראש יונקותיו קטפנו ספר זה. ענני 5 הכהן הגדול על ירושלם ובנותיה ואלעזר בנו על שאר יהודה עד ים סוף ויוסף בן גוריון על הגליל וכל ארץ נפתלי. וישם אספסינוס את פניו אל הגליל אל יוסף בן גוריון ויתחזק יוסף בן גוריון ויבן את כל מבצרי ארצו ויחזק את בדקם. ויחלק את כלי המלחמה על כל עם הארץ וילמדם לתקוע בשופרות לנסוע ולחנות. וישם עליהם שרי אלפים ושרי מאות שרי חמשים ושרי 10 עשרות. וקרא אליהם: אתם קרבים היום למלחמה על איביכם וגו׳ וחזקם ואמצם. ויבחר בכל ארצו ששים אלף בחור עושה חיל ויבחר מכל העם הזה שש מאות איש בחור לא ישוב מפני כל ולא יבריחנו בן קשת אחד למאה ומאה לרבבה. וילך עמם אל סוריא והיא הנקראת בזמן הזה חלבא ושם היו גינזי אגריפס וילכדה ויקח את כל בתי גנזי אגריפס. וישמע כי אנשי טבריה מרדו וילך אל העיר וילכדה. והיה בה שליש מגבורי רומי ויתפשהו 15 חי ויכרות את ידו וישלחהו אל אספסינוס להיות חרפה על רומיים. גם צפורי מרדה ביוסף

וישם עליהם cf. Josh 6:4 9–10 [לתקוע בשופרות cf. Ezek 17:22 9 [ומראש יונקותיו קטפנו 4 אתם קרבים היום למלחמה על Exod 18:21; 25 10 [שרי אלפים ושרי מאות שרי חמשים ושרי עשרות Job 41:20 [ולא יבריחנו בן קשת bBer 55b 12 [לא ישוב מפני כל Deut 20:3, mSot 8 11–12 [איביכם Judg 20:10 [אחד למאה ומאה לרבבה 12

7 ויתחזק] ויחזק טMüA 11 בכל ארצו ששים אלף בחור עושה חיל ויבחר]-ט 12 והיא] היא MüA 13 חלבא ] חלב טלMü | גוש חלב A 13 גינזי] אספסינוס ל 13 בתי]-דטA

| de cuius sũmis ramusculis decerpsimus hunc librũ Mü [ומראש יונקותיו קטפנו ספר זה 4 von welches hauptpuncten wir diß bůch außgezugen haben Sch | Von welches lůstigen Posuit [שרי אלפים ושרי מאות שרי חמשים ושרי עשרות zweiglin / wir abgebrochen W 9–10 quuocque super eos tribunos, centuriones, quinquagenarios, & decuriones Mü | Obersten Halab MüMH [חלבא Heuptleut / Weybel / Leutenanten / vnd Rottmeister W 13 / Cipori MüSch | Kypariten W [צפורי 15 history of the kings of israel 301

[63. Joseph ben Gorion and his Wars in the North]449

When the Jews heard this, they divided the land of Israel into three parts and set a commander over each part by throwing lots. The commanders were the high priest Ananias and his son Eleazar, the head of the rebels, and the priest Joseph ben Gorion,450 who had been anointed for war and 5 who composed a great book about the affairs of the Second Temple; we chose from the very top [when we wrote] this book!451 The high priest Ananias was set over Jerusalem and its surroundings, his son Eleazar was in charge of the remainder of Judea to the Reed Sea, and Joseph ben Gorion had the Galilee and all of the land of Naphtali. 10 Vespasian turned towards the Galilee and Joseph ben Gorion, who fortified the fortresses of his area and repaired their breaches. He divided the weapons among the residents and taught them how to blow the horns for traveling and camping. He set over them chiefs of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens. He told them: “You are about to join battle 15 with your enemy, etc.” And he encouraged them to be strong. From all over the country he chose 60,000 young fighters, and from among those, he chose 600 young men who would recoil before none; no arrow would put them to flight. The least was equal to a hundred, and a hundred to a multitude. He went with them to Syria, then known as Ḥalab452 because 20 Agrippa’s treasury was there, and they captured and confiscated all of it. He heard that the Tiberians had revolted, and so he went to that city and captured it. There was a great Roman general there whom they captured alive; they cut off his hand and sent it to Vespasian as an insult to the 25 Romans. Sephoris, too, revolted against Joseph ben Gorion. He went to the

6–7 we chose from the very top] cf. Ezek 17:22 13–14 blow the horns] cf. Josh 6:4 14–15 He set over them chiefs of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens] Exod 18:21; 25 15–16 You are about to join battle with your enemy] Deut 20:3, mSot 8 16 And he encouraged them to be strong] bBer 55b 18 who would recoil before none] Prov 30:30 18–19 and no … to flight] Job 41:20 19–20 the least was equal to a hundred, and a hundred to a multitude] Judg 20:10

449 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 65.1–68.13. 450 Joseph ben Gorion was the assumed author of Sefer Josippon, the vorlage for DMY, see DMY, p. 1334 and p. 30. 451 Translated as “von welches hauptpuncten wir diß bůch außgezugen haben” in Schwyntzer (1530), 80. Wolff (1557), [171] translates: “Von welches lüstigen zweiglin / wir abgebrochen.” 452 Ḥalab is Aleppo. Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 65.33 has “Tyre.” “Halab” in Schwyntzer (1530), 82, also Wolff (1557), [172]. דברי מלכי ישראל 302

בן גוריון. וילך אליה וילכדה לאחר שהשחיתו אנשי צפורי רבים מישראל וילכדה יוסף ויכה לפי חרב לא השאירו כל נשמה ואת העיר שילחו באש. וכשמע אספסיינוס את כל אשר עשה יוסף לרומיים ולכל הסרים אל משמעתם אסף את כל מחנותיו ויבא גלילה ויחן על מבצר אחר אשר יוסף שם ויצר לו במצור. וישלח אליו 5 אספסינוס ויכרות לו ברית. ויצא על אספסינוס אחר אשר נלחם מלחמות גדולות והראה את אספסינוס תוקפו וגבורתו. ואנשיו הגבורים אשר יצאו עמו מן המבצר הפגיעו בו לבלתי נפול על אספסינוס ולא שמע אליהם. גם הוא הפגיע בהם ליפול על רומיים ללא אליו ולא שמעו אליו ובקשו להרוג את יוסף על שהיה אומר ליפול על אספסינוס. ויאמר אליהם יוסף: אם כן איפה לכו? ונפילה גורלות בין איש לאחיו ואשר יפול עליו הגורל 10 ויכהו חברו וימיתהו. ויעשו כן ויכו אחד את אחד עד אשר נשאר יוסף ואחד ולא שלף חרבו להכות את יוסף כי ירא וימלט יוסף ויפול על אספסינוס. ויסע משם אספסינוס עמו וילכדה וגם אל יפו הלך באניות וישברו האניות ולא עצרו כח לבא אל הנמל ומת עם רב ממחנהו.

[64. אספסיאנוס וטיטוס בגליל]

15 וישלח אספסינוס את טיטוס בנו אל כל ערי יהודה הבצורות וכל אשר הביא את צוארו בעול רומיים היתה לו נפשו לשלל וחי. וכל אשר לא פתח הכהו לפי חרב ושללם ונשיהם וטפם לבוז. ויסע משם אספסינוס אל גמלה והיא מדינה בראש ההר והיתה לאגריפס. וישאל ממנו אגריפס לקרוא להם שלום בתחלה ואולי ישובו אליו ויעשו כן. וידבר עמם

[ואת העיר שילחו באש Josh 11:14 2 [לא השאירו כל נשמה Josh 10:28 et al. 2 [ויכה לפי חרב 2 היתה לו נפשו לשלל Exod 7:10 et al. 16 [ויעשו כן cf. 1Kgs 16:10 10 [ויכהו וימיתהו Judg 1:8 10 .Exod 7:10 et al [ויעשו כן Josh 10:28 et al. 18 [הכהו לפי חרב Jer 38:2 16 [וחי

5 על] אל ל 8 רומיים] +ללא אליו צ מדובר ככל הנראה בטעות סופר. המעתיק ביקש להעתיק את המשך המשפט (ולא שמעו אליו), דילג בטעות על המילה "אליו" וכאשר הבחין בטעותו העתיק שוב בלי למחוק את הטעות 10 ויכהו] יכהו לMü 10 חברו] לבדו לMü 12 וילכדה]-Mü 12 הנמל] הגמל Mü 12 ומת] וימת לA 15 אל] על ל

Gamalam Mü [הנמל 12 history of the kings of israel 303 city and captured it after the inhabitants of Sephoris had destroyed many Jews. Once [the city] was conquered, Joseph put everyone to the sword; he did not spare a soul, and he set the city on fire. When Vespasian453 heard what Joseph had done to the Romans and those in their charge, he gathered his armies and went to the Galilee, and 5 laid siege to the fortress where Joseph was encamped.454 Vespasian sent for him and they made a treaty. He surrendered to Vespasian after he had fought great battles and had shown Vespasian his prowess and might. His men, the soldiers who had left the fortress with him, implored him not to go over to Vespasian, but he did not listen to them. He also entreated them 10 to fall upon the Romans, but they didn’t listen to him, and they wished to kill Joseph for wanting to surrender to Vespasian. Joseph said to them: “If so, where should you go? Let us throw lots amongst ourselves. The one upon whom it falls shall strike down his companion and kill him.” So they did; one felled the other until only Joseph and one other man were left. The 15 other man did not raise his sword to kill Joseph because he feared [him], and this is how Joseph escaped and surrendered to Vespasian. Vespasian traveled together with him and conquered [the fortress]. He went to Jaffa by ship, [but] the ships were destroyed and he was not able to reach the port, and a large part of his army perished.455 20

[64. Vespasian and Titus in the Galilee]456

Vespasian sent his son Titus457 to all the fortified cities of Judea, and those who were willing to accept the Roman yoke gained their life and lived. Those who did not open up were put to the sword, and their property, women, and children were looted. From there, Vespasian journeyed to 25 Gamla, a city on a hilltop under Agrippa’s authority. Agrippa asked him to first give them the option of peace so that they might return to his

2 put everyone to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 3 he did not spare a soul] Josh 11:14 3 and set the city on fire] Judg 1:8 14 shall strike down his companion and kill him] cf. 1Kgs 16:10 14–15 So they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 23 gained their life and lived] Jer 38:2 24 put to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al.

453 Ibn Daud omits Titus. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 66.1. 454 This is the story of Josaphat. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 66. 455 Zeitlin, “Josippon,” 281. 456 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 68. 457 For Titus as Vespasian’s stepson see the note to ZDR, p. 1076. דברי מלכי ישראל 304

אגריפס ויקראו אליו ויאמרו: | אדננו המלך גשה נא ונדבר אליך. ויגש אליהם והם מדברים 33r עמו השליכו עליו מן החומה אבן גדולה וישבר כתפו וזרועו ויפול ארצה. וימהרו חיל רומיים ויקחוהו ויתרפא ויחי. ויקצוף אספסינוס על אנשי העיר וילחם בהם מלחמה חזקה וישפך סוללה על העיר ותבקע העיר לעת ערב. ויצו אספסינוס את חילו אשר לא יבאו 5 אל העיר עד למחרת אשר לא יעוללום היהודים במסילות העיר ולא שמעו אליו ויבאו העיר. ויכו בהם היהודים מכה גדולה. ויסע משם אספסינוס אל שאר ערי הגליל וילכדם ויכם לפי חרב.

[ 65 .יוחנן הגלילי והמלחמה בירושלים]

והיה בארץ הגליל איש אחד שמו יוחנן איש דמים ומרשיע לעשות ויאספו אליו כל איש 10 רע ובליעל ויהי להם לשר. וככבוש אספסינוס את ארץ הגליל נס אל ירושלם. ויסע אספסינוס אל הר תבור וילכוד את כל עריו. וילך הוא וטיטוס בנו ירושלם ויצורו עליה ובבא יוחנן הגלילי ירושלם מצא שם עם רב שופכי דמים ואנשי בליעל באו לירושלם מכל הארצות להיות להם לעזרה ויקבלם ענני הכהן הראש. וכראותם את יוחנן ואת גבורתו סרו מאחרי ענני אל יוחנן ויתגבר יוחנן זה המרשיע על עיר הקדש.

Josh [ויכם לפי חרב 1Sam 19:8 7 [ויכו בהם היהודים מכה גדולה 2Sam 20:15 6 [וישפך סוללה 4 [הכהן הראש 1Sam 30:22 13 [כל איש רע ובליעל 1Sam 16:8 9–10 [איש דמים et al. 9 10:28 Neh 11:18 [עיר הקדש Ezra 7:5 14

10 הגליל] גליל ד 14 ענני] +הכהן ל

וילכדם ויכם לפי vnd thet darinn eine grausame schlacht W 7 [ויכו בהם היהודים מכה גדולה 6 / vnd schlůgen die Juden mit grosser schlacht Sch | vnd erwürget alles was da lebt | [חרב Johann W [יוחנן mit dem Schwerdt W 12 history of the kings of israel 305

jurisdiction, and they did as requested. Agrippa spoke to them, and they 33r called to him and said: | “Oh lord, our king, draw closer so we may talk to you.” [Agrippa] approached them, and while speaking to him, they threw a large stone at him from the [city] wall that shattered his shoulder and arm, and he fell to the ground. The Roman soldiers hastened to him 5 and gave him medical care, and he lived. Vespasian was very angry at the inhabitants of the city, and he fought them furiously; he threw up a siege mound, and broke through the wall by evening. Vespasian ordered his soldiers not to enter the city before the following day so that the Jews might not attack them in the lanes of the city. But they did not listen to 10 him, and when they went into the city, the Jews inflicted them with a crushing defeat.458 From there, Vespasian went to the remaining cities of the Galilee, captured them, and put them to the sword.

[65. Johanan the Galilean and the Fighting in Jerusalem]459 15

There was, in the land of Galilee, a man called Johanan,460 who was a criminal and an evil man. He gathered around him many evil men and churlish fellows, and he became their leader. When Vespasian conquered the Galilee, Johanan fled to Jerusalem. Vespasian traveled to Mount Tabor and captured its towns. He and 20 his son, Titus, went to Jerusalem and laid siege to it. When Johanan the Galilean arrived in Jerusalem, he found that many bloodthirsty and evil people had come to Jerusalem from all over to aid the city, and Ananias, the chief priest, had welcomed them. When they saw Johanan and his might, they deserted Ananias and went over to Johanan, and the wicked 25 Johanan gained a stronghold over the holy city.

1 they did as requested] Exod 7:10 et al. 7–8 he threw up a siege mound] 2Sam 20:15 11–12 inflicted them with a crushing defeat] 1Sam 19:8 14 and put them to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 16–17 a criminal] 1Sam 16:8 17–18 many evil men and churlish fellows] 1Sam 30:22 24 chief priest] Ezra 7:5 26 holy city] Neh 11:18

458 Rendered as “vnd schlůgen die Juden mit grosser schlacht” in Schwyntzer (1530), 84; “vnd erwürget alles was da lebt / mit dem Schwerdt.” Wolff, (1557), [176]. 459 See Sefer Josippon Yosippon (Flusser), 68.49–69.82. 460 Johanan ben Levi or John of Giscala (Gush Ḥalav), a leader of the revolt against Rome, and a rival of Josephus Flavius. In Jerusalem, Johanan encouraged the rebels to continue the war against Rome. The Romans eventually condemned him to life imprisonment. דברי מלכי ישראל 306

ויתייעץ עם אנשיו להתעולל ולבקש תואנה על עשירי העיר לאמר לאיש העשיר מהם: אל רומיים אתה נופל ונכה ומת ושללו לבוז ויעשו כן. וכן עשו לשני אנשים מגדולי ישראל ועשיריהם שם האחד אנטיכונס ושם השני ללוס. וכן הכריתו את כהני יי׳ מן העבודה ויבזו את הכהונה. ויסירו את ענני הכהן הגדול ויעשו להם כהנים כרצונם בגורל ביניהם 5 ויפול הגורל על אחד ושמו פרוט בן פניאל ויהי לכהן גדול. וכראות אנשי האמונה כי יוחנן זה המרשיע הרשיע לעשות ואין לאל ידם התחזקו להלחם בו ובפריצים אנשיו ויערכו אתם מלחמה בבית המקדש. ויבא יוחנן הפריץ ושארית אנשיו בהיכל וכראות ענני הכהן הגדול כי נחבאו בהיכל צוה לבלתי הרוג אחד מהם בהיכל שלא יטמא כטמאות העזרות ויפקידו עליהם שומרים כשש מאות איש לובשי כלי מלחמתם.

10 ויאמר ענני כהן גדול כי אלה הפריצים לא נוכל להרוג בהיכל. ועתה נקרא להם לשלום אולי יצאו מן המקדש ומירושלם. ויקרא הכהן וכל העם להם שלום ולא אבו כי שלחו אל בני עשו היושבים בסלוקיא לבא לעזור להם ולהפר בריתם עם ישראל. וכן עשו אדום ויבאו ירושלם כעשרים אלף איש רגלי. וישמע ענני הכהן את הדבר ויעל על החומה וידבר אל אדום. ויוכיחם כי באו לעזרת אנשים רשעים ויעשו אדום במרמה ויאמרו כי 15 הם נכלמים מאד ולא באו כי אם לעזרת ירושלם. ומיד בא אספסינוס כי שמעו כי קרב אליה עודם מדברים עם ענני. ויהי קולות אליהם וברקים וברד ואש מתלקחת. וינס העם מעל החומה כי אמרו כי יי׳ נלחם לנו. וכן שש מאות האיש שומרי הפריצים נסו ויצאו הפריצים אל שערי העיר. ואדום מיחוץ והיו מתכוונים לשבור הדלתות בהיות הקולות ובעת אשר יחדלו הקולות יחדלו עד אשר נתצו

cf. Exod [וברקים וברד ואש מתלקחת Exod 7:10 et al. 17 [ויעשו כן Esth 3:13 2 [ושללו לבוז 2 cf. Exod 9:26 [יחדלו הקולות 19 24–9:22

4 כרצונם בגורל ביניהם]-ל 5 על] אל ל 8 נחבאו] כ״י ח ממשיך כאן 11 וכל] לכל Mü 11 לשלום] שלום ח 13 איש]-ח 17 מעל] +מעם ח 17 לנו] בנו חטA 18 נסו ויצאו הפריצים]-ל

Pharut [פניאל alterius nomẽ Lalus Mü | Lul; Antipas vnn Levitas Sch (m) 5 & [ללוס 3 Idumeer [אדום nomine Mü | Pharut Sch | einem groben Bawern / genant Phanes W 12 fewerkugeln SchW [אש W 17 history of the kings of israel 307

He [Johanan] took counsel with his people, looking for a pretext to abuse the wealthy residents of the city. He said to the richest of them: “If you go over to the Romans, we will kill you and plunder your possessions.” So they did. They did the same to two of Israel’s greatest and wealthiest men. One of them was called Antichonus, and the second was Lalus 5 [Lacus]. They also prevented God’s priests from conducting services and ridiculed the priesthood. They removed the high priest Ananias, and in his stead, they appointed priests of their own choosing, by lot, from amongst themselves. The lot fell on someone called Prut ben Pniel,461 who became the new high priest. 10 When the faithful saw that the evil Johanan had acted so wickedly and that they could not do anything about it, they resolved to fight him and his rebels, and they waged battle with them within the confines of the Temple. The rebel Johanan and the rest of his men entered the Temple, and when the high priest Ananias saw that they were hiding there, he gave orders not 15 to kill even one of them within the Temple, so that it may not be profaned as the enclosures had been and he appointed approximately six hundred armed guards over them. The high priest Ananias said: “We cannot kill these rebels in the Tem- ple! Now, let us initiate peace negotiations, and perhaps they will leave 20 the Temple and Jerusalem.” The priest and the people asked for a peace treaty, but the rebels refused, for they had sent for the children of Esau in Seleucia to come to their assistance and to revoke their treaty with Israel. The Edomites agreed, and about twenty thousand foot soldiers came to Jerusalem. Ananias, the priest, heard of this, and he climbed on the wall 25 and spoke with the Edomites. He reproached them because they had come to assist evil people. The Edomites deceitfully said that they were most ashamed, and had only come to assist Jerusalem. Vespasian came out immediately when he heard that the fighting was still going on and that there were talks with Ananias under way. Behold, 30 thunder, lightning, hail, and fire rained down. The people fled the wall and said: “God is fighting us!” So, the six hundred guards over the rebels fled and the insurgents left through the city gates. The Edomites were outside and about to break the gates during the thunder when the storm ceased; it

3 So they did] Exod 7:10 et al. 31 thunder and lightning, hail, and fire rained down] cf. Exod 9:22–24 34 when the storm ceased] cf. Exod 9:26

461 bGit 58. Phanni or Phanasus b. Samuel (67–68ce), see Josephus, War, 4.155. Wolff calls him “einem groben Bawern / genant Phanes.” Wolff (1557). דברי מלכי ישראל 308

שער העיר ויבאו אדום במבואי עיר מבוקעה. ויהרגו בחוצות ירושלם שמנת אלפים ות״ק גבור חיל לבד מדלת הארץ ותעז ידם על ישראל.

[ 66 .זכריהו וגוריון]

וישלחו לקרוא לסנהדרין ויאמרו אליהם: מדוע אינכם שופטים לקחת את כל חיל 5 העשירים האלה אשר בירושלם כי משלימים הם את אספסינוס ואת רומיים? ושם נמצא איש צדיק ונקי מעשירי ירושלם וחכמיה ושמו | זכריהו. ויאמר יוחנן הפריץ כי זה זכריה 33v שלח ספר אל אספסינוס לבא ירושלם. ויתפשהו יוחנן ויוציאהו מבין הסנהדרין ויעלהו אל החומה וישליכהו משם ארצה לפאת עמק יהושפט. וימת ויקחו הפריצים את כל אשר לו. ויאמר יוחנן ואנשיו אל הסנהדרין: אם לא תשפטו על כל העשירים משפט מות 10 אנחנו נשפוט אתכם ואותם כאשר שפטנו את זכריה! וכן עשו הפריצים האלה לאיש גבור חיל ונלחם מלחמות יי׳ וצדיק גמור שמו גוריון. ויוחנן הפריץ הזה תפשו ויאמר להוציאו אל רחוב העיר לכרות את ראשו. ויבקש ממנו הצדיק לקבור את נבלתו אחרי מותו וישבע הפריץ כי הכלבים יאכלו את נבלתו ויעשו כן. וכן עשה לאנשים הרבה מהם מחסידי ישראל עד אשר קצו בחייהם. וישלחו ספר אל 15 אספסינוס לאמר: למי ארץ? עלה אלינו מהרה והושיענו מיד הפריצים ונעבדך. וישלחו אל אספסינוס אנשי גדר לבא אליהם. ויגבר החטא וילך אל גדר ולא הלך אל ירושלם כי בגדר היו אנשים מאנשי יוחנן מצרים על העיר.

לאיש cf. Exod 23:7 11 [צדיק ונקי 1Chr 12:29 et al. 6 [גבור חיל Jer 5:1 2 [בחוצות ירושלם 1 Gen 27:46 [קצו בחייהם Exod 7:10 et al. 14 [ויעשו כן Ruth 2:1 13–14 [גבור חיל

4 כ״י ו מתחיל כאן 7 אל אספסינוס] לאספסינוס ח 7 ויעלהו] ויעלה חMüA 8 אל] על ל 9 כל]-ל 12 ויאמר] ויאמרו חטMü 12 העיר] +ואמר להוציאו ו 14 מהם]-ל 15 וישלחו] ספר ל history of the kings of israel 309

stopped until the city gate shattered, and they entered through the breach. They killed eight thousand and five hundred valiant men in the streets of Jerusalem, in addition to the poor and gained the upper hand over Israel.

[66. Zechariah and Gorion]462

They convened the Sanhedrin and said to them: “Why do you not sue all 5 these rich Jerusalemites for their riches, since they all made peace with Vespasian and the Romans?” There was, among the wealthy and wise 33v of Jerusalem, a righteous and pure man called | Zechariah. Johanan the Rebel said: “This Zechariah sent a letter to Vespasian [and asked him] to come to Jerusalem.” Johanan took hold of him and brought him from the 10 Sanhedrin to the wall, and flung him to the ground towards the Valley of Jehoshaphat.463 He died and the rebels confiscated his possessions. Johanan and his people said to the Sanhedrin: “If you do not give out death sentences to all the rich people, we shall judge you and them just as we [judged] Zechariah!” 15 And these rebels did the same to a man of substance who had fought in the wars of God: a righteous man called Gorion.464 This Johanan the Rebel arrested him and gave orders to bring him to the city streets to behead him. The righteous man asked that his body be buried after his death, and the rebel swore that the dogs would eat his corpse, and so it came to pass. 20 So they acted towards many, and among them many of the pious Jews, until they were disgusted with their lives. They sent a letter to Vespasian: “Whose land is this? Come quickly and rescue us from the rebels, and we shall be your vassals.” [But] the people of Gadera also sent for Vespasian to come. Sin prevailed, and he went to Gadera and not to Jerusalem, since 25 some of Johanan’s men in Gadera were laying siege to the city.

2 valiant men] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 2–3 streets of Jerusalem] Jer 5:1 8 was a righteous and pure man] cf. Exod 23:7 16 a man of substance] Ruth 2:1 20 and so it came to pass] Exod 7:10 et al. 22 until they were disgusted with their lives] Gen 27:46

462 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 69.83–70.34. 463 Joel 3:2, 12. Since the fourth century, this is identified with the Kidron Valley that separates the city from the Mount of Olives and protected the Temple Mount and the City of David. Jewish and Muslim legends called it “the Valley of Jehoshaphat” and saw it as the site of the resurrection of the dead. 464 “Gorgon” in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 69.93. דברי מלכי ישראל 310

וישמעו אנשי יוחנן אשר בגדר בבא אספסינוס אליהם וינוסו אל ההרים אחר אשר הכו את נציב רומיים אשר בארץ. וירדפו חיל רומיים אחרי אנשי יוחנן אשר בגדר ויכום וימיתום. ובשוב רומיים מהכותם עברו את הירדן וימצאו שם עם רב מישראל נסים מפני רומיים ויכו בהם לפי חרב י״ג אלף איש והנשארים באו בירדן ויגרפם הירדן. וימת מהם 5 צ״ב אלף איש ואשה וישליכם הירדן אל ים המלח.

[67. אספסיאנוס ויוספוס ברומא]

אחר הדברים האלה שמע אספסינוס כי מת נירון כי אש אלהים נפלה עליו מן השמים וימלוך תחתיו גלבא. ויכוהו רומיים ויתייעצו להמליך את אספסינוס וישלחו אליו יועצי רומי. ויולך את יוסף בן גוריון עמו אסור בכבלי ברזל כי ירא אם יברח יוסף לירושלם 10 יחזקו ידיהם בגבורתו וגדולתו וימליכוהו ויהיה להם לשטן. וכאשר הגיע לרומי והמליכוהו רומיים היה יוסף בן גוריון במושבם אסור בכבליו וראה את הכל ולקץ ימים.

Gen 22:1 [אחר הדברים האלה Josh 10:28 et al. 7 [ויכו בהם לפי חרב Num 21:6 4 [רב מישראל 3 [ויהיה להם לשטן Ps 149:8 10 [בכבלי ברזל Job 1:16 9 [כי אש אלהים נפלה מן השמים et al. 7 Neh 13:6 [ולקץ ימים cf. 1Sam 29:4 11

1 אל] על ל 7 נפלה[ נפל ל mare salsum Mü | gesaltzenem Meer Sch | am Meer das da heisset das gesaltzen [ים המלח 5 W history of the kings of israel 311

When Johanan’s people in Gadera heard that Vespasian was on his way, they fled to the mountains after they had killed the regional Roman representative. The Roman soldiers pursued Johanan’s people in Gadera, and struck and killed them. Upon their return from battle, they crossed the Jor- dan and found there many of the Jews who had fled the Romans, and they 5 put 13,000 of them to the sword. Those who remained [alive] fell into the Jordan and were dragged away. Altogether, 92,000 men and women were killed, and the Jordan River carried them to the Dead Sea.465

[67. Vespasian and Josephus in Rome]466

Some time later, Vespasian heard that Nero had died because God’s fire 10 had fallen on him from heaven, and Galba467 ruled after him. The Romans killed him, and then, agreeing that Vespasian should be their [next] king, they dispatched Roman senators.468 He [Vespasian] took Joseph ben Gorion along, fettered in chains of iron, because he feared that, should Joseph escape to Jerusalem, he would strengthen [the rebel cause] with 15 his tremendous courage; they might crown him king and he would become their adversary. When [Vespasian] arrived in Rome and the Romans made him king, Joseph ben Gorion, still in chains, stayed in his quarters and saw everything for a while.469

5 many of the Israelites] Num 21:6 5–6 they put them to the sword] Josh 10:28 10 Some time later] Gen 22:1 et al. 14 in chains of iron] Ps 149:8 16–17 he would become their adversary] cf. 1Sam 29:4 19 for a while] Neh 13:6

465 The Dead Sea is called “gesaltzenem Meer” in Schwyntzer (1530); similarly Wolff (1557). 466 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 70.68–90. 467 Galba (r. 68–69), conflated here with Caligula. A parallel account can be found in ZDR, p. 1072–4. 468 For a parallel account see ShQ, 2.160–162. 469 In this paragraph, a passage that does not appear in this way in the versions of Josippon that were available to me, Ibn Daud emphasizes ben Gorion’s ambiguous role. On the one hand, Vespasian fears ben Gorion’s potential impact were he able to re-establish himself as a political or military leader, on the other hand he is a powerless prisoner, and, like the Roman emperors, a tool of the divine will. דברי מלכי ישראל 312

אחר שבת אספסינוס על כסא מלכותו הכה את אגריפס מלך ישראל ואת מונבז בנו לפי חרב ג׳ שנים ומחצה לפני חרבן הבית. וקודם לכן בטל התמיד קודם חרבן הבית אלף יום ור״צ יום כמו שכתוב ומעת הוסר התמיד ולתת שקוץ שומם [ימים] אלף מאתים ותשעים.

5 וזכר את יוסף בן גוריון ונשא את ראשו מבית הכלא וידבר אתו דברים ניחומים ויאמר לו: אתה ידעת כי אהבתיך מיום אשר ראיתיך ואם אסרתיך לא מרוע לב עשיתי לך את הדבר הזה כי למען לא יקנאו אותך שרי רומיים על גבורתך ועצמתך ויאמרו כי זה יהיה לנו לשטן במלחמותינו. ועתה ייטב לכך ותסור עגמתך והנה פתחתיך מן הכבל אשר עליך. ואני שולחך אל טיטוס בני להיות לו לאב כי פעמים רבות בקש ממני לפתח מאסרך 10 ולכבד אותך. וישלחהו אספסינוס בכבוד אל טיטוס ויכתוב ספר אל טיטוס לכבדו ולנשאו. וילכוד טיטוס את עזה ואת גבולה ואת אשקלון ואת גבולה ואת יפו ואת קסרי | וישב בקסרי 34r כל ימות הגשמים בשנת אחת למלכות אביו.

[ 68 .חלוקת ירושלים]

15 ובשנה ההיא מסך יי׳ בירושלם עוד רוח עועים ויחלקו לג׳ מחלקות השלישית אחרי ענני הכהן הגדול המוסר מכהונתו והשלישית אחרי יוחנן הפריץ והשלישית אחרי שמעון הפריץ השני. ונלחמו איש באחיו ואיש ברעהו ומחוץ גדודי רומיים פושטים בכל יום

את אגריפס מלך ישראל בנו לפי חרב cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 1–2 [שבת אספסינוס על כסא מלכותו 1 ומעת הוסר התמיד ולתת שקוץ שמם ותשעים אלף מאתים Josh 10:28 et al. 3–4 [הכה ואת מונבז [וזכר את יוסף בן גוריון ונשא את ראשו מבית הכלא וידבר אתו דברים ניחומים Dan 12:11 5 [ימים Isa 19:14 [רוח עועים cf. 1Sam 29:4 15 [כי זה יהיה לנו לשטן במלחמותינו cf. Jer 52:31–32 7–8 Isa 19:2 [ונלחמו איש באחיו ואיש ברעהו 17

1 נפלה] את ל 2 ומחצה] סוף כ״י ח 4–3 כמו שכתוב ומעת הוסר התמיד ולתת שקוץ שמם ימים אלף מאתים ] ותשעים- Mü 3ימים]-לצ 5 דברים] טובים ודברי ו 7 הזה]-ל 8 לשטן במלחמותינו] במלחמותינו לשטן ט 15 השלישית]-ו | בשלישית ל | האחת A 16 והשלישית] והשנית טA 16 כ״י ו מפסיק כאן

In fine aũt dierũ postq Vespasianus sederat super [אחר שבת אספסינוס על כסא מלכותו 1 [מונבז solium regni sui Mü | In den letzten tagen aber des Reichs Vespasiani W 1 mansitque in [כל ימות הגשמים בשנת אחת למלכות אביו [וישב בקסרי Munaban Mü 12–13 Cæsarea omnibus diebus pluuiarum, per unum annum imperij patri sui Mü | vn verheret zu Cesarea die gantze zeit der Regentag vber / nemlich ein gantz jar des regiments seines Vaters W history of the kings of israel 313

Once Vespasian was sitting on the royal throne,470 he put Agrippa, the King of Israel, and his son Munbaz471 [Monobazus] to the sword, three and a half years before the destruction of the Temple.472 Prior to that, the daily sacrifice was halted for 1,290 days before the destruction of the Temple as it is written: from the time the regular offering is abolished, and an appalling 5 abomination is set up—it will be 1,290 days.473 He took note of Joseph ben Gorion, released him from prison, and spoke to him consolingly: “You know that I favored you since the day I first saw you, and if I imprisoned you, I did not do so to treat you badly, but lest the Roman leaders be jealous of your heroism and your might and they say: 10 ‘This one may become our adversary in our battles.’ Now, in the goodness of your heart, be not distressed, for I shall open your chains. I shall send you to my son Titus so that you may be his father, since he has often asked me to free you from prison and to honor you.” Vespasian sent him to Titus with honors, and wrote Titus a letter to hold 15 him in honor and in high esteem. Titus captured Gaza and its surround- 34r ings, the region of Ashkelon, Jaffa, and Caesarea.474 | In the first year of his father’s reign, he spent the rainy season in Caesarea.475

[68. The Division of Jerusalem]476

In this year, God sent yet another spirit of distortion over Jerusalem, and 20 the city was divided into three parts—one third under the high priest Ananias who had been removed from the priesthood, one third under the rebel Johanan, and the last part under the second Simon the Rebel.

1 was sitting on the royal throne] cf. Esth 5:1 et al. 2 to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 3–4 daily sacrifice was halted] bErch 11b, bTan 28b 5–6 From the time the regular offering is abolished, and an appalling abomination is set up—it will be 1,290 days] Dan 12:11 7–8 He took note of Joseph ben Gorion, released him from prison and spoke to him consolingly] cf. Jer 52:31–32 11 This one may become our adversary in our battles] Isa 19:14 20 spirit of distortion] Isa 19:14

470 “In den letzten tagen aber des Reichs Vespasiani” in Wolff, (1557) [183]. 471 Monobazus. Ibn Daud follows the Talmudic spelling. 472 For a parallel account see ShQ, 1.202–203. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 70. 473 Quote omitted in Wolff (1557), 182. 474 Caesarea had a strong Roman presence. 475 Translated as “vñ verheret zu Cesarea die gantze zeit der Regentag vber / nemlich ein gantz jar des regiments seines Vaters” in Wolff (1557) [184]. 476 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), ch. 72; Josephus, War, 4.503–513. דברי מלכי ישראל 314

מקסרי לבלתי תת יוצא ובא לירושלם. ויתן ענני הכהן את השלישת אשר בידו ביד אלעזר בנו אשר סבב את כל הרעות בקשרו על נציב רומיים וכאשר הסית את ישראל לפשוע בהם כי נראין הדברים כי נירון קיסר לבדו היה שונא את ישראל. ואם היו סובלים את עולו עד יום מותו היו להם אספסינוס וטיטוס מלכי רחמים כאכתבינוס אגוסטוס והיו 5 ממליכים עליהם מלכים מישראל. ואלה השלשה אלעזר בן ענני ויוחנן ושמעון חלקו את ירושלם בגורל ביניהם. ויצא הגורל לשמעון קלעי המדינה וכל סביבות החומה. והגורל השני לאלעזר בן ענני בית המקדש. והגורל השלישי ליוחנן רחובות העיר. וילחמו אלה באלה עד אשר שפכו דמיהם כמים רבים עד אשר נגע הדם את משקוף ההיכל. ויוחנן היה בתוך ואלעזר מזה ושמעון מזה 10 והיה יוחנן במקומות גבוהות והוא נלחם בהשליך אבנים ובירות חצים. ובית המקדש נלכד ורבו בו חללים ועוד שארית אנשי אמונה היו מעלים עולות והפריצים הורגים את האיש המקריב על קרבנו ונתערבו דמי החללים בדמי הקרבנות וחלביהם בחלביהם עד אשר לא היה אדם בעולם יכול להלך במקדש כי חלקו אבני השיש בחלבי ההרוגים ובדמיהם ובחלבי הקרבנות ובדמיהם.

15 וכל מחלוקת אחת מאלה שלחה באש את אשר גברה עליו ממחלוקת האחרת ונתצה האש בכל בית גדול בירושלם הבתים המלאים דגן ותירוש ויצהר להיות להם לעזרה מיום מצור. הכל נשרף באש וגדל הרעב והדבר והחרב. והיוצא הלך בשבי וישפטם יי׳ בארבעת שפטיו הרעים. ויקונן יוסף בן גוריון על ירושלם קינות מרות ולא יכול להגיד אחת מני אלף מכל הרעה הבאה על ירושלם ולא מאויביהם אלא מפריציהם. בא וראה 20 כי פריצי ישראל קשים להם מפריצי הגוים!

[דגן ותירוש ויצהר Ps 79:3 16 [שפכו דמיהם כמים 1Kgs 15:17 8 [לבלתי תת יוצא ובא לירושלם 1 Ezek 8:9 [בא וראה cf. Jer 1:2 19 [הרעב והדבר והחרב 2Chr 32:28 17

2 נציב] בניה ד 2 את] על ל 6 בן] -Mü 9 את] עד ל 10 גבוהות] גבוהים דטA Mü 11 והפריצים] +היו ל 17 מיום] ביום טA Mü 17 הרעב והדבר והחרב] החרב והרעב והדבר ל 19 מכל] מן טA Mü 20 הגוים] +וישב ד

SchW-[בחלביהם Simeoni Kelio Mü | Kelio Sch 12 [שמעון קלעי 7 history of the kings of israel 315

They fought each other, each against his neighbor, and from the outside, the Roman battalions launched daily invasions from Caesarea to prevent anyone in Jerusalem from going out or coming in. Ananias the Priest gave the control over his third to his son Eleazar, who had caused all these woes by conspiring against the representative of the Romans, and who had 5 incited Israel to rebel. It seemed plausible that Nero Caesar alone hated Israel; had Israel suffered his yoke until the day of his death, Vespasian and Titus [surely] would have ruled with mercy as Octavian Augustus had done, and they would have set Jewish kings over them. These three—Eleazar ben Ananias, Johanan and Simon—divided Jeru- 10 salem by lot amongst themselves. Simon received the city’s fundiform and the wall area. The second lot, the Temple, [fell] to Eleazar ben Ananias. The third lot gave Johanan the streets of the city.All fought each other until their blood was shed like water and reached the threshold of the Temple. Johanan was inside and Eleazar and Simon on either side. Johanan was in 15 a higher area and fought by hurling down stones and shooting arrows. The Temple was taken and there were many casualties. Some of the faithful who remained were bringing sacrifices, but the rebels were killing those offering sacrifices, and their blood and fat477 mingled with the blood and fat of the sacrifices, so that it was impossible to walk around in the Temple 20 because the marble stones were slippery with the fat and blood of those who had been killed and that of the sacrifices. Each party set fire to whatever it had conquered from another party, and fire broke out in all the great houses of Jerusalem: in houses full of grain, wine, or oil, provisions that had been stored in case of a siege. Every- 25 thing went up in flames, and hunger, pestilence, and violence increased. Whoever left [the city], was taken captive and God judged them by His four evil decrees.478 Joseph ben Gorion composed bitter dirges over Jerusa- lem, but they could not capture even a fraction of the evils that had come over Jerusalem, and not [at the hands of] their enemies but from their 30 own rebels. Behold, the Jewish rebels had oppressed them more harshly than the non-Jewish rebels!

1 They fought each other, each against his neighbor] Isa 19:2 2–3 prevent anyone in Jerusalem from going out or coming in] 1Kgs 15:17 14 their blood was shed like water] Ps 79:3 25 grain, wine, or oil] 2Chr 32:28 26 hunger, pestilence, and violence] cf. Jer 1:2 27–28 his four evil decrees] cf. Ezek 14:21 31 Behold] Ezek 8:9

477 The word “fat” is omitted in Schwyntzer (1530), p. 87; similarly Wolff (1577), [186]. 478 In Ezek 14:21, the four evil decrees are the sword, hunger, beast, and pestilence. Cf. RaDaK ad loc. דברי מלכי ישראל 316

[ 69 .טיטוס אל מול שערי ירושלים]

ולעת צאת המלכים יצא טיטוס וכל מחנהו מקיסרי ויוצא עמו את יוסף בן גוריון שלא ברצונו כי לא היה רוצה לראות ברעת ירושלם אשר תמצא את עמו. ויבא אילונה ובינה ובין ירושלם מהלך ב׳ ימים ויפקוד שם את כל מחנהו כי לא רצה ליגע שמה את כל 5 העם. ויבחר שש מאות איש גבור חיל וילך ירושלם לראותה ולראות איך ומאין ילחם בה ולראות העם אשר בה החזק הוא הרפה ולהשלים אתם אם ישמעו לו. וישמע יוחנן כי טיטוס בא אל ירושלם וישם לו אורבים וכבאו אל ירושלם יצא הוא וכל הפריצים אשר לו לקראת טיטוס ויערכו אתו מלחמה. וגם האורב קם ממקומו ויהי טיטוס בתוך אלה מזה ואלה מזה ויכו הפריצים בגבורי רומיים עד לאין מחיה ולא נשאר 10 בהם עד אחד בלתי טיטוס לבדו. והפריצים נתקוהו מן המחנה לתופשו חי. וכראותו כי אין מנוס בקע בפריצים וחרבו שלופה בידו ויברח וימלט אילונה. כי לא רצה יי׳ להמיתו כי אם לענות בו את ישראל. ואחרי כן שב אליהם ויחן בהר הזתים ויצו את כל גבורי החיל אשר לו | ויאמר אליהם: אתם קרבים היום למלחמה עם גוי אשר אין כמוהו בכל 34v העולם גבורים מאריות ועזים מנמרים וקלים כצבאים על ההרים למהר ולעקר את הרכב 15 ולהפיל את הרוכב והשמרו מבורות ושיחים שחפרו בדרכים. וכראות שרי הפריצים כי רומיים בהר הזתים השלימו זה עם זה ויצאו אליהם בתרועה גדולה. ויחרידו את כל המחנה וינגפו רומיים. וישאר טיטוס מתחזק ועומד נכחם עם מתי מספר והוא צועק להשיב את הרומיים עד אשר בושו מעזוב את המלך וישובו וילחמו ויפול עם רב מאלה ומאלה.

[איש גבור חיל cf. Josh 7:3 5 [ליגע שמה את כל העם 2Sam 11:1 4–5 [ולעת צאת המלאכים 2 2Chr [לאין מחיה Gen 14:8 9 [ויערכו אתו מלחמה Num 13:18 8 [החזק הוא הרפה Ruth 2:1 6 ויברח Num 22:23 11 [וחרבו שלופה בידו Exod 14:28 11 [ולא נשאר בהם עד אחד 10–9 14:12 .cf [גבורים מאריות Deut 20:3 14 [ויאמר אליהם: אתם קרבים היום למלחמה 1Sam 19:12 13 [וימלט בתרועה 1Chr 12:9 16–17 [כצבאים על ההרים למהר 1Chr 12:9 14 [ועזים מנמרים mAvot 5:18 14 1Chr 16:19 [מתי מספר 1Sam 4:4 17–18 [גדולה

3 ברעת ירושלם אשר תמצא את עמו] ברעה אשר תמצא את ירושלים טA Mü 7 אל] על ל 7 אל] על ל 13 לו] +ויחזקם טA Mü 13 אין] לא ט 14 כצבאים ] -ל 14 על] אל W 16 אליהם] עליהם ל 17 ועומד] +עם ל history of the kings of israel 317

[69. Titus before the Gates of Jerusalem]479

When the kings left [for battle], Titus and his armies departed from Cae- sarea, and he took Joseph ben Gorion with him; Joseph did not come voluntarily, since he did not wish to see the evil [that had befallen] Jerusalem and his people. [Titus] reached Elon, at a distance of two days from 5 Jerusalem, and there, he quartered his army because he did not wish for all his troops to go up there. He chose 600 men of substance and went to Jerusalem to see [the city]. [He wanted to find out] how and from where to attack, to see whether the Jerusalemites were weak or strong, and to offer them peace if they would listen. 10 Johanan heard that Titus was coming to Jerusalem and ambushed him, and when [Titus] drew closer to Jerusalem, Johanan and all his rebels went out and engaged him in war. The ambushers, too, ventured out so that Titus was in between the two camps, and the rebels defeated the Romans. None of them remained but Titus alone. The rebels set out from the camp 15 to capture him alive. When he saw that there was no escape, he fought his way through the rebels, his drawn sword in his hand, and he escaped and fled to Elon. God did not wish to put him to death because He wanted 34v to use him to torture Israel. Then [Titus] returned and instructed | his mighty soldiers on the Mount of Olives: “You are about to join battle with 20 a nation unlike any other in the world; stronger than lions, mightier than tigers, they are swift as gazelles upon the mountains and uproot chariots to topple riders, careful of pits and ditches480 in their way.” When the rebel leaders saw that the Romans were on the Mount of Olives, they reconciled and attacked them with a great shout. They fright- 25 ened the entire army and the Romans were defeated. Titus kept encouraging his army; he stood facing them with a handful [of men], and he cried to the Romans to return. They came back and fought out of embarrassment that they had deserted their king, and many men fell on both sides.

2 When the kings left] 2Sam 11:1 6–7 did not wish for all his trooPs to go up there] cf. Josh 7:3 7 men of substance] Ruth 2:1 9 were weak or strong] Num 13:18 15 none of them remained] Exod 14:28 17 his drawn sword in his hand] Num 22:23 17–18 he escaped and fled] 1Sam 19:12 20 You are about to join battle with] Deut 20:3 21–22 stronger than lions, mightier than tigers] cf. mAvot 5:18 22 swift as gazelles upon the mountains] 1Chr 12:9 25 a great shout] 1Sam 4:4 27 a handful] 1Chr 16:19

479 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 74.1–77.51. Ibn Daud likens the Roman campaign to the spies sent out by Joshua to explore the land. His language indicates that the Romans executed the divine will. 480 Translated as “Meusfallen” in Wolff, (1557), [189]. דברי מלכי ישראל 318

ויהי ביום השני ויאסוף טיטוס את כל המחנה וירד מהר הזתים ויערוך את ישראל מלחמה פתח השער. ויעשו ישראל בערמה ויוציאו חצי אנשי המלחמה בסתר וצום ללכת אל מחנה רומיים אשר בהר הזתים ולבוז אותו. וכאשר ידעו כי הגיעו אל הר הזתים פתחו הנשארים דלתי המדינה ויצאו לקראת טיטוס. וכראות טיטוס את המלחמה פנים ואחור 5 ויחרד חרדה גדולה וכל אנשי מלחמתו נבהלו ויפנו עורף לנוס אל הר הזתים וגבורי טיטוס נסו והם צועקים: אדננו המלט על נפשך! ולמה תמות בחרב בני ישראל? ואם אתה תמות כולנו מתים. ולא האזין להם ויעמד תחתיו במתי מעט ויבחר מות מחיים. וכן עשו יום יום ובכל זה לא נגפו ישראל עד אשר שקטה המלחמה וישלימו ישראל את רומיים. ותשקוט המלחמה מחוץ ותתעורר בירושלם מבית מלחמות גדולות בין שרי 10 הפריצים לא נראו ולא נשמעו וישמע טיטוס וישמח. ויהי אחרי כן ויקרב טיטוס אל ירושלם ויסב אותה לראות איזה דרך ילחם בה. וירא מקום ישר לפאת קבר יוחנן הכהן ויאמר לשלישו: דבר אל העומדים על החומה ונכרתה להם ברית והיתה נפשם להם לשלל. ויחרישו ולא ענו אותו דבר. ויוסף עוד לדבר ויורהו מושך בקשת ויפול השליש וימת. ויצר לטיטוס מאד ויאמר להביא סוללות ואילי ברזל. 15 ויגמרו את החומה והעיר היתה מוקפת בג׳ חומות. ויפילו אילי הברזל מדה אחת מן החומה החיצונה ויקרבו אל החומה התיכונה להפילה.

[70. טיטוס וקנטור]

ושם נמצא איש מישראל גבור חיל ושמו קנטור. ויקרא אל טיטוס ויאמר לו: אדני המלך חוס ורחם על המדינה הזאת ועל גבוריה ועל בית המקדש ואל תשחיתה. ויענהו טיטוס: 20 למה תדבר עוד דבריך קנטור? צא אלי ותחיה. ויאמר לו קנטור: הנני מתייעץ עם אנשי

Gen 19:17 [המלט על נפשך Gen 27:33 6 [ויחרד חרדה גדולה Jer 41:4 5 [ויהי ביום השני 1 Jer 38:2 [והיתה נפשם להם לשלל cf. Jer 8:3 13 [ויבחר מות מחיים Deut 28:62 7 [במתי מעט 7 חוס 1Chr 12:29 et al. 19 [גבור חיל Judg 2:15 18 [ויצר לטיטוס מאד 2Sam 23:4 14 [ויוסף עוד 13 bBer 33b; bMeg 25a [ורחם על

2 חצי]-ל 3 רומיים] הרומיים דטAW 4 את]-דטAW 9 את] עם ט 9 מחוץ] בחוץ ל 9 ותתעורר] +בו ד 10 אל] +כהנ׳ A 10 נשמעו וישמע טיטוס וישמח] כהנה ולא השמעו Mü 12 אל] על ט 15 ויגמרו] וינגף Mü | וינגח טA 20 דבריך קנטור] דברי קנטורין A Mü

Cantor (text) Castor (m) Mü | Castor Sch (m) | Castor W [קנטור 18 history of the kings of israel 319

On the second day, Titus gathered his entire army, descended from the Mount of Olives, and waged war against Israel at the opening of the gate. Cunningly, the Jews let out half of their fighters and ordered them to go and loot the Roman camp on the Mount of Olives. When the rebels saw that they had made it to the Mount of Olives, the remaining troops 5 opened the city gates and attacked Titus. When Titus saw the front and rear attacks, he was seized with very violent trembling, and his soldiers were shocked and turned back to flee to the Mount of Olives, shouting: “Our lord, flee for your life! Why should you die by the sword of the people of Israel? If you die, we shall all die.” But he did not listen to them, and 10 he stood with but a few and chose death over life. Day after day they did so; Israel was not defeated until the war quieted down and they had made peace with the Romans. The war outside ended while, within Jerusalem, huge battles arose among the rebel leaders—the like of it had never been seen or heard of before—and when Titus heard this, he was glad. 15 After this, Titus came to Jerusalem and circled [the city] to see how he might fight it. He found a suitable spot near the grave of Johanan the Priest, and he told his general: “Talk to the people on the wall. Offer them an alliance so that they shall live.” But they were silent and did not respond. He continued speaking, and an archer shot the general with an arrow; the 20 general fell [to the ground] and died. Titus was greatly distressed, and gave orders to bring out the siege machines and battering rams. They struck out against the wall—the city was surrounded by three walls—and the iron rams broke part of the exterior wall, and then they turned to the inner wall to breach it. 25

[70. Titus and Cantor]481

There was a Jewish fighter, a valiant man, Cantor, who cried out to Titus: “Lord king, have mercy on this city, its warriors, its Temple and do not destroy it.”482 Titus responded: “Why do you keep talking to me like this,

1 On the second day] Jer 41:4 7 he was seized with very violent trembling] Gen 27:33 9 flee for your life] Gen 19:17 11 but a few] Deut 28:62 11 he chose death over life] cf. Jer 8:3 19 shall live] cf. Jer 38:2 20 He continued] 2Sam 23:4 21 was greatly distressed] Judg 2:15 27 a valiant man] 1Chr 12:29 et al. 28 have mercy on] bBer 33b; bMeg 25a

481 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 77.52–79.4. 482 This formula—“have mercy on …”—can also be found in the daily liturgy, cf. already Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Sefer Ahavah, 16.16. דברי מלכי ישראל 320

ואצא אליך. וישמח טיטוס ויקרב טיטוס אל החומה. ויעשו קנטור ואנשיו בערמה ויצאו מפתח אחר ויכו בגבורי טיטוס וימת עם רב מהם. והנשארים נסו וטיטוס עמד תחתיו ויכוהו מכות גדולות בחרבות ולא מת כי היה לבוש שריון כבד וכובע ברזל ומצחת ברזל על צוארו. וכראותו כי נסו גבוריו נס לבדו וימלט. ויקצוף טיטוס על קנטור קצף גדול 5 ויחזק המלחמה. ויגש אילי הברזל להשחית החומה ויבער אש סביבותיה. וכראות קנטור את האש נס להמלט מפני האש ומפני כובד השריון נפל באש וימת. ויגש עוד טיטוס אל החומה ויוכיחם ויאמר אליהם: עד מתי תפצרו להשחית עירכם ומקדש אלהיכם למות אתם וכל אשר לכם בחרב? צאו אלי ועשו ואכרות לכם ברית ותחיו! ולא אבו לשמוע אליו. ויגש יוסף בן גוריון וידבר אליהם דברי תוכחות וחמלה 10 ועצות טובות. ולא | הניח תוכחה שלא אמר להם עד אשר בכו כל שומעי דבריו מאנשי 35r ירושלם. והוא נשא את קולו ויבך בכי גדול וטיטוס נכמרו רחמיו עליהם ויאמר לפתח את כל היהודים האסורים במחנהו ולפדות את כל הנכבשים לעבדים ולשפחות. ויעשו להם כן ויבואו אל ירושלם.

[ 71 .רעב בירושלים]

15 וכראות אנשי ירושלם את מעשה טיטוס אמרו לפתוח שערי העיר ולצאת אליו. ויקומו שרי הפריצים יוחנן ושמעון הרשעים וישלפו חרבותם. ויכו את כל אשר ראו כי הוא נופל אל מחנה רומיים. וימיתוהו וסגרו השערים עד תום הלחם מן העיר עד אשר אכלו נבלות הכלבים ועכברים ואיש את בנו ואת בתו. והיו מהם אנשים יצאו ללקוט עשבים והיו

Gen 43:30 [נכמרו רחמיו Judg 21:2 11 [ויבך בכי גדול Num 21:6 11 [וימת עם רב מהם 2 Deut 28:68 [לעבדים ולשפחות 12

1 טיטוס]-ד 1 אל] על ט 1 ויעשו] ויעש טA 2 וימת] מת ד 4 נסו] נס ל 11 את]-טMüA 12 היהודים] +אשר ל 13 אל] על ל 17 אל] על ל 17 וסגרו] ויסגרו A 17 אשר]-דטA 18 יצאו] +מהם דטA history of the kings of israel 321

Cantor? Come out and you shall live.” Cantor said to him: “Look, let me consult with my people and then I shall come out.” Titus was happy when he heard this, and he approached the wall. Craftily, Cantor and his soldiers left the city through another gate, and they attacked Titus’ fighters; many of them died. Those who remained fled, and Titus stood and received 5 mighty sword blows, but he did not die because he was wearing heavy armor, an iron helmet, and an iron shield on his neck. When he saw that his soldiers had fled, he, too, fled alone and escaped. Titus was furious at Cantor, and the war became fiercer. Iron rams were used to breach the wall, and fire raged around it. When Cantor saw the fire, he turned to 10 escape the flames, but because of his heavy armor, he fell into the fire and died.483 Titus turned again towards the wall, reproved them and said: “How long will you insist on destroying your city and the Temple of your God, and ensure that you and yours die by the sword? Let us meet and make 15 a treaty so that you may live.” But they did not wish to listen to him. Then, Joseph ben Gorion encouraged and admonished them and gave 35r them good advice. He rebuked | them repeatedly until all Jerusalemites who heard him cried because of his words. He raised his voice and wept copiously, and Titus’ compassion was stirred. He gave orders to free all the 20 Jews imprisoned in his camp and to release all who had been captured and enslaved. So it was done and they came to Jerusalem.

[71. Hunger in Jerusalem]484

When the Jerusalemites saw what Titus had done, they decided to open the city gates and defect. But the wicked rebel leaders Johanan and Simon 25 rose and drew their swords. They smote everybody in sight who [they thought might] surrender to the Roman camp. They killed them and closed the gates until there was no bread left in the city, and people ate the corpses of dogs and mice, and their own sons and daughters.

4–5 many of them died] Num 21:6 19–20 wept copiously] Judg 21:2 20 compassion was stirred] Gen 43:30 22 enslaved] Deut 28:68

483 According to Josippon, Cantor throws himself into the flames, choosing death over life with a destroyed temple, Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 77.83. 484 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 79.5–80.53; Josephus, War, 5.420–445, 5.512–519. Leonard S. Zoll, “The Last Days of the Second Temple in Jerusalem … 70C.E. A Translation from Joseph ben Gorion’s Josippon,” CCAR Journal 17, no. 3 (1970). דברי מלכי ישראל 322

רומיים תולים אותם על עצים ויורו אותם בחץ והפריצים מתעוללים על אחרים במדינה לאמר אל רומיים אתם נופלים. והם תולים אותם על עצים בירושלם ויהי מספר התלויים אשר תלו הפריצים ת״ק איש ותהי המלחמה הולכת וחזקה ויגש טיטוס את הסוללות ואת אילי הברזל אל החומה ויצאו בחורי ישראל וישרפום ביד חזקה לעיני רומיים.

5 אז נתייעץ טיטוס לצור על העיר ולבנות עליה עד אשר יכלו מפני הרעב כי ידע כי אין הלחם בעיר וכי במלחמה לא יוכל להם לעולם. ויעש להם כן עד אשר רבו פגרי המתים ברעב והיו משליכין אותם מעל החומה אל נחל קדרון. וכראות טיטוס רוב העם המתים ברעב המושלכין אל נחל קדרון חרד ופחד ויפרוש כפיו השמימה ויאמר: נקי אני יי׳ אלהי השמים מדמי המתים האלה כי אני לא הרגתים וכי שלום בקשתי. אלהי השמים בקש 10 דמם מיד הפריצים אשר הביאו את כל הרעה הזאת על הגוי הזה.

[72. שחיטת התמימים]

וילשינו בני בליעל את אמתי הכהן אל שמעון הפריץ ויאמרו כי אל רומיים הוא נופל. וישלח שמעון ויקחהו ואת ארבעת בניו פרחי כהנה וינס האחד ויצו שמעון להרוג את כולם. ויתחנן לו אמתי להרוג אותו טרם בניו ולא יראה ברעתם ולא שמע אליו שמעון 15 באכזריותו. ויאמר שמעון לאמתי: איה רומיים היוכלו היום להצילך מידי? ויאמר לו אמתי:

2 והם] והיו A 3 את] +כל ט 6 אשר רבו]-ד 6 אשר]-טA 7 אל] על ל 8 אל] על ל 12 בני ]-ל 13–12 הפריץ ויאמרו כי אל רומיים הוא נופל. וישלח שמעון]-ט 13 האחד] אחד טA Mü

Amathi sacerdotum Mü | Mathian Priester W [אמתי הכהן Sicarii Mü 12 [והפריצים 1 eigermina sacerdotji Mü | sämlingen Sch | vberley stemigen W [פרחי כהנה 13 history of the kings of israel 323

Some of them went out to pick grass and the Romans hanged them on trees and shot at them with arrows. Meanwhile, the rebels485 abused people in the city, accusing them of defecting to the Romans, and then they hanged them on trees in Jerusalem. The rebels hanged 500 people and the war continued fiercely. Titus used the siege mounds and the iron 5 rams against the walls, and the young fighters of Israel went out and burnt them with force before the eyes of the Romans. Titus was advised to enclose the city until they were forced to surrender because of hunger. He knew there was no bread left in the city and that he could never win in war. So he enclosed it, until the corpses of those 10 who had died from hunger multiplied and were thrown over the wall into the Kidron Valley. When Titus saw the many people who had died from hunger and were thrown into the Kidron Valley, he became fearful and threw up his hands towards heaven and said: “Heavenly God, I am innocent of the blood of these dead people because I did not kill them. I 15 asked for peace. Heavenly God, demand their blood from the rebels who have brought all this evil upon this nation.”

[72. The Slaughter of the Innocent]486

Evil people informed upon Amitai the Priest487 to Simon the Rebel, saying that [he intended to] surrender to the Romans. Simon ordered his arrest 20 and that of his four sons, flowers of the priesthood. One of them fled, and Simon gave orders to kill them all. Amitai begged of Simon to kill him before his sons so that he would not have to see their distress, but Simon in his cruelty did not listen to him, and said: “Where are your precious Romans now to come rescue you from me?” Amitai responded: 25 “I confess that I am doomed because it was I who brought this rebel to Jerusalem. He shall be for a sanctuary, a stone men strike against: a

27–4.1 a sanctuary, a stone men strike against: a rock men stumble over] Isa 8:14

485 Rendered as “Sicarii” in Wolff (1557), [194]. 486 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 81.1–82.16. 487 The two consecutive stories of Amitai and Mathias form a doublette of the story of the slaughter of Mathias and his sons in Josephus, War, 5.527–531. They are similarly conflated in Sefer Josippon (Flusser). See Abraham Neumann, “Josippon: History and Pietism,” in Alexander Marx: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday. English Section, ed. Jewish Theological Seminary of America (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1950), 662–664. Wolff attempts to clarify with “Mathian Priester.” Wolff (1557), [197]. דברי מלכי ישראל 324

אני מתודה כי איש מות אני כי אני הבאתי את הפריץ הזה אל ירושלם. ויהי לירושלם למקוש ולאבן נגף ולצור מכשול. אבל אני לא מלבי עשיתי זאת כי אם ברשות העם הזה יושבי ירושלם אשר קוו להיות להם בו עזרה. ונמצא קשה להם מרומיים כי רומיים הרגו מעט מישראל חוץ לירושלם. וזה הפריץ בבית יי׳ והפיל פגריהם על פגרי קרבנותיהם! 5 ואחר דבריו צוה שמעון ויהרגו את בני אמתי ואותו. ועוד שמעון הפריץ הרג את מתתיה הכהן מבית כהונה גדולה ותפול נבלתו על נבלת אמתי ובניו. וכן במעמד ההוא הרג את ארוסטוס הסופר וט״ו איש צדיק עמו ועוד י״א מבעלי אמונה ומגדולי ירושלם כי עברו וראו את כל אשר עשה שמעון הפריץ. ויתמהו איש אל רעהו ויאמרו: ברוך ארך אפים לעובדי רצונו. עד מתי יאריך הקדוש ברוך הוא 10 אפיו לרשע הזה? ויוגד לשמעון ויצו את אנשיו ויכום לפי חרב. ואלעזר בן ענני נס מפניו אל בצרה. וגוריון אבי יוסף בן גוריון היה אסור בבית שמעון. ויגש יוסף אל החומה לדעת את שלום אביו | וישלך עליו אבן גדולה ותפול על ראשו ויפול ארצה. וישלך עליו עוד אבנים וחצים 35v ויצו טיטוס ויוציאוהו רומיים.

15 [73. סבלם של אנשי ירושלים]

בעת ההיא נקהלו בעלי אמונה ועמדו על נפשם ויצאו מירושלם ויפלו על טיטוס מפני הרעב ומפני חרב הפריצים. ויקבלם טיטוס וינהלם בלחם. וכאשר היו אוכלים את הלחם היו מתים ויחמול עליהם טיטוס ויאמר ליוסף: מה נעשה לעמך? אם נמנע מהם את הלחם

נקהלו בעלי Josh 10:28 et al. 16 [ויכום לפי חרב Isa 8:14 10 [למקדש ולאבן נגף ולצור מכשול 2 Esth 9:16 [אמונה ועמדו על נפשם

1 אני]-טA 1 אל] על ד 2 כי אם] רק דטMü 3 בו]*בו ט 3 מרומיים] כי רומיים Mü 3 כי רומיים]-ל 5 בני אמתי] בניו ט 6 מתתיה]-ל | חנניה טA 7 צדיק]-ט 8 את]-ל 18 עליהם] אליהם Mü 18 את]-דטA Mü

Ananiam W [מתתיה 6 history of the kings of israel 325

rock men stumble over. I did not act on my own volition, but, rather, on the authority of the people, the residents of Jerusalem who hoped that he would help them. But he turned out to act even harsher than the Romans, who killed only a few people of Israel outside of Jerusalem. This rebel—in the Temple!—threw corpses on the corpses of their own 5 sacrifices!” After this, Simon gave orders to kill the sons of Amitai, together with him. Simon the Rebel also killed the priest Mathias from the high priestly family, and his body fell on the body of Amitai and his sons. At the same time, he also killed the scribe Aristeus and fifteen righteous men with 10 him, and another eleven of the faithful and powerful Jerusalemites who had seen all the evil that Simon the Rebel had done. Everybody was dumbfounded, and said to his neighbor: “Blessed is the One who is patient to those who perform according to his will. How long can the Holy One, Blessed Be He, be patient with this evildoer?” This was told to Simon, and 15 he ordered his men to put them to the sword. Eleazar ben Ananias fled to Basra. Gorion, the father of Joseph, was imprisoned in the house of Simon.488 35v Joseph approached the wall to find out how his father was doing, | and a large stone was hurled against him and hit him in the head so that he 20 fell to the ground. More stones and arrows were thrown against him, and Titus ordered the Romans to take him away.

[73. The Suffering of the Jerusalemites]489

At that time, the faithful assembled and fought for their lives, and left Jerusalem. They fell into Titus’ hands because of hunger and the rebel 25 violence. Titus received them and gave them bread. They would eat the bread, and then die; Titus took pity on them, and said to Joseph: “What shall we do with your people? If we don’t feed them, they die, but if we give them food until they have had enough, they also die!” Joseph answered: “If

12–13 Everybody was dumbfounded] Gen 43:33 16 put them to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al. 24 assembled and fought for their lives] Esth 9:16 26 and gave them bread] Gen 47:17

488 This motif is germane to Ibn Daud. In other versions of Josippon that I have seen, he is imprisoned in a tower. See Sefer Josippon (Flusser) 82.10; Josippon (Hominer) chap. 90, and the texts mentioned in Dönitz, “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon,” 212. 489 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 82.26–134. דברי מלכי ישראל 326

ימותו ואם נתן להם ישבעו וימותו! ויאמר לו יוסף: אם יותן להם שתיית שלשלת אולי יחיו. ויאמר טיטוס להעשות כן ויחיו ומקצתם מתו ולא הועיל להם רפואה. ובצאת היהודים האלה מירושלם בלעו אבני בדולח ופטדה וזהב מפני אימת הפריצים. וכשהיו יוצאים לבית הכסא במחנה רומיים היו בודקים את היוצא ומוצאים את אשר 5 בלעו. וידעו הדבר ערביים וארם שהיו במחנה והיו אורבים להם. אם יצא אחד מהם וירחיק מעט מן המחנה היו שוחטים אותו ומוציאים אבנים יקרות או זהב מבטנו עד אשר בא מספר ההרוגים אלף איש. וישמע טיטוס את הדבר הזה ויחר אפו מאד. ויאמר להוריד עדי הפרשים אשר היה על חרבותם מעליהם ויאמר: אל תאהבו זהב אהבה גדולה כי מאהבת הזהב באו ארם וערב לעשות את הרעה הזאת. ויצו עוד ויגרש גוי 10 ארם וערב ממחנהו. בימים ההם בא מספר המוצאים להקבר אשר הוצאו מאחד שערי ירושלם ממותי החרב והדבר ויהיו קט״ו אלף ושמונה מאות. והמוצאים משערים אחרים והמתים סביבות ירושלם ויהי מספרם כשש מאות אלף הנקברים לבד מן המושלכים אל נחל קדרון וכל אשר לא נקברו מחללי הפריצים אשר המיתום ולא נתנום לקברם מרוב אכזריותם. 15 ויפצרו הפריצים הרשעים האלה להשתולל בירושלם לבלתי תחת לרומיים עד אשר אכלו בהמות ועורות המרכבות והשלטים. כי לא נמצא ירק ולא עשב ולא עלה אילן בעולם סביבות ירושלם, אחר אשר היו גנות ופרדסים סביבותיה מהלך י״ג מיל כגן יי׳ ועל ידי הפריצים האלה היה הכל שממה.

.Exod 2:11 et al [בימים ההם 1Sam 11:6 11 [ויחר אפו מאד 7

5 להם]-ל 8 הפרשים] הפרצים ט 13 אל] על ל 14 נתנום] נתנו טA

-Wenn man jhn eynen tranck gebe der sie durch [אם יותן להם שתיית שלשלת אולי יחיו 2–1 brüchig machte Sch | Wenn man jn machet / vnd geben einen Tranck / so sie im Leibe כגן geweydt Sch 17 [ומוציאים weichet / vnd öffnet so würden sie vielleicht leben. W 6 licet horti & pomaria circundederint eam itinere tredecim miliarium sicut paradisus [יי׳ Domini Mü | (Wie den paradiß des HERRN) vff acht meil Wegs ummfangen hetten Sch | in die drey meil Wegs gantz vmbgeben war / nach der lenge vnd breitte / als ein Paradis des HErrn W history of the kings of israel 327 they are given only a half or a third, they might live.”490 Titus gave orders to do this, and some died and some lived; for some, no medicine helped and they died. When those Jews left Jerusalem, they swallowed their precious stones of crystal, topaz, and gold because of the rebel threat. When they went 5 to relieve themselves in the Roman camp, they examined their stool and found what they had swallowed. The Arabs and Arameans in the camp knew this and ambushed them. Whenever one of them walked a short distance from the camp, they would slaughter him and remove491 the precious stones or the gold from his stomach, until the number of Jews 10 killed in this way reached one thousand.492 Titus heard about this and his anger blazed up. He gave orders to remove the jewels from the swords of the cavalrymen, and he said: “You should not love gold so much, for it is for the sake of this gold that the Arameans and the Arabs have done these evil acts.” He gave orders to expel the Arameans and the Arabs from his 15 camp. In those days, the number of those who had died of violence or disease and were brought out for burial from one of Jerusalem’s gates alone numbered 115,800. [The number of] those brought out through the other gates, and of the dead in the vicinity of Jerusalem, amounted to about six hun- 20 dred thousand who received a burial; this was apart from those who had been thrown to the Kidron Valley, and the rebel casualties who had been killed and had not received a burial, and were cruelly left to rot. These evil rebels carried on in Jerusalem, with no fear of the Romans, until they were eating beasts, and the leather of [their] chariots and shields. There were 25 no vegetables, no grass, and no leaves around Jerusalem; within thirteen miles493 there were gardens and orchards, but everything under the rebels’ control was wasteland.

1–2 gave orders to do this] Esth 9:14 10–11 until the number of Jews killed] Esth 9:11 11–12 his anger blazed up] 1Sam 11:6 17 In those days] Exod 2:11 et al.

490 Schwyntzer suggests “Wenn man jhn eynen tranck gebe der sie durchbrüchig machte” in Schwyntzer (1530), 93. Wolff has “Wenn man jn machet / vnd geben einen Tranck / so sie im Leibe weichet / vnd öffnet so würden sie vielleicht leben” in Wolff, (1557), [200]. 491 Schwyntzer explains: “geweydt,” Schwyntzer (1530), 93. 492 2,000 according to Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 82.55. 493 Translated as “(wie den paradiß des HERRN) vff acht meil wegs ummfangen hetten” in Schwyntzer, (1530), 92. Wolff has “in die drey meil wegs gantz vmbgeben war / nach der lenge vnd breitte / als ein Paradis des HErrn.” Wolff (1557), [202]. דברי מלכי ישראל 328

ויגשו רומיים עוד להלחם ויצאו אליהם שרי הפריצים רעבים ודלים ויעשו רומיים סוללות ואילים משחיתים את החומה התיכונה ולא יכלו הפריצים להתחזק ולשרפם כפעם בפעם. ויגישו את האילים ויפילו מדה אחת מן החומה ויריעו רומיים תרועה גדולה ויריעו גם הפריצים תרועה גדולה כי חומה חדשה בנו נוכח האיל המשחית בחומה. ועלה חיל 5 רומיים על החומה הנופלת וחיל הפריצים על החומה החדשה וילחמו מלחמה חזקה וינגפו רומיים.

[74. הנסיון היווני לכבוש את ירושלים]

והיה במחנה טיטוס אחד מבני מלכי יון מזרע אלכסנדרוס המלך הגדול ויאמר לטיטוס: לך תאות מלוכה שהחרדת את כל המחנות הגדולות האלה אל עיר קטנה כזאת אשר 10 לא יספיק עפרה לשעלים לכל העם אשר ברגליך. ויאמר לו טיטוס: אם כן הוא למחר אתה ואנשיך הלחם בהם ונראה גבורתכם ויעשו כן. וינגף היוני לפני הפריצים וינס הגבור ולא נשאר באנשיו עד אחד. ויכנעו רומיים לפני | הפריצים האלה וכמעט אבדה תקותם 36r מלכוד את ירושלם. וידבר טיטוס על לבם ויחזקם ויחרפם חרפה גדולה אם יעלו מעל ירושלם וינוסו לפני מתי רעב ופליטי חרב. ויכעס אחד מגבורי טיטוס וישלוף את חרבו 15 ויצעק: מי האיש הגבור יבא אלי ונלחמה באמללים האלה! וילכו עמו י״א מגבורי המחנה ויעמדו על הפרצה וילחמו מלחמה חזקה וינגפו לפני הפריצים במכים נאמנים וימותו לעת ערב.

ויריעו גם הפריצים תרועה 1Sam 4:5 3–4 [ויריעו רומיים תרועה גדולה Num 24:1 3 [כפעם בפעם 2 .Exod 7:10 et al [ויעשו כן 1Sam 4:5 11 [גדולה

9 מלוכה] המלוכה ל 11 גבורתכם] גבורתם ל 12 אבדה] עברה ל 13 את]-ל 14 את חרבו]-ל 16 חזקה] גדולה ל zur Vesperzeit auff den Abent W [לעת ערב Eysenfresser W 17 [היוני 11 history of the kings of israel 329

The Romans again approached to do battle. The rebel leaders came out, hungry and wretched, and the Romans used siege mounds and rams to break the middle wall. The rebels could not find the strength to burn them as they had on previous occasions. They attacked with rams and tore down part of the wall, and burst into a great shout. The rebels, too, broke into a 5 great shout, because they had built a new wall opposite the ram that had breached the wall. The Roman soldiers climbed on top of the collapsed wall and the rebels went up the new wall. They fought each other fiercely and the Romans were defeated.

[74. The Greek Attempt to Take Jerusalem]494 10

One of the Greek princes from the dynasty of Alexander the Great was in Titus’ army, and he said to Titus: “What kind of a king would you be, that you bring out these massive armies against such a small city, whose dust will not provide even a handful for each of the men who follow you?” Titus answered him: “If that is what you think, then you and your men 15 [go and] fight them tomorrow, and let’s see how strong you are!” So they 36r did. The rebels defeated | the Greek prince495 and he fled; none of his men survived. The Romans surrendered to the rebels, and they almost lost all hope of ever capturing Jerusalem. Titus comforted them; he encouraged and shamed them by saying that, were they to leave Jerusalem, they 20 would be fleeing from half-starved people and war refugees. One of Titus’ soldiers became angry, drew his sword, and shouted: “Whoever is a true fighter, come with me and we shall fight those weaklings!” Eleven of the army’s soldiers left with him, stood at the breach of the wall, and fought fiercely. The rebels routed them tenaciously and they died by 25 nightfall.

4 on previous occasions] Num 24:1 5 and burst … great shout] 1Sam 4:5 5–6 and burst … great shout] 1Sam 4:5 14 dust will not provide even a handful for each of the men who follow you] 1Kgs 20:10 16–17 And so they did] Exod 7:10 et al.

494 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 83.41–56. 495 “Eysenfresser” in Wolff, (1557), [204]. דברי מלכי ישראל 330

[75. כיבוש ירושלים]

ויחפרו רומיים מערה מן המחנה אל העיר. ויהי ממחרת וילכו עוד אל הפרצה עשרים איש בחור מבחורי טיטוס הגבורים וימצאו את הפריצים ישנים נרדמים מפני הרעב ומאשר התענו במלחמה. ויריעו הגבורים האלה וירץ אליהם טיטוס וכל עם המחנה ויעלו על 5 החומות ויבאו אחרים במערה על החומה ותלכד העיר. ויתקבצו הפריצים וכל אשר להם אל עזרה אחת מעזרות בית המקדש מפאת ההיכל. וילכו טיטוס וכל גבוריו וילחמו בו מלחמה לא נראתה ולא נחיתה כמוה עד נשמע למרחוק צליל החרבות על הראשים ותרועת נלחמים ואנקת חללים עד אשר מלאו את העזרה פה לפה כג׳ שעות מעלות השמש עד שעה שלישית ביום ורוב החללים 10 מרומיים. וכאשר ראו רומיים את הדבר הזה נסו וינגפו לפני הפריצים ויצאו מן הקדש ומן העיר. ואנשי הצבא אשר עשו את הגבורה יוחנן ראש הפריצים ואלעשה ויפתח ראשי אנשיו ושמעון שר הפריצים ויעקב האדומי חברו ומלכיה וארשימון ויהודה. ודבר זה היה בחמשה בסיון ערב שבועות. ובין החומות נפלו חללי רומיים ביום ההוא. וכראות טיטוס כי החומות אכלו בעם יותר מאשר אכלה החרב ויתצו את החומות.

15 [76. המאבק על בית המקדש]

ויהי ממחרת ביום שבועות נגש טיטוס אל בית המקדש כי שם נבצרו הפריצים ועמו יוסף בן גוריון. וידבר טיטוס אל הפריצים דברים טובים וניחומים ויוכיחם על אשר טמאו את מקדשם ושפכו בו דמים ועוד הם מחללים אותו בהתגרותם עם המחנה הכבד הבא עליהם עד אשר ימותו כולם ותפול נבלתם כדומן על פני בית המקדש. והבית ישרף

cf. 2Kgs 9:37 [נבלתם כדומן על פני cf. Zech 1:13 19 [דברים טובים וניחומים 17

7 וילכו] וילך ל 10 לפני] מפני טA Mü 10 הקדש] המקדש ל 19 ישרף] כ״י ל מפסיק כאן haec res quinta die [בחמשה בסיון So bald sie eyn zeychen gaben Sch 13+ [הגבורים האלה 4 mensis Siuan, scilicet in uespera Pentecostes Mü | pfingstabend SchW history of the kings of israel 331

[75. The Conquest of Jerusalem]496

The Romans dug a tunnel from their camp to the city, and on the following day, about twenty of Titus’ young soldiers went to the breach in the wall and found the rebels, asleep from hunger and fighting. These soldiers yelled in triumph,497 and Titus and his entire army rushed to the wall; 5 others entered the wall from the tunnel and the city was taken. The rebels and their followers gathered in one of the Temple courtyards, in a corner of the Temple. Titus and his soldiers fought a battle there unlike any other, until the sounds of swords on heads, shouting of fighters, and the sighing of the wounded filling the courtyard from end to end could 10 be heard from afar. [The fighting lasted] from the third hour after sunrise until the third hour of the day. The majority of the dead were Romans, and when the Romans saw this, they fled and were defeated by the rebels yet again, and left the Temple and the city. The soldiers who [won this victory] were: Johanan, the rebel leader; Alasha and Yiftah, the leader of his men; 15 Simon, [another] leader of the rebels; Jacob the Edomite and his companion; and Malchiah, Ari-Simon, and Judah.498 This happened on the fifth day of Sivan, on the eve of Shavuot.499 On this day, Roman casualties fell between the walls, and when Titus saw that the wall had devoured more people than the sword, they breached it. 20

[76. The Struggle for the Temple]500

On the following day, on Shavuot, Titus approached the Temple because the rebels had taken cover there, and Joseph ben Gorion was with him. Titus spoke kindly and comfortingly to the rebels and reproached them because they had defiled their own Temple and spilled blood there. They 25 were still defiling it by taunting the great army that was sent to attack them until all of them would die, their bodies falling to the Temple ground like excrement. The Temple would be burnt down, and the sacrifices would

24 kindly and comforting] cf. Zech 1:13 27–28 ground like excrement] cf. 2Kgs 9:37

496 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 83.57–67. 497 Translated as “So bald sie eyn zeychen gaben” in Schwyntzer (1530), 95. 498 Alexa, Glyptheus, and Melchius in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 83.63. 499 Translated as “Pfingstabent” in Wolff (1557), [207]. 500 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), chap. 84. דברי מלכי ישראל 332

והעבודה תשבות. טיטוס מדבר בלשונו ויוסף מליץ בינותם. ויחרישו ולא ענו אותו דבר כי מצות יוחנן היא לאמר: לא תענוהו. ויהי כאשר כלה את דבריו ויענו ויאמרו אליו: אנחנו אין לנו קרבן כי אם נפשותינו ובשרנו ודמנו נקריב על גב מזבחנו לאחר שנלחם מלחמות אלהינו. ונמות חפשים בביתו טוב 5 לנו ממאסרכם והבשת והכלימה שהעטיתם אותנו. ויען טיטוס ויאמר: העיר עיר קדש היא והבית בית מקדש יי׳ הוא. ואתם טמאתם אותו בהרגכם את חסידיכם על מזבחיכם כאשר עשיתם לפנים בזכריה בן יהוידע. ואחרי כן לא תבושו ולא תכלמו לאמר: אלהים יעזור לנו! ואם שלחן איש אחד הייתם מטמאים היה שונא אתכם אף כי שלחן אלהיכם. ובאמת כל איש גבור ומר נפש טוב לו למות ממשול בו אויבו הבא להכלימו ולהוציאו 10 מתורתו. ואני לא באתי כי אם לכרות לכם ברית לפני אלהי הבית הזה. והוא יהיה עד ושומע בינותינו כי לא אמיר ולא אפר את בריתי. ולא אעשה לכם רעה בעולם ולא אמליך | עליכם מלך כי אם מגדוליכם. והנה יוסף בן גוריון אמליכהו עליכם. וכל הנופלים 36v עליו מאנשי האמונה ישובו וישבו בארצם ואכלו איש גפנו ואיש תאנתו ושתו איש מי בורו וחיו ולא תמותו.

15 וישא יוסף קולו ויבך וידבר גם הוא אליהם ולא שמעו הפריצים ולא הטו את אזנם. ורבים מאנשי האמונה נסו ונפלו אל טיטוס וישלחם טיטוס אל ארץ גושן. ויצו את נציב רומיים אשר במצרים לחמול עליהם ולהיטיב להם. ואחיהם הערימו ויחתרו לצאת אל טיטוס ולא הניחום הפריצים. וכראות טיטוס כי אינם מקשיבים אליו ויבחר שלשים אלף גבור חיל ויפקד עליהם פקיד ושמו רוסטיאוס.

.1Sam 22:2 et al [ומר נפש Ruth 2:1 et al. 9 [איש גבור Isa 45.17 9 [לא תבושו ולא תכלמו 7 .1Chr 12:29 et al [גבור חיל Isa 36:16 18–19 [ואכלו איש גפנו ואיש תאנתו ושתו איש מי בורו 14–13

3 אין]-ד 3 כי]-ד 12 אמליכהו] ימליכהו ד

Trotz vn hochmut der+ [אלהינו dolmetsch vnd Teutschelman W 4 [ויוסף מליץ בינותם 1 verzweiffelten Buben W history of the kings of israel 333

cease. This is what Titus said in his language and what Joseph translated. The rebels were silent and did not answer, because Johanan had instructed them: “Do not answer him.” But when Titus had finished speaking, they said: “We have no sacrifice but our lives, our flesh and blood, which we shall bring as sacrifices on 5 our altar after we have fought the wars of our God.501 We would rather die in freedom in his Temple than in utter disgrace in your prison.” Titus answered: “This is a sacred city and this house belongs to God. You defiled it when you killed your pious men on your altars as you did earlier to Zechariah ben Jehoiada, and afterwards, you were not even ashamed or 10 disgraced but cried out: ‘God help us!’ Had you defiled the table of a human, he would have hated you, and how much more so now, that you defiled the altar of your God! Truly, it is better for a desperate man of sustenance to die rather than be ruled by his enemy, who has come to insult him and take him away from his Torah. But I only came to make 15 a treaty with you before the God of this Temple. God shall be a witness and hear our agreement that I will not break my alliance. I will do you 36v no wrong, nor set a king | over you who is not one of your leaders. See, I will make Joseph ben Gorion your king. All the faithful who had defected to him shall return to their land. A man may eat from his vines and 20 his fig trees and drink water from his cisterns and you will live and not die.” Joseph wept aloud. He also spoke to them, but the rebels did not listen to him. Many of the pious people fled and went over to Titus, who sent them to the land of Goshen. He instructed the Roman representative in 25 Egypt to be kind to them and treat them well. Their brethren tried all sorts of underhanded methods in order to reach Titus, but the rebels wouldn’t allow it. When Titus saw that they were not listening to him, he chose an army of 30,000 valiant men and set a commander called Rustius502 over them. 30

10–11 you were not even ashamed or disgraced] Isa 45:17 13–14 desperate man of sustenance] Ruth 2:1, 1Sam 22:2 et al. 16 God shall be a witness] Judg 11:10 20–21 A man may eat from his vines and his fig trees and drink water from his cisterns] Isa 36:16 21–22 and you will live and not die] 2Kgs 18:32

501 Wolff (1577), [208] adds in the margin: “Trotz vn hochmut der verzweiffelten Buben.” 502 Cerealis in Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 84.79. דברי מלכי ישראל 334

[77. חורבן בית המקדש]

ויסוב את בית המקדש הוא וגבוריו וילחמו ישראל ז׳ ימים. ביום היו נלחמים ובלילה היו מתגנבים ויוצאים אל מחנה רומיים לחיות את נפשם עד אשר כעסו הרומיים והפקידו שומרים על מחניהם כל הלילה לא יחשו. וכי חזק הרעב על היהודים יצאו בחוריהם אל 5 שער המזרח אל הר הזתים ויבוזו סוסים ופרדים וחמורים אחר אשר הרגו את שומריהם ויביאו את השלל העירה בתרועה גדולה. ויהי אחרי כן כראות היהודים כי החומות נתצו וכי חומת המקדש נפרצה. והיה סמוך להיכל מאחריו בניין גדול מימי שלמה מלך ישראל ומלכי בית שני צפוהו בעצי ארזים ועצי ברושים לרוב מאד. ויקחו היהודים גפרית ונפט וזפת לח ויצפו את כל העצים. ויצאו 10 למלחמה עם רומיים ויהיו בנגפים לפניהם וירדפום רומיים ויבאו בבניין הגדול ההוא והיהודים עלו אל גג ההיכל וגבורי רומי בבניין. וישלחו היהודים בלט אחד מהם והצית אש בשער הבניין ותצת החצר כולה. ולא מצאו רומיים מנוס וימותו לעיני טיטוס. והוא רואה ובוכה ונפקד עם רב ממחנהו וגבורים גדולים. והבניין הגדול נשרף ובתים הרבה מירושלם עד בית חזקיהו מלך יהודה.

15 ויכבד עוד הרעב בירושלם עד אשר אשה אחת אכלה מבשר בנה. וישמע טיטוס וירע בעיניו ויפרוש כפיו השמימה ויאמר: יי׳ אלהי השמים יודע ועד כי לא עליתי על העיר הזאת לעשות לה רעה וכי הם עשו את כל אלה. יי׳ אלהי השמים אתה קרעת את הים לפני אבותם והעמדת להם שמש וירח עד אשר נקמו מאויביהם. ובקעת להם את הירדן והעלית מנביאיהם השמימה ברכב אש וסוסי אש והכית במחנה סנחריב מאה וחמשה

1Sam 4:5 [בתרועה גדולה 6

3 לחיות] להחיות דטA Mü 5 אל] על ד 6 העירה] העיר טA 11 רומי] רומיים טA 11 והצית] להצית טA 12 וימותו] ומתו דטA Mü 17–16 אלהי השמים יודע ועד כי לא עליתי על העיר הזאת לעשות לה רעה וכי הם עשו את כל אלה-]דלV 16 השמים] השמימה A Mü 18 לפני אבותם] לפניהם דטA Mü tennen W [ועצי ברושים 9 history of the kings of israel 335

[77. The Destruction of the Temple]503

He and his soldiers surrounded the Temple, and they fought Israel for seven days. They battled during the day, but at night, they stole away and went to the Roman camp to find themselves some sustenance. This went on until the Romans became angry and set guards over their camp all night 5 long. The Jews did not fear this because they were plagued by hunger. The young men left the eastern gate for the Mount of Olives. They stole horses, pack animals, and mules after they had killed the guards, and they brought their booty to the city with triumphant cries. Afterwards, the Jews saw that the walls and the Temple walls had been 10 breached. Adjoining the Temple was a large building from the days of Solomon, King of Israel,504 which the kings of the Second Temple period had lavishly covered with cedar and cypress wood. The Jews took sulphur, oil and fresh pitch and smeared [the mixture] on the wood. Then they attacked the Romans who pursued them, and when they reached this big 15 building, the Jews ascended to the roof of the Temple hall while the Roman soldiers went inside. The Jews secretly sent one of their own to set the gate of the building on fire, and the entire courtyard caught fire. The Romans could not flee, and died before Titus’ eyes. Seeing this, he cried and felt for the loss of his army and many of his great fighters. That large building and 20 many other buildings of Jerusalem, up to the house of Hezekiah, King of Judea, burnt down. The hunger in Jerusalem was so great that a woman ate the flesh of her own child.505 When Titus heard this, he thought this was terrible. He threw up his hands to heaven and cried: “God of the Heavens knows and 25 is [my] witness that I did not come to this city in order to do evil. They did all these things to themselves! Heavenly God, you split the sea before their ancestors.506 You made the sun and moon stand still before them until they had taken revenge upon their enemies. You split the Jordan and brought their prophets up to heaven in chariots of fire, [drawn by] horses 30

5–6 set guards over their camp all night long] cf. Isa 62:6 9 with triumphant cries] 1Sam 4:5

503 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 85–86.37 Robert Kirschner, “Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70,” HTR, no. 78 (1985): 27–46. 504 Fortress of Antonia, Josephus, War, 2.449–456. 505 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 86.1–54; Josephus, War, 6.201–219; Deut 28:7; Lam 2:20, LamR (Buber) 41b. 506 Ibn Daud refers here primarily to the Exodus and to the stories of Joshua. Cf. Exod 13:17–14:29, Josh 4:108 and Josh 10:13. דברי מלכי ישראל 336

ושמנים אלף איש. ומים הוצאת להם מן הצור ודגן שמים האכלתם. ובניהם החטאים האלה שמו את ארצם שממה והמתם בחרב וברעב ובדבר עד אשר אכלו בשר בניהם! ובכל זאת לא נכנעו מלפניך ולא ידעו כי ידך היתה בם מפני רוע מעלליהם. ואני הנני נלחם בם מעט! ואם לא תתנם בידי אמהר ואסור מעל אהלי האנשים הרשעים האלה. 5 ואנוס אל נפשי פן אספה בכל חטאתם אם תהפוך את ארצם כאשר הפכת את סדום ואת עמורה. ויהי ככלותו לדבר את כל הדברים האלה ליותר מהמה ויאמר להגיש את האיל ולחתור את קיר ההיכל ויפול הקיר. ויבאו רומיים וימצאו שער סגור ודלתיו מצופות כסף. ויציתו תחתיו אש ויצרף הכסף וישרף העץ. ויפלו הדלתות ארצה וירא טיטוס את קדש הקדשים. 10 ויצו ויעבירו קול בכל מחנהו אשר | לא יקרב איש מהם אל הקדש ויפקד עליו גבורים 37r לשמרו. ויאמרו יועציו: אם לא תשרוף את הבית הזה לא תוכל לפריצים האלה לעולם כי הוא מבצרם ועליו ילחמו וימותו. ויקומו הפריצים לילה וילחמו בשומרים ויכום וימיתום. ויהי ממחרת ויקבצו רומיים ויציתו את הבית באש. וילכדוהו בחדש החמישי בעשור לחדש.

15 וירץ טיטוס עוד לכבות את האש ויצעק אל רומיים שלא לעשות כן עד אשר יבש גרונו ולא נשמע קולו. וישלוף את חרבו להלחם בגבוריו ולא שמעו אליו והוא צועק ודוחף את השורפים עד אשר נפל ארצה עיף ויגע וישרף הבית. ונלחמו הכהנים כפי יכולתם וכראותם כי אין לאל ידם הפילו את עצמם באש ומתו לבל יראו ברעה הזאת.

cf. Eccl 12:12 [ליותר מהמה cf. Num 16:31 7 [ויהי ככלותו לדבר את כל הדברים האל 7

7 ליותר מהם] ויותר מהמה טA 8 ויבאו] ויצאו Mü 9 ויצרף] וישרף טA 11–10 קול בכל מחנהו אשר לא יקרב איש מהם אל הקדש ויפקד עליו גבורים לשמרו. ויאמרו יועציו]-דל

So trewlich meinet Ers / Er bestellete auch eine+ [לעולם Himelbrodt W 11 [ודגן שמים 1 sondere vnd starcke Wacht darzu Sch history of the kings of israel 337

of fire. You defeated the army of Sanherib, 185,000 men. You brought forth water from the rock and sustained them with ambrosia. Their sinful descendants devastated the land; they were killed by the sword, famine and pestilence until they even ate their own children’s flesh! But in spite of all of this, they did not surrender to you and did not know that you were 5 set against them because of their evil deeds. Look, I fought them only a little! If you do not give them into my hands, I will hurry away from the tents of these evil people. I will flee for my life, lest I perish because of their sins, if you [decide to] destroy the country as you did with Sodom and Gomorrah.”507 10 When he finished speaking, he furthermore gave orders to bring the ram and to break the Temple wall, and the wall collapsed. When the Romans entered, they found a closed gate with doors covered in silver. They lit a fire under the door, melting the silver and burning the wood. The doors fell to the ground and Titus saw the Holy of Holies. He commanded 15 37r his entire army that | no-one was to come near the Holy [of Holies], and he set soldiers to guard it. His advisers said to him: “If you do not burn this Temple, you will never be able to crush these rebels.508 It is their fortress and they will fight for it until they die.” The rebels rose at night and fought the guards, attacking and killing them. On the following day, the Romans 20 gathered and set fire to the Temple. Thus, they captured it on the tenth day of the fifth month.509 Titus hurried to extinguish the fire, and shouted to the Romans to stop burning the Temple until he was hoarse and could no longer be heard. He drew his sword to fight his own soldiers but they did not obey him. He 25 screamed and pushed those who set fire to the Temple until he fell to the ground exhausted, but [in spite of his efforts] the Temple burned down. The priests fought as well as they could; when they saw that there was no-one to help them, they threw themselves into the flames in order to die and not see this horrible sight. 30

11 When he finished speaking] Num 16:31 11 and furthermore] Eccl 12:12

507 This paragraph alludes to central biblical stories. Sanherib: 2Kgs 19:35, manna and water: Exod 16–17; Sodom and Gomorrah: Gen 19, Isa 1:9–10, 3:9, Jer 23:14, Ezek 16:48–50. 508 “So trewlich meinet Ers / Er bestellete auch eine sondere vnd starcke Wacht darzu.” Wolff, (1557), [214]. 509 Judah Rosenthal, “The Four Commemorative Fast Days,” in The Seventy-Fifth Anniver- sary Volume of the Jewish Quarterly Review, ed. Abraham A. Neuman (Philadelphia: Jewish Quarterly Review, 1967). דברי מלכי ישראל 338

וכראות טיטוס כי לא יכול לרומיים נכנס אל הבית והוא עודנו לא נשרף כולו ויראה את יופיו ואת הדר כבודו. ויתמה ויאמר: עתה ידעתי כי אין זה כי אם בית אלהים ובאמת היו באים אליו מקצה הארץ בכסף וזהב ולבונה לאלהי השמים. והוא יקום נקמת הבית הזה מיד הפריצים אשר גרמו כל הרעה הזאת. וכראות הפריצים את הדבר הזה שרפו 5 גם הם את שארית הבית וכל בית גדול אשר היה בירושלם וכל בית אשר לו עושר ושום מחיה לבלתי משול בו רומיים. ויקומו רומיים ויכבו את השרפה ויעמידו צלמיהם בהיכל ויעלו עליהם עולות ויחרפו את היהודים ואת תורתם לפני צלמיהם.

[78. שמעון ויוחנן מתרפסים בפני טיטוס]

ושמעון ויוחנן צעקו אל טיטוס להחיותם ויאמר אליהם: אתם המתם את עם יי׳ ושרפתם 10 את ביתו והבאתם על המקום הזה את כל הרעה הגדולה הזאת. ועתה תבחרו חיים ממות למען תחיו אתם לבדכם מכל הנקיים הנהרגים. ואני בקשתי מכם ולא שמעתם ואחרתם לשמוע עד אשר לא יתכן ועוד אתם מבקשים ממני חיים ובידכם השלח? השליכו את השלח ואדעה מה אעשה לכם. ויאמרו לו: נשבענו ביי׳ שלא נעבוד אותך לעולם ולא נשלים עמך. ועתה אם טוב בעיניך בגודל חסדיך שתניחנו לברוח מן הארץ. ויאמר להם: 15 עד הנה קשי ערפכם כאשר היה. אתם מסורים בידי והעיר נכבשה והבית נשרף אין לכם מנוס ולא מברח ואתם אומרים לא נעבדך לעולם?! ביום ההוא יצא אל טיטוס זרח מבני המלך וכל זרע המלוכה ויפלו לפניו ארצה ויקבלם טיטוס ויכבדם. ויקומו יוחנן ושמעון וישרפו את כל בית המלך באש וילכו אל המקדש.

Gen 44:14 [ויפלו לפניו ארצה 17

1 ויראה] וירא A 3 יקום] ינקום דטA Mü 6 צלמיהם] צלמים ד 9 להחיותם] להחזירם דטלA Mü V 9 ושרפתם] שרפתם ט 16 מברח] מפלט טA Mü 17 המלך] +ישראל ד | ישראל טA Mü 17 כ״י ט מסתיים כאן dann er war noch nit gar eingangen) Sch) [כולו 1 history of the kings of israel 339

When Titus saw that he could not [stop] the Romans, he entered the Temple before510 it was completely burnt and saw its beauty and dignified splendor. He was astonished and said: “Now I know that this is truly the house of God; and people came to this Temple from all the corners of the world with silver and gold and frankincense to [worship] the God of the 5 Heavens. He shall take revenge from the rebels who committed all this evil.” When the rebels heard this, they burnt down the last remnants of the Temple and every palace in Jerusalem, and every house that contained any kind of riches or sustenance, so that the Romans would have nothing to rule over. The Romans rose and extinguished the fires. They erected their 10 statues [idols] in the Temple and brought them sacrifices. They shamed the Jews and their Torah before their idols.

[78. Simon and Johanan before Titus]511

Simon and Johanan implored Titus to let them live, and he said to them: “You killed the people of God, you burnt His Temple, and you brought all 15 this great evil to this place. Now, you want to choose life over death so that you alone shall survive, and not those innocent people who were killed. I begged you but you wouldn’t listen to me; you tarried to listen until it was too late. And now, you ask me to let you live, still holding your javelins? Hand over your weapons and I will let you know what I intend to do with 20 you.” But they told him: “We swore an oath to God that we would never serve you or make peace with you. And now, if you see fit, be merciful and allow us to escape the country.” He told them: “Your stubbornness is unbelievable. You have been delivered into my hand; the city has been conquered and the Temple burnt; you cannot flee, [in fact, there is] no 25 escape. And yet you tell me that you shall never serve me?!” On that day, Zerah from the royal family, together with all the royals, approached Titus, and they threw themselves on the ground before him. Titus received them and honored them. Johanan and Simon went and burned the entire royal palace and then went on to the Temple. 30

28 they threw themselves on the ground before him] Gen 44:14

510 Schwyntzer, (1530), 99 explains “(dann er war noch nit gar eingangen).” 511 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 88.12–72. דברי מלכי ישראל 340

והיו סובבים אותו שני שלישים אחד שר על הפרשים ואחד שר על הרוגלים. ויכו את שר הרוגלים וימיתוהו ויתפשו את שר הפרשים חי ויובא אל שמעון ויצו את נעריו לפגוע בו. וכאשר שלפו עליו את החרב דלג ונפל וברח אל טיטוס. ויכעס עליו טיטוס מאד כי לא נלחם עד מות. ויאמר להמית את כל הנמצאים בחוצות ירושלם מן היהודים וימת עם 5 רב. ועוד גבורי שמעון אשר באו מאדום שלחו אל טיטוס להשלימו וישמע שמעון את הדבר ויהרגו את כל גבוריו בחרב והנשארים נסו אל טיטוס ויקבלם. וינוסו שמעון ויוחנן ראשי הפריצים ויתהלכו כאשר התהלכו ושארית אנשים באו אל טיטוס ויפלו לפניו ארצה | 37v ויקבלם טיטוס ויחיו. ביום ההוא בא אל טיטוס יהושע בן שבתי מן הכהנים ובידו מנורות 10 זהב ושלחנות זהב ובגדי כהונה. ויראהו פינחס הכהן את כל אוצרות בית יי׳ ואת השמן הטוב ואת הבשמים ואת בגדי הארגמן אשר הקדישו מלכי בית שני. ויעל טיטוס אל הר ציון וילכוד את עיר דוד ויתצה. ויוחנן שר הפריצים יצא אליו לאחר ג׳ ימים ויפול לפני רגליו ויצו טיטוס ויאסרהו בברזל כבד. וישוטטו בו על כל המחנות להיות ללעג ולחרפה ולאחר ז׳ ימים צוה ויחנקוהו 15 וימת. ושמעון גם הוא יצא אל המחנה לבוש בגדי ארגמן ולבוש מלכות. וימצאוהו רומיים ויוליכוהו אל טיטוס ויאסרהו בברזל כבד. וישוטטו בו כל המחנה כאשר עשו ליוחנן ולאחר ז׳ ימים צוה ויכרתו את ראשו וימת.

Num 21:6 [וימת עם רב Jer 5:1 4–5 [בחוצות ירושלם 4

1 והיו] והיה Mü 3 אל]-דל 7–6 טיטוס להשלימו וישמע שמעון את הדבר ויהרו את כל גבוריו בחרב והנשארים נסו אל טיטוס] -דל 13 ויפול] כ״י ל ממשיך כאן 13 לפני רגליו] לפניו ארצה ל 16 טיטוס ויאסרהו בברזל כבד וישוטטו בו כל המחנה כאשר עשו ליוחנן]-ד brach sie ab Sch [ויתצה 12 history of the kings of israel 341

There were two generals [in charge of] patrolling the [Temple] area; one commanded the cavalry and the other the foot soldiers. [The rebels] attacked the general of the infantry and killed him, and they captured the general of the cavalry alive and brought him before Simon, who ordered his young men to torture him. When they unsheathed their swords 5 [against him], he jumped up, fell down, and fled to Titus. Titus was very angry with him because he had not fought unto death, and he gave orders to kill all Jews in the streets of Jerusalem. Many of them died. Simon’s Edomite warriors requested a truce from Titus. Simon heard about this and killed [most of] his fighters; the survivors fled to Titus 10 and he took them in. Simon and Johanan, the heads of the rebels, fled and wandered around, while other survivors came to Titus and prostrated 37v themselves before him; | he took them in and they lived. On that day, Joseph ben Shavti, one of the priests, came to Titus, and brought with him golden lamps, golden altars, and priestly garments. Pinehas,512 the 15 Priest, showed him all the treasures of the Temple of God, the fine oils and spices, and the purple garments, which the kings of the Second Temple had donated. Titus went up to Mount Zion and captured the city of David, and put it to the fire. Three days later, Johanan, the rebel leader, came and prostrated himself 20 before Titus. Titus gave orders to put him in heavy chains. They paraded him around before the entire army in shame and ridicule. After seven days, he gave orders to strangle Johanan, and he died. Simon also went out wearing purple royal garments to [surrender to] the army. When the Romans found him, they brought him to Titus, who put him in heavy chains. The 25 entire army paraded him around as they had done to Johanan. After seven days, [Titus] gave orders to behead Simon, and he died.513

8 the streets of Jerusalem] Jer 5:1 8 many of them died] Num 21:6

512 Pinehas ben Samuel was high priest before the destruction of the Temple. In an act that caused a deep rift, he was appointed by lot (cf. 1Chr 24:5). Josephus dismisses him as an ignoramus (Wars, 4:155), but see also tYom l:6. 513 In the War, Simon is taken and strangled in the Roman triumph. Josephus, War, 7.26–36. דברי מלכי ישראל 342

[79. מצדה]

ויהי מספר כל ההרוגים אלף אלפים ומאה ומספר השבוים צ״ז אלפים לבד מן המתים עם אלעזר בן ענני הכהן כי אלעזר זה ברח מירושלם לפני כבוש טיטוס אותה. וילכו עמו אנשים הרבה משרי ישראל וגבוריהם ויבאו אל מבצר ושמו מצדה וישבו שם. וילך 5 אליהם טיטוס וכל מחנהו וילחם בה. וישפוך סוללה ויגש אילי הברזל להפיל החומה. יאמר העם לצאת אל טיטוס. וידבר אליהם אלעזר דברי תוכחות ויאמר אליהם: מה בצע בחיים אחר שממות ארצנו וחרבן בית מקדשנו להיות בוזה וחרפה בגוים? בנותינו ונשינו ישכבון הערלים לעינינו ואין לאל ידינו ועל בנינו יקשו עולם ויכבידו מאסרם. ועתה טוב לנו להרוג את כל הנשים ואת כל הטף ואולי ירצה אלהינו דמם כדמי עולותינו וזבחינו. 10 ואחרי כן נצא להלחם באויבינו עד אשר נמות ולא נבוא בידי רומיים. וישמעו האנשים אליו ויקבצו את כל הנשים והטף אל רחוב העיר ויכום לפי חרב וימותו. ויצאו הם וילחמו עם רומיים עד אשר תמו כולם כאיש אחד על קדושת השם.

.Josh 10:28 et al [ויכום לפי חרב 2Sam 20:15 11 [וישפוך סוללה 5

2 כל]-ל 2 מין]-ל

Das heisst / meine ich / sein Blut kom vber [ויכום לפי חרב וימותו Masara Sch 11 [מצדה 4 vns etc. Denn wie Josephus meldet / haben sie sich alle erwürget / graumsamlich / vnd alles gut verbrandt / Zwey Weiber und fünff knaben / so sich verstecket / sind vberblieben Wolff (1557) ends here [על קדושת השם W 12 history of the kings of israel 343

[79. Masada]514

Countless people died and 97,000 were taken prisoner; these were aside from those who died with Eleazar ben Ananias the Priest, who had fled Jerusalem before Titus conquered it. Many of the leaders of Israel and their fighters went with him to a fortress called Masada and they stayed 5 there. Titus and his entire army went to fight them, and he threw up a siege mound and brought out the iron rams to bring down the wall. The people wanted to go out [to negotiate] with Titus, but Eleazar rebuked them and said to them: “What is left in life after the destruction of our land and our Temple; should we live despised and cursed 10 by the nations? Our daughters and wives will lay with uncircumcised men before our eyes and there is nothing we can do about it; our sons will have harsh lives and be imprisoned. It is better that we kill all the women and children, and perhaps our God will accept their blood as the blood of our burnt offerings and sacrifices. And then we will go fight 15 our enemies until we die so that we do not fall into the hands of the Romans.” The people agreed; they gathered all the women and children in the main street of the city and put them to the sword.515 Then they attacked the Romans until they had all died as martyrs sanctifying the Lord’s Name.516 20

6–7 threw up a siege mound] 2Sam 20:15 18 put them to the sword] Josh 10:28 et al.

514 See Sefer Josippon (Flusser), 88.73–99.161; Josephus, War, 7.252–406. 515 Wolff indents in smaller type: “Das heisst / meine ich / sein Blut kom vber vns etc. Denn wie Josephus meldet / haben sie sich alle erwürget / graumsamlich / vnd alles gut verbrandt / Zwey Weiber und fünff knaben / so sich verstecket / sind vberblieben.” Wolff (1557), [222]. 516 For the term see above p. 147, n. 149. דברי מלכי ישראל 344

[ 80 .לאחר המלחמה: רבן יוחנן בן זכאי ורבן גמליאל]

והשאיר עוד טיטוס שארית ביבנה לישראל ובביתר ובאושה ובבנותיהם. והיה רבן יוחנן בן זכאי לראש ונהרג רבן שמעון בן גמליאל נשיא ישראל ורבי ישמאעל בן אלישע כהן גדול. ובקש רחמים רבן יוחנן בן זכאי על רבן גמליאל ולא הרגו טיטוס.

3–2 [והשאיר עוד טיטוס שארית ביבנה לישראל ובביתר ובאושה ובבנותיהם. והיה רבן יוחנן בן זכאי לראש 2 ובאושה]-ל 4 רחמים][רחמ]ים ל הוסף בשוליים

| in Iabna, Israel, et in Bither atque in Oscha & in ui*clis Mü [ובביתר ובאושה ובבנותיהם 2 Magister Johannes der sun Zackai Sch [רבן יוחנן בן זכאי Jabna / Bither / Oscha Sch 2–3 rabbi Jismael der sun Elise Sch [רבן גמליאל 4 history of the kings of israel 345

[80. After the War: Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai and Rabban Gamaliel]517

Titus left a remnant in Jabneh, and in Betar and Usha and their surroundings. Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai became their leader,518 and Rab- ban Simon ben Gamaliel,519 the Prince of Israel,520 was killed, [as was] the 5 high priest Rabbi Ishmael ben Elisha.521 Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai asked for clemency for Rabban Gamaliel, and Titus did not execute him.522

517 A parallel account can be found in ShQ, 2. 153–168. 518 Johanan ben Zakkai was a leading sage at the end of the Second Temple period and in the years following the destruction of the Temple. For more on this episode see Anthony J. Saldarini, “Johanan Ben Zakkai’s Escape from Jerusalem. Origin and Development of a Rabbinic Story,” Journal for Jewish Studies 6 (1975). For the historical background see Gedalyahu Alon, “Rabban Johanan B. Zakkai’s Removal to Jabneh,” in Jews,Judaism, andthe Classical World, ed. Gedalyahu Alon (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977), 269–313; Peter Schäfer, “Die Flucht Rabban Johanan b. Zakkais aus Jerusalem und die Gründung des ‘Lehrhauses’” Auf- gang und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.19.2 (1979): 62–101; Amram Tropper, “Yohanan ben Zakkai, Amicus Caesaris: A Jewish Hero in Rabbinic Eyes,” JSIJ 4 (2005): 133–149. See also Giustiniani, Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (1545), 404. 519 Simon ben Gamaliel was the nasi of the Sanhedrin and is traditionally counted among the “Ten Martyrs,” ten rabbinic leaders who continued to teach Torah and, as a consequences, were martyred by the Romans. See also ShQ, 3.1–32. Joseph Dan, “ʿAserat harugey malkhut: martirologiyah ve-misṭiqah,” in Menaḥem le-Menaḥem, ed. Aviad Cohen (Bnei Brak: ha-qibuṣ ha-meʾuḥad, 2007), 368–390, and Raʾanan Boustan, From Martyr to Mystic. Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 112 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005), 130–133. 520 For the emergence of the office of the nasi in rabbinic literature see Martin Jacobs, Die Institution des jüdischen Patriarchen: Eine quellen- und traditionskritische Studie zur Geschichte der Juden in der Spätantike (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), 353–368. 521 Ishmael ben Elisha influenced tannaitic literature. He was a kohen (bKet 105b), and there are suggestions that his father was a high priest (tḤal 1:10), but no high priest called Elisha is known. A child during the period under discussion, he was taken captive to Rome, and ransomed by R. Joshua (bGit 58a). He is thought to have disputed with R. Akiva. He might have been martyred during or after the Bar Kokhba revolt (Mekh Nez 18 but see tSot 13:4). Azzan Yadin, “4QMMT, Rabbi Ishmael, and the Origins of legal Midrash,” Dead Sea Discoveries 10, no. 1 (2003). See bSot 48b; ARNA 38. 522 ShQ, 2.166–168 (p. 25). דברי מלכי ישראל 346

[אפילוג]

אלה דברי ירושלם שיאמר בעל הרחמים: לשובב נתיבותיה ולהעמיד את חרבותיה ולאסוף נדחי ישראל ונפוצות יהודה יקבץ מארבע כנפות כל הארץ במהרה בימינו. תם ונשלם תהלה לצור עולם.

ולאסוף נדחי ישראל ונפוצות יהודה יקבץ מארבע כל הארץ Ezra 9:9 3 [ולהעמיד את חרבותיה 2 mTam 6:6 [במהרה בימינו Isa 11:12 3 [כנפות

2 ירושלם] +אשר היו בעת הבית השני Mü 3 הארץ] +אמן ל 4 תהלה]-ל

-Diß sind die Historischen geschicht—so sich zů Jerusalem verlauffen ha [הרגו טיטוס 1 ben—zur zeit des zweyten hauses—oder tempels. Sch | Und dis ists / so sich zugetragē hat / zu Jerusalem Jn zeitten des andern Temples. Ende des Buchs Josippi. W history of the kings of israel 347

[Epilogue]523

These are the words of the Compassionate One regarding Jerusalem: [I will] return her to [rightful] paths, to repair her ruins, [I will] assemble the banished of Israel, and gather the dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the world speedily and in our days. 5

Finished and complete. Praise be to God, the Eternal Rock.

3 to repair her ruins] cf. Ezra 9:9 3–5 assemble the banished of Israel, and gather the dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the world] Isa 11:12 5 speedily and in our days] mTam 6:6

523 Schwyntzer (1530), 102 has the following epilogue instead: “Diß sind die Historischen geschicht—so sich zů Jerusalem verlauffen haben—zur zeit des zweyten hauses—oder tempels.” [מדרש על ספר זכריה]

אמר אברהם הלוי בן רב דוד הלוי זכרונו לברכה כל הנזכר בספר זה מצאנו שזכריה בן עדו הנביא עליו השלום רמזו קודם לכן בנבואתו שתחלתה. כה אמר יי׳ אלהים רעה צאן ההרגה. זה בית שני וזה שאמר ואקח לי שני מקלות לאחד 5 קראתי נועם ולאחד קראתי חובלים. נועם—זה נשיאות זרובבל ונחמיה התרשתא שהיו

ואקח לי שני מקלות לאחד קראתי נעם ולאחד Zech 11:4 4–5 [ויאמר יי׳ אלי רעה את צאן הרגה 4 Neh 10:2 [ונחמיה התרשתא Zech 11:7 5 [ קראתי חובלים]

1 >>ספר הקבלה להזכיר מלכי בית שני להכריש אחרי שלומי<< ס הוסף בשוליים 2 אמר אברהם הלוי בן רב דוד זכרונו לברכה] אמר התהיד ר׳ אברהם הלוי בן רב דוד הלוי הצדיק זכר צדיק לברכה על פ | אמר החסיד ר׳ אברהם הלוי זכרונו לברכה על ק | >>הנז׳ לעי׳ כבר יעערתי למעלה בתחלה<< ס 2 רב] -ע 4–2 כל הנזכר בספר הזה כלו מצאנו שזכריה בן עדא הנביא עליו השלום רמזו קודם לכן בנבואתו שבתחילתה] כבר זכרתי למעלה בתחלת ספר סדר הקבלה הזה שהיתה כונתנו בחבורו להודיע לתלמידים איך נמשכה קבלת תורתנו הקדושה ממשה [רק כ״י דטעA מוסיפים: רבינו] עליו השלום שקבל מהר סיני מפי הקב״ה דור אחר דור וכן וזכרתי והודעתי בדרך קצרה כל הזמנים שנמשכו מבריאת עולם וימי השופטים והמלכים עד בניין הבית הראשון והאחרון וימי עמידתם וחרבנם ומלכי רומיים בקוצר. ומלכי ישראל בימי בית שני עד חרבנו. ויעדתי בתחלת הספר להזכיר הרמזים שיש עליהם מדברי הנביאים שיש בהם נחמות גדולות לישראל כדי להשלים בנחמה ובבשורה טובה על מלכות בית דוד שעתידה לחזור במהרה בימינו. וכן מצאנו שכל הנזכר בספר הנזכר לעיל בעניין מלכי בית שני כבר נבא עליו זכריה בן עדוא הנביא עליו השלום ורמזו קודם לכן בנבואתו [רק כ״י דטעA מוסיפים: כמו שנבאו לפנינו]. וזו היא תחלת נבואתו בדודטעA 2 הנזכר בספר] הסר ל 2 זה] הזה לפ | יוסיפון > הזה ס 2 מצאנו]-פ 3 עליו השלום]-פ 4 את] +בסעפ 4 זה] בינין +פ 4 וזה] וזו ב 4 לאחד] לאחת ט 5 ולאחד] לאחת ט 5 זה] זו ו 5 נשיאות] לנשיאות ק 4.1–5 ונחמיה התרשתא שהיו מבית דוד] שהיה מבני ונחמיה התרשתא אחריר ולדוד פ 5 ונחמיה] +בן ב THE MIDRASH ON ZECHARIAH524

Abraham ha-Levi, the son of Rabbi David Halevi—may his memory be for a blessing—said concerning all the events chronicled in this book: “We found that the prophet Zechariah ben Iddo525—peace be upon him— already hinted at them in his prophecies.”526 5 Thus said the Lord God: “Tend the sheep meant for slaughter.” This is the Second Temple. He said: “I got two staffs, one of which I named ‘Favor’ and the other ‘Unity.’”527 ‘Favor’—this [refers to] the princeship

6 God: Tend the sheep meant for slaughter] Zech 11:4 7–8 I got two staffs, one of which I named Favor and the other Unity] Zech 11:7

524 David Kimḥi (1160–1235) quotes a large portion of MZ (ZM, p. 3496–35519) in his remarks to Zech 11:14–15; similarly Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508) ad loc. Isaac ben Abraham of Troki, a Karaite scholar (fl. 16th c.) discusses Ibn Daud’s interpretation in his Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah (Deutsch) Part II, chap. 25 and chap. 44; Wagenseil, Tela ignea Satanae. Discussed in Chap. 4.3. 525 In Zech 1:1 and 1:5, Iddo is the paternal grandfather of the prophet Zechariah. See also Ezra 5:1; 6:14; 8:17. There is also the prophet Iddo who spoke out about Jeroboam I and is mentioned in 2Chr 12:15 and 13:22 whom Rashi indentifies with the ‘man of God’ from 1Kgs 13:1. 526 MON 474, PHIL UP HB 13, Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (1513), and Seder ʿOlam Rabbah (1711) add: “I mentioned above already at the beginning of this tradition that in writing this book, it was our intention to instruct the students concerning the continuous transmission of our holy Torah, beginning with Moses Our Teacher—may peace be upon him— who received it on Mount Sinai from the Holy One Blessed Be He, and then generation after generation. I briefly mentioned and chronicled all the periods from the creation of the world and the time of the judges and the kings until the First and the Last Tem- ples, including their construction, standing, and destruction as well as the Roman kings. I did similarly with the kings of Israel in the Second Temple period until its destruction. At the beginning of this book, I said that I would mention the hints that we have from the words of the prophets in which much consolation is to be found for Israel in order to reconcile Israel with regard to the kingship of the house of David, may it come speedily and in our days. And so we found that the prophet Zechariah son of Iddo— may peace be upon him—hinted at all the events that we chronicled in this book in the prophecies with regard to the kings of the Second Temple period. He pointed to them beforehand in his prophecies as has been prophesied. And this is the beginning of his prophecies.” literally means ‘ropes.’ Following Song 2:15—meḥabelim keramim ,( םילבוח ) ḥovelim 527 ,that spoil the vines’—many medieval commentators, like Ibn Daud‘ ,( םימרכםילבחמ ) understand this to mean as much as ‘destroyers:’ the priests’ defection to the Sadducees provoked a divine reaction that is the other side of ‘Favor.’ מדרש על ספר זכריה 350

מבית דוד ולהם נתן יי׳ מלכות ישראל ברית מלח. חובלים—זו מלכות הכהנים כי הם בתחלה בנו בית המקדש אחר בהר גריזים. ונתחתנו לכותיים ומהם יצאה מינות לעולם. ולבסוף הורקנוס כהן גדול שמש בכהונה גדולה ארבעים שנה ולבסוף נעשה צדוקי והרג את החכמים והוא ואלכסנדר בנו.

5 וכן היתה דעת ארסטבלוס בן בנו נוטה. ויאמר יי׳ אלהים עוד קח לך כלי רועה אולי. אלו העבדים הורדוס ושני בניו עושי הרע בעיני יי׳ | ואגריפס בן בנו שבימיו ועל ידיו חרב 38r הבית. ואכחיד את שלשת הרועים בירח אחד. לשלושת גדולות אלו הוא רומז לנשיאות בני דוד ומלכות בני חשמונאי ומלכות עבדיהם. וקרא לכל ימי בית שני בירח אחד מפני שהיו 10 בעיניו כימים אחדים. וזה שאמר: ואקח את מקלי את נועם ואגדע אותו להפר את בריתי אשר כרתי את כל העמים. זו פטירת זרובבל ונחמיה ונכרתה האהבה והופר הברית אשר היה בינם ובין מלכי פרס שכתוב בהם: כה אמר כורש מלך פרס כל ממלכות הארץ נתן לי יי׳ אלהי

ואכחיד 1Kgs 21:6 8 [עושי הרע בעיני יי׳ Zech 11:15 6 [ויאמר יי׳ אלהים עוד קח לך כלי רעה אולי 5 ואקח את מקלי את נועם Gen 29:20 11–12 [כימים אחדים Zech 11:8 10 [שלשת הרועים בירח אחד כה אמר כרש מלך פרס כל Zech 11:10 13–4.1 [ואגדע אותו להפר את בריתי אשר כרתי את כל העמים 2Chr 36:23 [ממלכות הארץ נתן לי יי אלהי השמיםר

1 זו] זה עק 2 בית המקדש] מקדש בטעA 2 אחר] אחד ק 2 מינות] טעומה וA 2 לעולם] בעולם > לעולם ס 3 כהן גדול] הכהן הגדול ו 3 כהן גדול שמש בכהונה גדולה ארבעים שנה ולבסוף נעשה צדוקי]-ק 4 והוא] הוא בוסעפ 5 היתה] היה ק 5 בן]-ב 5 בנו]-דטע 6 הורדוס] הורודוס ע 6 עושי] עושה לק 6 שבימיו] >שבימיו< פ הוסף בשוליים | >[ש]בימיו< מ ס 6 ועל] על פ 6 חרב] נחרב דוטעA 8 את]-פ 8 לשלושת] שלש בע | שלשה ס 8 גדולות] גדולתו פ 8 הוא] הם ב| -ו 8 בני] בית פ 9 מלכות] והשיואת בו | ונשיאות סע 9 בני] בית פ 9 בירח] ירח בוס 11 וזה] זה ו | וזהו ע 12 היה]-ב 12 בינם] ביניהם בוע 13 מלכי] מלכות ט 13 כא] כה צ 13 מלך] מלכי ק | כ״י ק מתחיל כאן 13 כל]-ד 4.1–13 אלהי השמים. וזה שאמר ואומר]-ס midrash on zechariah 351

of Zerubbabel and of Nehemiah the Tirshata who were of Davidic descent. And to them God entrusted the kingdom of Israel as a covenant of salt.528 ‘Unity’—[this refers to] the priestly kingdom, because they initially built another temple on Mount Gerizim.529 They entered into marriage with the Cutheans,530 and it was from them that heresy emanated into the 5 world. Finally, [this refers to] the high priest Hyrcanus, who held the high priesthood for forty years until in the end, he became a Sadducee and, together with his son Alexander, killed the sages.531 His grandson Aristobulus had similar leanings.532 The Lord God said: “Yet, get yourself the gear of a foolish shepherd.” Those are the servants 10 38r Herod and his two sons who did evil in the eyes of God, | and his grandson Agrippa in whose days and by whose hands the Temple was destroyed.533 But I lost the three shepherds in one month. These three great ones hint at the princeship of the Davidides, the kingdom of the Hasmoneans, and the kingdom of their servants. He called the entire Second Temple period 15 one month, because they were but a few days in his eyes. And He said: “Taking my staff ‘Favor’; I cleft it into two, so as to annul the covenant I made with all the peoples.” This [refers to] the passing of Zerub- babel and Nehemiah, when their alliance fell apart, and the covenant between them and the Persian kings was annulled as it is written: “This 20 is what Cyrus, King of Persia, said: ‘The Lord God of the Heavens has given

1 Nehemiah the Tirshata] Neh 10:2, bSan 24a 9–10 The Lord God said: “Yet, get yourself the gear of a foolish shepherd] Zech 11:15 11 who did evil in the eyes of God] 1Kgs 21:6 13 But I lost the three shepherds in one month] Zech 11:8 16 they were but a few days in his eyes.] Gen 29:20 17–18 Taking my staff Favor, I cleft it into two, so as to annul the covenant I had made with all the peoples] Zech 11:10 20–4.1 This is what Cyrus, King of Persia, said: ‘The Lord God of the Heavens has given me reign over all the kingdoms of the earth] 2Chr 36:23

528 The covenant of salt is a prototypical covenant that underlined the right of the Davidic dynasty to rule over Israel in place of the (rebel) King Jeroboam of Israel. See 2Chr 13:5, also Deut 18:19. 529 For the foundation of the Temple see DMY, p. 1777–12. 530 For Ibn Daud’s use of the term see DMY , p. 177n217. 531 John Hyrcanus. See ShQ, 2.60–71; DMY, chap. 18. 532 See DMY, chap. 18; 20. 533 DMY, chap. 24. מדרש על ספר זכריה 352

השמים. וזה שאמר ואומר אליהם אם טוב בעינכם הבו שכרי ואם לא חדלו. וישקלו את שכרי שלשים כסף. זהו שאמר להם כשהיה רועה אותם במקלו השני חובלים. וכאלו אמר להם: אם טוב ללכת בדרכי יי׳ לכו ואם לא חדלו. וישקלו את שכרי שלשים כסף. רמז לשלשים שנה 5 שמלכו מלכי חסד. ואלו הן מתתיהו הנקרא חשמונאי שנה אחת יהודה בנו שש שנים יהונתן בנו שש שנים שמעון בנו י״ח שנה. הרי אלו שלושים ואחת שנה שמלכו מלכי אמונה. וזה שאמר ויאמר יי׳ אלי השליכהו אל היוצר ארד היקר אשר יקרתי מעליהם. כלומר שכר זה ארד הוא ויקר וראוי להיותו כקרבנות וככופר נפשות הקהל. וקראם יוצר ופירושו 10 יצור. כמו שאמר והנה יוצר גובי ופירושו יצור. וזה שאמר ואשליך אותו בית יי׳ אל היוצר כענין הראשון.

Zech [שאמר ואומר אליהם אם טוב בעינכם הבו שכרי ואם לא חדלו. וישקלו את שכרי שלשים כסף 2–1 ויאמר Zech 11:12 8 [אם טוב ללכת בדרכי יי׳ ואם לא חדלו. וישקלו את שכרי שלשים כסף 4–3 11:12 Amos 7:1 [והנה יוצר גובי Zech 11:13 10 [יי׳ אלי השליכהו אל היוצר ארד היקר אשר יקרתי מעליהם Zech 11:13 [ואשליך אותו בית יי׳ אל היוצר 10

1 וזה] וזהו ע 2–1 וישקלו את שכרי שלשים כסף]-בוטעA 3 במקלו] מקלות ל | במקלות בוטע 3 השני]-בו 3 אם טוב] +בעיניכם ע 4 בדרכי] בדרכיהם לכו ב 4 וישקלו] וישקול ל | את שכרי שלשים כסף זהו שאמר להם כשהיה רועה אותם במקלו השני חובלים. וכאלו אמר להם: אם טוב ללכת בדרכי יי׳ ואם לא חדלו. וישקלו] >[את שכרי שלשים כסף זהו שאמר] להם כשהיה [רועה אותם] במקלות השני [חובלים. וכאלו אמר להם: אם טוב לל]כת בדרכי [יי׳ ואם] לא חדלו< ס 4 את שכרי] >את שכרי< צ הוסף בשוליים 4 שלשים] +אלף ל 5 שמלכו] +בני חשמונאי ע 6 בנו]-בע | אחיו ו 6 שש שנים] >יהונתן בנו שש שנים< צ הוסף בשוליים 6 שמעון]-ט 6 שנה] שנים טA 6 הרי]-ו 6 שנה] שנים בטA | +ואם היה בהן חרשיס נתונים ק 7–6 מלכי אמונה] +ואם היו בהם מרשים כהולים פ 8 וזה] וזהו ק 8 מעליהם] מעליכם ק 9 שזכר זה]-סלפק 9 ויקר] זה השכר +פק 9 הנפשות]-פ 10 ופירושו יצור]-ק 10 היוצר] היוצאים ק 11 הראשון] הוא ק midrash on zechariah 353 me reign over all the kingdoms of the earth.’” And he said: “Then I said to them: ‘If you are satisfied, pay me my wages; if not, don’t.’” So they weighed out my wages, thirty [pieces] of silver.534 He told them that he would shepherd them with the second staff, ‘Unity.’ He said the following to them: “If it is good, walk in God’s path; 5 if not, don’t. So they weighed out my wages, thirty [pieces] of silver.” This hints at the 30 years of the reign of the kings of righteousness.535 They are: Mattathias, who was called the Hasmonean [and who ruled for] one year; his son Judah, 6 years; his son Jonathan, 6 years; and his son Simon, 18 years.536 Those are the 31 years of the reign of the kings of faith. 10 He said: “The Lord God said to deposit the noble sum that I was worth in their estimation in the treasury.”537 ‘Noble’—this is the sum, the reward, and it is worthy as a sacrifice for the redemption of the community. It says ‘Creator,’ but the meaning is ‘the created.’ As it is said: “He was forming locusts,” meaning: ‘created.’ He said: “First of all, I deposited it in the 15 treasury in the House of the Lord.”538

1–3 And he said: Then I said to them: If you are satisfied, pay me my wages, if not, don’t. So they weighed out my wages, thirty shekels of silver] Zech 11:12 5–6 If it is good, walk in God’s path; if not, don’t. So they weighed out my wages, thirty [pieces] of silver] Zech 11:12 11–12 The Lord God said to deposit the noble sum that I was worth in their estimation in the treasury] Zech 11:13 14–15 He was forming locusts] Am 7:1 15–16 I deposited it in the treasury in the House of the Lord] Zech 11:13

534 Here and in the following, Ibn Daud alludes to Christian interpretations of Zech 11:12 (see already Matt 26:15, 27:9–10), that refer to the thirty silver pieces given to Jesus’ disciple Judah when he told his captors where to find Jesus. Matt 17:9 attributes the quote to Jeremiah, but it refers to Zechariah. Ibn Daud seems to argue that some prophecies foreshadowed the Second Temple period as a distinct period, but not as a messianic era. See Saadiah Gaon, Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 8:9; The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High MiddleAges: 249, n. 28–29. Cohen suggested that this argument was directed against Jewish ultra-rationalists who denied messianism (ShQ, p. 103, 300). See also above, chap. 3.2. .also translated as grace, kindness, and benevolence ,( דסח ) ḥesed 535 536 ShQ, 2.52–59; DMY , chap. 5, esp. p. 1497. ’.literally ‘creator ,( רצויה ) ha-yoṣer 537 538 This, too, is probably a reaction to Christian interpretations of the verse that translate as ‘potter’ and reject the meaning ‘Creator.’ This interpretation counters ( רצויה ) ha-yoṣer Jewish messianic overtones: ‘potter’ then was associated with the potter’s house in Jer 18:1–3 and even more so with the Valley of Ben-Hinnom (Jer 19), both sites of divine retribution. See the Vulgate’s translation of the passage, and Rashi. Lastly, Jeremiah 18:1–3 is also the inspiration for one of the best-known piyyutim or liturgical poems, “Like Clay in the Potter’s Hands” that affirms the intimate relationship between the divine and the people of Israel. מדרש על ספר זכריה 354

ואגדע את מקלי השני את החובלים. זו עקירת מלכות בית חשמונאי בימי החובלים שהיו בהם הורקנוס וארסתבלוס ובניו להפר את האהבה בין יהודה. כלומר אשר היה עומד להפר את האחוה כענין שכתוב וצבי עדיו לגאון שמהו פירושו אשר לגאון שמהו. וכן החובלים חלקו ישראל לשתי מחלקות כאשר עשה ירובעם בן נבט שנחלקה בימיו 5 מלכות בית דוד והופרה האחוה בין יהודה ובין ישראל. ויאמר יי׳ אלי עוד קח לך כלי רועה אוילי אלו העבדים. הוי רועי האליל עוזבי הצאן חרב על זרועו 10 ועל עין ימינו. זרועו יבש תיבש ועין ימינו כהה תכהה. זה אגריפס המלך שהעלה את אספסינוס ואת טיטוס על ארץ ישראל ועל ערי יהודה ושרי הפריצים שעשו את כל הרעות שהזכרנו.

15 ושאר נחמות זכריהו וכל הנביאים כענין הנה יום בא ליי׳ ושנבא על כל הנותר בגוים הנלחמים בירושלם ועלו מידי שנה בשנה להשתחות למלך יי׳ צבאות ולחוג את חג

וצבי עדיו Zech 11:14 3 [להפר האחוה בין יהודה Zech 11:14 2 [ואגדע את מקלי השני את החובלים 1 [יי׳ אלי עוד קח לך כלי רועה אוילי Ezek 7:20 6 [וצבי עדיו לגאון שמהו Ezek 7:20 3 [לגאון שמהו . הוי רועה האליל עוזבי הצאן חרב על זרועו ועל עין ימינו. זרועו יבש תיבש ועין ימינו Zech 11:15 7–12 [כל הנותר הגוים הנלחמים בירושלם Zech 14:1 15–16 [הנה יום בא ליי׳ Zech 11:17 15 [כהה תכהה cf. Zech 14:16

1 את] >את< פ הוסף בשוליים | >את< ס | -ע 1 זו] זה פק 1 מלכות]-ק 2 הורקנוס וארסתבלוס ובניו] ארסתבלוס והורקנוס בניו ע 2 האחוה] האחוה בודעפק 2 אשר היה] שהיה פ 3 האחוה] אהבה ל | בין יהודה. כלומר אשר היה עומד להפר את האחוה]–ק | האהבה > האחוה ס 3 שמהו] +וכן החובלים צ 3 פירושו אשר לגאון שמהו]-פק 3 פירושו] ופירושו ס 4 חלקו] שחלקו פק 4 לשתי] שתי ופק 5 ובין ישראל] וישראל ב 5 ובין]-טסע 6 רועה] רועי A 7 רועי] רועה ס 7 האליל] אליל בוס 12 זרועו יבש תיבש ועין ימינו] >זרועו יבש [תי]בש ועין ימינו< ס | >זרועו יבש [תי]בש ועון ימינו< פ הוסף בשוליים 13 שהעלה] אשר העלה פק 13 אספסינוס] אספסייניוס ספעק 13 ואת]-בע 13 ועל ערי יהודה]-פק 13 ועל]–בק 14 שעשו את] אשר עשו | את]-ע 14 שעשו] עשו ק 14 +בספרי יוסף בן גוריון ע 15 נחמות זכריהו] הנחמות של זכריהו פק 15 וכל הנביאים] הכל הנביאי ס 15 + בא ליי׳] וחלק שללך בקרבך +פק (זכ׳14:1 ) 15בא]-ו 15 ושנבא] וכשניבא פ | שנבא ו 15 הנותר בגוים] הנותר הגוים ל | הנותר מן פ | כל הגוים הנותר] וכל הנותר מן העמים ק 15 הנותר] >הנותר< צ 16 בירושלם] על ירושלם ב 16 בשנה]-ו midrash on zechariah 355

Then I cleft in two my second staff, ‘Unity.’ That is the destruction of the Hasmonean kingdom in the days of the destroyers among them, when Hyrcanus, Aristobulus, and his sons ruled, in order to annul the alliance among Judah.539 That is, that he was about to annul the brotherhood540 as it was written: “And their beautiful adornments in which they took pride.” 5 This means that they were haughty. The destroyers divided Israel in two parts, as did Jeroboam ben Nebat,541 in whose days the Davidic kingdom was divided and the brotherhood between Judah and Israel annulled. The Lord God said: “Get yourself the gear of a foolish shepherd.” Those are the servants. 10 Oh, the worthless shepherd Who abandons the flock! Let a sword descend upon his arm And upon his right eye! His arm shall shrivel up 15 His right eye shall go blind. This [refers] to King Agrippa who brought Vespasian and Titus to the land of Israel and to the cities of Judah, and also to the rebels who committed all the evils that we chronicled.542 The remaining consolations of Zechariah and of all the prophets, con- 20 cerning matters such as behold, the day of the Lord, is coming: he prophesied regarding all the peoples fighting Jerusalem who came to Jerusalem to bow low to the King Lord of Hosts and to observe the holiday of Sukkot.543

1 Then I cleft in two my second staff, Unity] Zech 11:14 3–4 in order to annul the alliance among Judah] Zech 11:14 5 And their beautiful adornments in which they took pride] cf. Ezek 7:20 9 Get yourself the gear of a foolish shepherd] Zech 11:15 11–16 Oh, the worthless shepherd who abandons the flock! Let a sword descend upon his arm and upon his right eye! His arm shall shrivel up, his right eye shall go blind] Zech 11:17 21 Behold, the day of the Lord is coming] Zech 14:1 22–23 all the peoples fighting Jerusalem who came to Jerusalem to bow low to the King Lord of Hosts and to observe the holiday of Sukkot] cf. Zech 14:16 love,’ all other texts follow Zech‘ ,( הבהא ) PARMA 2420 and MOS 1420 have ʾahavah 539 ’.brotherhood‘ ,( הוחא ) and correct to ʾaḥvah 11:14 ,( הוחא ) love,’ to ʾaḥvah‘ ,( הבהא ) In PARMA 2420, a second hand corrects ʾahavah 540 ‘brotherhood.’ 541 Jeroboam I reigned in the 10th c. bce, See 1Kgs 11–14; 2Chr 13:1–20. 542 DMY, chap. 53; chap. 59–67. 543 This stresses the unity among the peoples and is possibly a retort to John 10:16. Cf. Isaac ben Abraham of Troki, Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah (ed. Deutsch), Part II, chap. 44. Zech 14:1–21 is the reading for the Haftarah, the prophetic portion, on the first day of Sukkot. מדרש על ספר זכריה 356

הסוכות. ומלחמת גוג ומגוג שנבא עליה יחזקאל וזכריה עליו השלום והרעש אשר יהיה ביום בא גוג והר הזתים שיבקע מחציו. ומלכות שעתידה שתחזור במהרה בימינו. עדיין לא ראינוה ולא שמענוה ועתידה היא לבא. הקדוש ברוך הוא יחיש אותה כי נאמן אלהינו ונאמנים דבריו כי כל דבריו אמת וצדק.

5 ברוך יי׳ לעולם אמן ואמן. ברוך נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה.

[הנותר בגויים הנלחמים בירושלם ועלו מדי שנה בשנה להשתחוות למלך יי׳ צבאות ולחוג את חג הסוכות 1 ברוך יי׳ לעולם אמן ואמן] cf. Zech 14:4 Ps. 89:53 [והר הזתים אשר יבקע מחציו cf. Zech 14:16 2

1 ומלחמת] וכן מלחמות פ | וכן ק 1 עליה] עליהם בוטעA 2–1 עליו השלום והרעש אשר יהיה ביום] -פק 2 בא גוג] ומגוג סע | על מדינות ישראל +פ | +על אדמת ישראל ק 2 בא] >בא< ס 2 שיבקע] אשר יבקע פ 2 מחציו] חציו וע | [מח]ציו ס | חציו לכאן וחציו לכאן ק 2 ומלכות] +בית דוד בועפק 2 שתחזור] לחזור בוסע | לחזור למקומה פק (ySuk 5:1 (23a 3–2 עדיין לא ראינוה ולא שמענוה ועתידה היא לבא]-ב 2 עדיין] ועדיין ק 4 אותה] במהרה בימנו פק 4 נאמן אלהינו] כי הנאמן הוא אלהינו להחיש אותה פק 4 אמת וצדק] +בילאו בנלך ואעי >>נסכתי מלכי על ציון הר קדשי<< (תה׳ 2:6 צ)| +כי אל מלך נאמן הוא. נשלם ספר הקבלה ב | +תם ונשלם שבח לבורא עולם חזק ט | >>השם יזכנו לראות בנינו במהרה בימינו אמן<< ל | עדיין לא ראינוה ולא שמענוה ועתידה היא לבא הקדוש ברוך הוא יחיש אותה כי נאמן אלהינו ונאמנים דבריו כי כל דבריו אמת וצדק] >>עדיין לא ראינוה ולא שמענוה ועתידה היא לבא הקדוש ברוך הוא יחיש אותה כי נאמן אלהינו ונאמנים דבריו כי כל דבריו אמת וצדק<< >>עשר גלויות<< ס | >>תהילה של **** הוא סופר ****?<< ע | +נשלם ספר הקבלה בנדי עדא דשמים פ | +כי אל מלך נאמן הוא אלו דברי מלכי ישראל בבית שני כמו שכתוב בספר יוסף בן גוריון הכהן. תם תם תם ק | +נשלם ספר הקבלה להראבד׳ פה במנטובה ד׳ מרחשון שנת ושב ה׳ אלהיך את שבותך ורחמך ושב וקבצך מכל העמים אשר הפיצך ה׳ אלדיך שמה אמן. ברוך נותן ליעף כח ולאין אונים עצמה ירבה ד | +תם ונשלם ספר הקבלה לבראבד זל ומגילת תענית וסדר עולם רבא וסדר עולם זוטא היום יום ששי בשבת ראש חדש כסליו שנת חמשת אלפים ושלש מאות וששה פה בויניציה V | +תם ונשלם שבח לבורא עולם. הטקסט ממשיך בכתב רש״י: ועל הטוב יזכר שם הנעלה מהר״ר הירש משעברשין שנתן ידו ואצבעו בעבודת הקדש הלזה לזכות משלחן גבוה ולהיותו מהובר לטהור ליטול חלקו מספר הזה לזכות את הרבים וה׳ יגמור בעדו שיאכל מפרי מעשיו בע״הז ויזכה למה רב טוב הצפון לצדיקים לעולם הבא A 5 לאין אונים עצמה ] ירבהIs 40:29 5 לאין אונים עצמה ] ירבהIs 40:29 midrash on zechariah 357

This [refers to] the war of Gog and Magog, as Ezekiel and Zechariah— peace be upon him—prophesied concerning the day when Gog will come, when the Mount of Olives shall split in two, and the rule of the house of David, whose return is imminent in our day.544 We have not yet seen or heard [anything regarding these events], and they remain to be fulfilled! 5

May the Holy One, Blessed be He, hasten [all this], for Our God is trustworthy, and His words are trustworthy; and all His words are truth and trustworthy.545

Blessed is the Lord forever. Amen and Amen. Blessed is He who gives strength to the weary and fresh vigor to the spent.546 10

3 the Mount of Olives shall split in two] cf. Zech 14:4 4 the return … our day] ySuk 23a5:a 9 Blessed is the Lord forever. Amen and Amen.] Ps. 89:53 9–10 He gives strength to the weary and fresh vigor to the spent] Isa 40:29

544 Daud, like others, injected messianism here (but note that the proof text from ySuk does not indicate messianism here) probably to counter Christian readings of the text on the background of John 10:16. This interpretation affirmed that the prophecies of Zechariah applied to the Second Temple period, but that the promise was yet to be fulfilled. 545 This alludes to the blessings read after the Haftarah, the weekly prophetic portion and seems to equate Dorot ʿOlam with the Torah that is, sanctified truth. For contemporary customs concerning these blessings see Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Book of Love, Order of Prayers for the Entire Year. See Saadiah ben Joseph, Siddur rav Saʿadyah Gaʾon: kitāb gʾamiʿ al-tsalʾat va-ʾal-Tasʾabiḥ, ed. Israel Davidson, Simha Assaf, and Issachar Joel (Jerusalem: Mas, 1985), 376; Amram ben Sheshna, Siddur tefilah ke-minhag ʾAshkenaz: ʿim seder Rav ʿAmram ha-shalem, ed. Aryeh Loeb Frumkin, (Jerusalem: Ṣuckermann, 1912), 255. For Cohen, this consolation is none but the promise of the Messiah, see ShQ, 214. 546 The colophon of Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ (c. 1513) reads: “Sefer ha-Kabbalah of the Rabad was completed here, Mantua, 4 Marheshvan 24, in the year “That then the Lord will turn October 14, 1513), and will return =274) ךמחרו your captivity and have compassion upon you and gather you from all the nations, where the Lord your God has scattered you,” (Deut 30:3) Amen. Blessed is “He (Who) gives power to the faint; and to those who have no might he increases strength.” (Isaiah 40:29). Hazak.” Translated in Heller, Sixteenth Century, 33: 53.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Manuscripts

London, Beth Din and Beth Hamidrash 28 (Jews’ College 28) London, Montefiore Library 474 (Halberstam 372) Moscow, Russian State Library, Ms. Guenzburg 1420 New York, Jewish Theological Seminary 2274 Oxford, Bodleian 2521 (MS Opp. Add. Qu. 162) Oxford, Bodleian 2799 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Heb. 585 (Paris BN Supp. 79) Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2298 (De Rossi 117) Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2420 (De Rossi 1409) Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania HB 13

2. Editions of Ibn Daud’s Works

ʾEmunah Ramah Das Buch Emunah Ramah oder der Erhabene Glaube. Translated by Simson Weil. Frankfurt: Druck der Typographischen Anstalt, 1852. Berlin, 1919; Jerusalem, 1966/1967. ʾEmunah Ramah: peraqim mi-tokh ‘ʾEmunah Ramah’. Sifriyah ketanah le-masḥshe- vet Yisraʾel. Edited by Yehudah Aizenberg. Jerusalem: Haskel, 1986. The Exalted Faith. Edited by Norbert M. Samuelson, Sara F. Yoseloff Memorial Publi- cations in Judaism and Jewish Affairs. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press & Associated University Presses, 1986.

Sefer ha-Qabbalah A Critical Edition with a Translation and Notes of the Book of Tradition (Sefer ha- Qabbalah). Judaica: Texts and Translations. Edited by Gerson D. Cohen Philadel- phia: Jewish Publication Society, 1967. New York, 1969; Oxford, 2005, New York, 2010. De Joodse Kroniek Van Abraham Ibn-Daud: Een Historisch Werk Uit De Middeleeuwen. Translated by G. Mussies. Vol. 3, Baarn: Ten Have, 2001. Ḥiburei ha-kronografiyah shel Harabad ha-riʾshon: dfus Mantuba, shnat Veyerah- maḥ [Z”a ve-rahmaḥ]: ḥomer le-shiʿur uletargil “ha-historiografiyah ha-yehudit shelyameyha-benayimshelProfessorḤ.H.Ben-Sasson. Edited by Haim Hillel Ben- Sasson Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1963/1964. Katz, Jakob. “Abraham ibn Dauds Sepher Hak-Kabbala; Uebersetzung, Quellen- nachweis nebst kritischen Bemerkungen.” Inaugural Dissertation, Bern, 1907. Libro De La Tradición = Sefer ha-Qabbalah. Translated by Dolores Ferre. Biblioteca Nueva Sefarad. Barcelona: Riopiedras, 1990. Sefer Ha-Kabbalah, Libro De La Tradición. Translated by Jaime Bages. Textos Medie- vales. Valencia: Anubar, 1972. 360 bibliography

Zikhron Divrey Romi Zikhron Divrey Romi seu commemoratio rerum Romanarum: Ab U. C. usque ad tempora Muchammedis. Latinitate donavit & notis historicis quibus vel corrigitur, vel illustrator auctor, instrxit & amplificavit Andr. Christoph. Zeller. Stuttgart, 1724. http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10239646.html.

Divrey Malkhey Yisraʿel A Compendious and Most Marueilous History of the Latter Tymes of the Iewes Com- mune Weale Beginnynge Where the Bible or Scriptures Leaue, and Continuing to the Vtter Subuersion and Laste Destruction of That Countrey and People: Written in Hebrew by Ioseph Ben Gorion, a Noble Man of the Same Countrey, Who Sawe the Most Thinges Him Selfe, and Was Auctour and Doer of a Great Part of the Same. Translated into Englishe by Peter Morvvyng of Magdalen Colledge in Oxford. http:// eebo.chadwyck.com/home. Josippi Judische Historien. Zum Leser. Was dir weiter in disem büch zewarten sey ( fromer Leser) zeyget an da ander teyl dises blats Wend umb: Ist new transferirt / und im teutschen vor nie gelesen. Translated by Hans Schwyntzer. Strasbourg, 1530. http://books.google.com/books?id=mvlSAAAAcAAJ&pg=PT3#v=onepage &q&f=false. Josippus: Ejn Kurtzer Auszug Vnd Begriff Josephi / Des Hochberümpten Geschicht- schreibers/ Von Allem So Sich Fürnemlich Mit Den Jüden Zugetragen / Von Der Maccabeer Zeit an / Bis Zur Endlichen Zerstörung Jerusalems Vnd Gantzen Jüdis- chen Reichs / Erstlich Durch Den Hochgelerten Herrn Sebastian Münster / Aus Dem Ebreischen Ins Latin / Jtzt Aber Christlichen Vnd Gottesfürchtigen Herzen Zu Lieb Und Dinst / Durch Georgen Wolffen in Gut Teudtsch Bracht / Weniglichen Nüt- zlich Und Lieblich Zu Lessen / Auch Regiments Personen / Geistlichen Und Welt- lichen Wol Zubetrachten, 1557. Translated by Georg Wolff. Ursel, 1557. http://daten .digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00022290/image_1. Shelosh ʿEsrei ʿIqarim, Divrey Ha-Bayyit Ha-Sheni, ʿEser Galuyot Yisrael. Tredecim Articuli Fidei Iudaeorum, Item, Compendium Elegans Historiarum Iosephi, Com- plectens: Acta Lxx, Interpretum: Gesta Machabeorum: Facta Herodum: Excidium Hierosolymitanum, Item, Decem Captivitates Iudaeorum. Translated by Sebastian Münster. Worms, 1529. http://aleph.nli.org.il/nnl/dig/books/bk001099641.html. The Wonderful and Most Deplorable History of the Latter Times of the Jews, and of the City of Hierusalem. Beginning Where the Holy Scriptures Do End. Written First in Hebrew, and Now Made More Methodical and Corrected of Sundry Errors. Translated by James Howell. London, 1652. http://eebo.chadwyck.com/home. bibliography 361

3. Other Primary Sources

Aboth de Rabbi Nathan: hujus libri recensiones duas collatis variis apud bibliothecas et publicas et privatas codicibus editit: prooemium notas appendices indisque. Edited by Salomon Schechter. Vienna: Lippe, 1887. Last reprint New York, Jerusalem, 1997. Abraham, Isaac ben. Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah or Faith Strengthened. Translated by Moses Mocatta, 1851. New York, 1970. ———. Tela ignea Satanae: hoc est, arcani & horribiles Judaeorum adversus Christum Deum, & christianam religionem libri. Translated by Johann Christoph Wagenseil, 1781. ʾAvot de-Rabbi Natan: mehadurah sinopṭit shel shtey ha-girsaʾot. Avot de-Rabbi Natan: synoptische Edition beider Versionen. Edited by Hans-Jürgen Becker and Chris- toph Berner. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Albalia, Barukh. Sefer ha-ṭeʿamim ve-ha-deʿim. Jerusalem: Rishonim, 1897. Albeck, Chanoch. Shishah sidrei Mishnah. 6 vols. Jerusalem: Devir, 1952. Jerusalem, 1965. Alfonso, VII. Crónica del Emperador Alfonso VII. Edited by Maurilio Pérez González. León: Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1997. Amram ben, Sheshna. Siddur tefilah ke-minhag ʾAshkenaz: ʿim seder Rav ʿAmram ha-shalem. Edited by Aryeh Loeb Frumkin. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Ṣuckermann, 1912. Aragon, James of. The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon: A Translation of the Medieval Catalan Llibre dels fets. Translated by Damian J. Smith and Helena Buffery. Crusade Texts in Translation. Vol. 10. Aldershot, Vt.: Ashgate, 2003. Aragon, Pedro of. Chronicle. Mediaeval Sources in Translation. Edited by J.N. Hill- garth and Mary Hillgarth. Vol. 23–24. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980. ———. Chronicle of the Reign of King Pedro III of Aragon, A.D. 1276–1285. Edited by Bernat Desclot and Frank L. Critchlow. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1928. Ben Hayyim, Levi Ben Avraham. Livyat Hen. The Quality of Prophecy and the Secrets of the Torah. Edited by Hayyim Kreisel. Sidrat le-ḥeqqer maḥshevet Yisrʾael. Sifriyyat Goldschmidt-Goren be-maḥshevet Yisrʾael 7. Beer Sheva: Ben Gurion University, 2007. Berger, David, ed. The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages: A Critical Edition of the Nizzahon Vetus. Northvale: Aronson, 1979. Berrin, Shani L., ed. The Pesher Nahum Scroll from Qumran; An Exegetical Study 4Q169. Edited by Florentino García Martínez. Vol. 53, Studies on the Texts of the Deserts of Judah. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Chronica Hispana Saeculi XII. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis. Edited by Juan Gil, Antonio Maya, Emma Falque Rey and Juan A. Estévez Sola. Vol. 12. Turnhout: Brepols, 1990. Chronica Hispana Saeculi XIII. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis. Edited by Luis Charlo Brea, Juan A. Estévez Sola and Rocío Carande Herrero. Vol. 73. Turnhout: Brepols, 1997. Cowley, Arthur E. “Bodleian Geniza Fragments.” Jewish Quarterly Review Old Series 18 (1906): 399–409. 362 bibliography de la Cruz, Palma Candida, and Oscar Ferrero Hernandez. Chronica mendosa et ridicula Sarracenorum. Brill Online, 2012. http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/christian-muslim-relations/chronica-mendosa-et-ridiculsarracenoru- COM_24337. Accessed June 20, 2012. Díaz, Rodrigo. The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the Spanish Reconquest. Translated by Simon Barton and Richard A. Fletcher. Manchester Medieval Sources Series. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000. Eisenstein, Judah D., ed. Otzar Midrashim. 2nd ed. Tel-Aviv: Mishor, 1968. Eusebius, of Caesarea. Die Praeparatio evangelica. Edited by Karl Mras. 2 vols. Berlin: Kommission für spätantike Religionsgeschichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1954. ———. The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine. Translated with an introduction by G.A. Williamson. Harmondsworth: Dorset Press, 1983. Goldstein, Jonathan A. IMaccabees: A new Translation, with Introduction and Com- mentary. The Anchor Bible. Garden City: Doubleday, 1976. Grünhut, L. Sefer ha-Likkutim. Sammlung älterer Midrashim und wissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen. Theil 3 Midrasch Eser Golijoth, einiges über die Zeit Schimeon des Gerechten. Pirke Rabenu ha-Kodesch. Jerusalem: J. Kauffmann, 1899. Higger, Michael. Masekhet Sofrim. New York: De-ve-Rabanan, 1937. ———. Seven Minor Treatises. New York: Bloch, 1930. Horowitz, Chaim M. Halachische Schriften der Geonim. 2 vols. Frankfurt: Slobotzky, 1881. Ibn Ezra, Abraham. “Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Shorter Commentary on Daniel.” Trans- lated by H.J. Matthews. In Miscellany of Hebrew Literature. Edited by Albert Löwy. London: Trübner, 1877. Ibn Danan ben Maimon, Saadiah. “Maʾamar al Seder ha-Dorot de Seʾadyah Ibn Danan.” MEAH II-Filologia Hebrea, Biblia y Judaismo 35, no. 2 (1986): 81–149. ———. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon Ibn Danān El Orden de las Generaciones. Seder ha-Dorot. Edited by C. del Valle and G. Stemberger. Alcobendas: Aben Ezra Ediciones, 1997. ———.“Un recueil de texte historiques judéo-marocains.” Edited by David Obadia. 9–20. Jerusalem: Beit ʿOved, 1979. Isaac, Abraham ben of Troki. Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah. ———. Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah. Translated by Moses Mocatta, London: Wertheimer, 1851. Reprinted New York, 1970. ———. Livro da Fortificacao da fee. Translated by Solomon Beneveniste. AMST EH 48 C 14 (18th c.) ———. Rabbi Yitzhak, Sohn Abrahams Sefer Chizzuq Emunah: Befestigung im Glau- ben. Edited by David Deutsch. Breslau: Commissionsverlag H. Skutsch, 1873. ———. Sefer Ḥizuḳ ʾEmunah iber gezetsṭ in ṭayṭsh oys di druḳ ṿos do iz gedruḳṭ miṭ laṭayn tsu Alṭ dorf durkh Krisṭofer Ṿagen zel. Amsterdam, 1716/17. ———.Sefer Ḥizzuq ʾEmunah ʾasher ḥibber Yiṣhaq bar ʾAvraham, lo trizladi in ladino. Translated by Isaac Madagi. Saloniki, 1610? Isidore, Seville of. Isidori Hispalensis Chronica. Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina. Edited by José Carlos Martín. Vol. 112. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003. ———.“The Chronica Maiora of Isidore of Seville.” Edited by Sam Koon and Jamie Wood. e-Spania 6 (2008). doi:10.4000/e-spania.15552. Accessed June 20, 2012. bibliography 363

Jellinek, Adolph, ed. Bet ha-Midrasch. Sammlung kleiner Midraschim und vermischter Abhandlungen aus der älteren jüdischen Literatur. 3rd ed. Jerusalem: Wahrmann, 1967. Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo. Roderici Ximenii de Rada Historia de rebus Hispanie, sive, Historia Gothica. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis. Edited by Juan Fernández Valverde. Turnhout: Brepols, 1987. ———. Sumario analístico de la historia gothica: Edition and Study. Papers of the Medieval Hispanic Research Seminar. Edited by Aengus Ward. London: Depart- ment of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of Lon- don, 2007. Josippon. Sefer Yosifon: … sadur u-mugaḥ ʿal-pi kitvei-yad be-levayat mavoʾ, beʾurim ve-ḥilufei girsaʾot. Edited by David Flusser. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1978. ———. Josiphon. History of the Jews during the Period of the Second Temple, and the War between the Jews and the Romans. Reprinted according to the complete Edition of Venice 5304 with Supplements from the Mantua Edition (5238–5240) and the Constantinople Edition (5270) with added Remarks, and Preface. Edited by Hayim Hominer. Jerusalem: Hominer, 1971. ———. Josippon jüdische Geschichte. Vom Anfang der Welt bis zum Ende des ersten Aufstands gegen Rom. Translated by Dagmar Börner-Klein and Beat Zuber. Wies- baden: marixverlag, 2010. ———. The Arabic Josippon (in Hebrew). Edited by Shulamit Sela. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2009. Judah Halevi. Das Buch al-Chazarî aus dem Arabischen des Abu-l-Hasan Jehuda Hallewi. Edited by Hartwig Hirschfeld. Breslau 1885. Kimḥi, David. Rabbi David Kimchi’s Commentary upon the Prophecies of Zechariah. Translated from the Hebrew. With Notes, and Observations on the Passages Relat- ing to the Messiah by A. McCaul. London: James Duncan, 1837. The Latin Chronicle of the Kings of Castile. Translated by Joseph F. O’Callaghan. Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002. Maimonides, Abraham. Perush ʿal Bereshit u-Shemot. Edited by E.J. Wiesenberg and Solomon David Sassoon. Letchworth: S.D. Sassoon, 1959. Maimonides, Moses. Mishneh Torah: huʾ ha-yad ha-ḥazaqah. Edited by Saul Lieber- man, Jacob Cohen and Moshe Ḥayim Katzenelenbogen. Jerusalem: Rav Kook Institute, 1964. ———. A Maimonides Reader. Library of Jewish Studies. Edited by Isadore Twersky. New York: Behrman House, 1972. ———. Epistles of Maimonides: Crisis and Leadership. Edited by Halkin, Abraham S., and David Hartmann. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1993. ———. The Guide of the Perplexed. Edited by Shlomo Pines. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963. Mandelbaum, Bernard. Pesikta de Rav Kahana according to an Oxford Manuscript: With Variants from all known Manuscripts and Genizoth Fragments and Parallel Passages. New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1962. Marx, Alexander. “Seder ʿOlam (Cap. 1–10): nach Handschriften und Druckwerken herausgegeben, übersetzt und erklärt.” Ph.D., Albertus-Universität zu Königs- berg, 1903. 364 bibliography al-Masʻūdī, ʻAlī ibn al-Ḥusayn. Murūj al-dhahab: wa-maʻādin al-jawhar. Edited by Charles Pellat. 4 vols. Vol. 10, Qism al-Dirāsāt al-Tārīkhīyah. Beirut: Maṭbaʻah al-Kāthūlīkīyah, 1965. ———. Kitāb at-tanbīh wa-ʼl-ašrāf. Edited by Michael Johan de Goeje. Frankfurt a. M.: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 1992. Mergui, Frédéric. Le Midrash Rabba sur Ruth Suivi de Le Midrash rabba sur Esther. Collection Vol. 359. Paris: Gallimard, 2009. Midrash Mishle. English. The Midrash on Proverbs. Edited by Burton L. Visotzky. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. Midrash Seder ʿOlam. Edited by Dov B. Ratner. Vilna: Ha-Almanah veha-aḥim Rom, 1894–1897. Reprint, Jerusalem, 1988. Milikowsky,Chaim J. “Seder Olam: A Rabbinic Chronography.” Ph.D., Yale University, 1981. Miqraʾot Gedolot ha-Keter. Edited by Menaḥem Cohen. Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan Univer- sity, 1992–. The Mishnah. Edited by Herbert Dandy. Oxford England: Oxford University Press, 1933. Münster, Sebastian. Kalendarivm Hebraicvm. Basel, 1527. Muntaner, Ramón. The Chronicle of Muntaner. Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2d ser. Edited by Anna Kinsky Goodenough. Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1967. Naḥmanides. “Sefer ha-geʾulah.” In Kitvei Rabeinu Moshe ben Naḥman. Edited by Charles Ber Chavel. Jerusalem: Rav Kook Insitute, 1963. ———.“The Book of Redemption.” In Writings and Discourses. Edited by Charles Ber Chavel. 553–650. New York: Shilo, 1978. ———. Ḥidushei ha-Ramban ʿal masekhtot ha-Sha”s. Edited by Moshe Hirschler et al. 6 vols. Jerusalem: Talmud Institute, 1970–1995. Neubauer, Adolf. Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes. Anecdota Oxoniensia, Semitic Series. Vol. 4, 6. Oxford: Clarendon, 1887–1895. Amsterdam, 1970. Neubauer, Adolf and A.E. Cowley. Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bod- leian Library. Catalogi Codicum Manuscritorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1886–1906. Neubauer, Adolf, and Wilhelm Bacher, eds. The Book of Hebrew Roots by Abuʾl-Walîd Marwân Ibn Janâh, called Rabbî Jônâh. Amsterdam: Philo, 1968. Oden, Thomas C., ed. Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture. New Testament. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity, 1998. Orosius, Paulus, ed. Historiarum Adversus Paganos Libri VII. Kitāb Hurūshiyūsh. Edited by Mayte Penelas. Vol. 26, Fuentes arábico-hispanas. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2001. ———. The Seven Books of History against the Pagans. Translated by Roy J. Deferrari. Fathers of the Church. Vol. 50. Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1964. Paltiel, Ahimaaz ben. History and Folklore in a Medieval Jewish Chronicle: The Family Chronicle of Ahimaʾaz ben Paltiel. Studies in Jewish History and Culture. Edited by Robert Bonfil. Leiden: Brill, 2009. Plutarch. Plutarch’s Lives. The Loeb Classical Library. Vol. 9. Translated by Berna- dotte Perrin. London: W. Heinemann, 1914–1954. bibliography 365 al-Qirqisānī, Abu Joseph Jacob. Al-Qirqisānī’s Account of the Jewish Sects and Chris- tianity. Edited by Leon Nemoy. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, 1930. ———. Kitāb al-Anwār wa-l-Marāqib: Code of Karaite Law. Publications of the Alex- ander Kohut Memorial Foundation. Edited by Leon Nemoy. 5 vols. New York: Alexander Kohut Memorial Foundation, 1939. Rossi, Azariah de. The Light of the Eyes. Edited by Joanna Weinberg. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. Saadiah, Joseph ben. Siddur Rav Saʿadyah Gaʾon: kitāb gʾamiʿ al-tsalʾat va-ʾal-tasʾabiḥ. Edited by Israel Davidson, Simha Assaf and Issachar Joel. Jerusalem: Mas, 1985. ———. The Book of Beliefs and Opinions. Yale Judaica Series. Edited by Samuel Rosenblatt. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976. Seder ʿOlam Rabbaʾ ve-Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ ve-Seder ha-Qabbalah le-ha-Rabad z”l ve- Seder Malkhey Yisraʾel. Warsaw: Israel Alafin, 1877. Sela, Shulamit. The Arabic Josippon (in Hebrew). 2 vols. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2009. Sherira, Ḥaninah ben. Auf welche Weise wurde die Mishna geschrieben? Das Antwort- schreiben des Rav Sherira Gaon mit einem Faksimile der Handschrift Berlin Qu. 685 (Or. 160) und des Erstdrucks Konstantinopel 1566. Edited by Margarete von Schlüter. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993. ———. Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon in der französischen und spanischen Version. Mi- Tequfatha-Geʿonim. Edited by Benjamin Menasseh Lewin. Vol. 2. Haifa: B. Lewin, 1921. Sifre on Deuteronomy. Corpus Tannaiticum. Edited by Louis Finkelstein and S. Horovitz. Vol. 3. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1969. Bres- lau, 1935. Sueton. TheTwelveCaesars. Translated by Robert Graves. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1957. Revised by James B. Rives, 2007. The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition. Edited by Steinsaltz, Adin, and Israel V. Berman. 21 vols. New York: Random House, 1989. Tanakh; The Holy Scriptures. The New JPS Translation according to the Hebrew Text. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1988. Thomas, David, ed. Early Muslim Polemic against Christianity: Abu Isa al-Warraq’s ‘Against the Incarnation.’ Vol. 59, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Torrutiel, Solomon of. Two Chronicles from the Generation of the Spanish Exiles (in Hebrew). Edited by A. David. Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center, 1979. Voisin, Joseph de. Raymundi Martini Ordinis Prædicatorum Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Judæos. Leipzig, 1687. Wagenseil, Johann Christoph. Tela ignea Satanae. Hoc est: Arcani, & horribiles Judae- orum adversus Christum Deum, & christianam religionem libri Anekdotoi. Sunt vero: R. Lipmanni Carmen memoriale. Liber Nizzachon vetus autoris incogniti. Acta disputationis R. Jechielis cum quodam Nicolao. Acta disputationis R. Mosis Nachmanidis cum fratre Paulo Christiani, et fratre Raymundo Martini. R. Isaaci Liber Chissuk Emuna. Libellus Toldos Jeschu. Joh. Christophorus Wagenseilius ex Europae Africaeque, latebris erutos, in lucem protrusit … Additae sunt latinae interpretationes, et duplex confutatio. Augustinus Justinianus episcopus Nebien- sis in Praefatione praemissa Victoria Porcheti … Accedit Mantissa de LXX. 366 bibliography

hebdomadibus Danielis. Adversus V. C. Johannis Marshami, … novam & incom- modamearundemexplicationem. 2 vols. Altdorf: Johann Heinrich Schönnerstädt, 1681. Reprinted Amsterdam, 1705; Jerusalem, 1845; Leipzig, 1681; Farnborough, 1970. ———. Tela ignea Satanae: the Original Latin text and a new English Translation of J.C. Wageneil’s [sic] Introduction to his 1681CE Book. Translated by Wade Blocker. Dayton: Blocker, 2001. Wünsche, August, ed. Aus Israels Lehrhallen. Leipzig, Pfeffer, 1907–1910. Reprint, Hildesheim, 1967.

4. Secondary Sources

Adang, Camilla. Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible: From Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm. Islamic Philosophy, Theology, and Science. Vol. 22. Leiden: Brill, 1996. Africa, Thomas. “Worms and the Death of Kings: A Cautionary Note on Disease and History.” Classical Antiquity 1 (1982): 1–17. Albert, Bat-Sheva. “De fide catholica contra Judaeos d’Isidore de Séville: La polé- mique anti-judaique dans l’Espagne du viie siècle.” Revue des Études Juives 141 (1982): 289–316. Alon, Gedalyahu. “Rabban Johanan B. Zakkai’s Removal to Jabneh.” In Jews, Judaism, and the Classical World. Edited by Gedalyahu Alon. 269–313. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977. Alonso, Manuel. “Tradducciones d’al arabe al latin per Juan Hispano (Ibn Dawud).” Al-Andalus 17 (1952): 129–151. Amram, David W. The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy; Being Chapters in the History of the Hebrew Printing Press. London: Holland, 1909. Anawati, Georges C. “Prolégomènes à une nouvelle édition du De Causis arabe.” In Mélanges Louis Massignon. 73–110. Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1956. Ashtor, Eliyahu. The Jews of Moslem Spain. 3 vols. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1973. Aurell, Jaume. “From Genealogies to Chronicles: The Power of the Form in medieval Catalan Historiography.” Viator.Medieval and Reinassance Studies 36 (2005): 235– 264. Avemarie, Friedrich. “Aporien der Theodizee; zu einem Schlüsselthema früher rabbinischer Märtyrererzählungen.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 2 (2003): 199–215. Bacher, Wilhelm. “Der arabische Titel des religionsphilosophischen Werkes Abra- ham ibn Dâud’s (Sein Verhältnis zu Jehuda Hallevi’s Kuzari).” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 46 (1892): 541–579. Baer, Isaac. A History of the Jews in Christian Spain. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1992. Philadelphia, 1961. ———.“Sefer Yosifon ha-ʿivri. Qovetz divrey ʿiyyun u-meḥqar.” In Sefer Dineburg. Edited by Ben Zion Dinur. 178–205. Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1949. Baron, Salo W. A Social and Religious History of the Jews. High Middle Ages, 500–1200. bibliography 367

2nd revised and enlarged ed. 18 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1952–1993. Baumgarten, Elisheva. Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe. Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. Becher, Ilse Das Bild der Kleopatra in der griechischen und lateinischen Literatur. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft. Vol. 51. Berlin: Akademie, 1966. Beit-Arié, Malachi, R.A. May, and Adolf Neubauer. Catalogue of the Hebrew Manu- scripts in the Bodleian Library: Supplement of Addenda and Corrigenda to Vol. 1 (A. Neubauer’s Catalogue). Oxford: Clarendon, 1994. Bekkum, Wout Jacques van. “Four Kingdoms Will Rule: Echoes of Apocalypticism and Political Reality in Late Antiquity and Medieval Judaism.” In Endzeiten; Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen. Edited by Felicitas Schmie- der and Wolfram Brandes. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008. ———.“Medieval Hebrew Versions of the Alexander Romance.” In Medieval Antiq- uity. Edited by Andries Welkenhuysen. 293–302. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1995. Ben-Shalom, Ram. Facing Christian Culture. Historical Consciousness and Images of the Past among the Jews of Spain and Southern France during the Middle Ages (in Hebrew). Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2006. ———.“Qiddush ha-Shem u-martirologiah yehudit be-ʾAragon u-ve-Qasṭiliah bi- shenat QN”A (1391).” Tarbiẓ 70 (2001): 227–282. ———.“Marṭirologiah yehudit ve-hamarot dat bi-Sefarad u-ve-ʾAshkenaz bi-yemey ha-beinayyim.” Tarbiẓ 71 (2002): 279–300. Berger, David. “Three Typological Themes in Early Jewish Messianism.” Association for Jewish Studies Review 10, no. 2 (1985): 141–164. Biberstein-Kazimirski, Albert de. Dictionnaire arabe-français: contenant toutes les racines de la langue arabe, leurs dérivés, tant dans l’idiome vulgaire que dans l’idiome littéral, ainsi que les dialectes d’Alger et de Maroc. 2 vols. Paris: Barrois, 1846. Blastenbrei, Peter. Johann Christoph Wagenseil und seine Stellung zum Judentum. Erlangen: Fischer, 2004. Blau, Joshua. The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judaeo-Arabic: A Study of the Origins of Neo-Arabic and Middle Arabic. 3rd rev. ed. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East, 1999. London, 1965. ———.“Hebrew Versus Other Languages of the Traditional Medieval Jewish Society.” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 27 (2002): 353–355. Blázquez Miguel, Juan. Toledot: Historia del Toledo Judío. Serie Judaica. Vol. 1. Toledo: Editorial Arcano, 1989. Blidstein, Gerald J. “The Monarchic Imperative in Rabbinic Perspective.” Association of Jewish Studies Review 7 (1982): 15–39. Blumberg, Harry. “Review.” Speculum 44/4 (1969): 629. Bonfil, Robert. “Esiste una storiografia ebraica medioevale?”. In Tra due mondi: cultura ebraica e cultura cristiana nel Medioevo. Edited by Fausto Parente and Daniela Piattelli. 227–247. Naples: Liguori, 1996 ———.“How Golden Was the Age of the Renaissance in Jewish Historiography?”. 368 bibliography

In Essays in Jewish Historiography; in Memoriam Arnaldo Dante Momigliano, 1908–1987. Edited by Ada Rapoport-Albert. 78–102. Middletown: Wesleyan Uni- versity, 1988. ———.“The Legacy of Sephardi Jewry in Historical Writing.” In Moreshet Sepharad; the Sephardi Legacy. Edited by Haim Beinart. 461–478. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1992. Boucher, Jacqueline “Génébrard, Gilbert.” In Histoire et Dictionnaire des Guerres de Religion. Edited by Arlette Jouanna et al., 941–942. Paris: R. Laffont, 1998. Boustan, Raʾanan. From Martyr to Mystic. Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 112 Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005. Börner-Klein, Dagmar. “Jews and Romans as Friends and Foes according to Sefer Josippon.” The Stranger in Ancient and Mediaeval Jewish Tradition; Papers Read at the First Meeting of the JBSCE, Piliscsaba, 2009. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits and Jan Dušek. 228–238. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010. Bowman, Steven. “Sefer Yosippon: History and Midrash.” In The Midrashic Imagina- tion: Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and History. Edited by Michael Fishbane. 280–294. Albany: SUNY Press, 1993. Boyarin, Daniel. “Are there any Jews in the History of Sexuality?”. Journal for the History of Sexuality 5, no. 3 (1995): 333–355. Brann, Ross. Power in the Portrayal: Representations of Jews and Muslims in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Islamic Spain. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. Braude, Benjamin. “The Sons of Noah and the Construction of Ethnic and Geo- graphical Identities in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser. 54, no. 1 (1997): 103–142. Brody, Robert. “On the Sources for the Chronology of the Talmudic Period (in Hebrew).” Tarbiẓ 70 (2000–2001): 75–107. Burgmann, Hans. “Der verkannte Makkabäer Jonathan.” In Weitere lösbare Qumran- probleme. Edited by Zdzisław J. Kapera. 107–122. Krakow: Enigma, 1992. Burke, Peter. “A Survey of the Popularity of Ancient Historians, 1450–1700.” History and Theory 5 (1966): 135–152. Burman, Thomas E. Reading the Qurʾan in Latin Christendom, 1140–1560. Material Texts. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. Burnett, Charles F.S. “Magister Iohannes Hispanus: Towards the Identity of a Tole- dan Translator.” In Comprendre et maîtriser la nature au Moyen Age: mélanges d’histoire des sciences offerts à Guy Beaujouan. Edited by Guy Beaujouan. 425– 436. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1994. ———.“The Translating Activity in Medieval Spain.” In Legacy of Muslim Spain. Edited by Salma Khadra Jayyusi. 1036–1058. Leiden: Brill, 1992. Burstin, Aviezer, and I.A. Kaufman. The First Ravaad. Mighty Minds. Vol. 12. Jerusa- lem: Meir Holder of Hillel Press, 1980. Cancik, Hubert, Helmuth Schneider, Christine F. Salazar, and David O. Orton. Brill’s New Pauly: Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World: Antiquity. 15 vols. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Cardona, G.R. “I nomi dei figli di Togarmah [Gen 10:3] secondo il Sepher Yosephon.” Rivista degli Studi Orientali 41 (1966): 17–28. Castro, Américo. España en su historia; cristianos, moros y judíos. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1948. bibliography 369

Chazan, Robert. Barcelona and Beyond: The Disputation of 1263 and its Aftermath. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. ———. God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narratives. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Christys, Ann. Christians in Al-Andalus, 711–1000. Richmond: Curzon, 2002. Cohen, Gerson D. “Esau as Symbol in Early Medieval Thought.” In Studies in the Vari- ety of Rabbinic Cultures. Edited by Gerson D. Cohen. JPS Scholar of Distinction Series, 243–269. New York: Jewish Publication Society, 1991. ———.“The Story of Hannah and Her Seven Sons in Hebrew Literature (in Hebrew).” In Mordecai M. Kaplan: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday = Sefer ha-yovel le-khaved Mordekhai Menaḥem Kaplan. Edited by Moshe Davis. 109–122. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1953. ———.“The Story of the Four Captives.” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 29 (1960–1961): 55–133. Cohen, Jeremy. “Towards a Functional Classification of Jewish Anti-Christian Po- lemic in the High Middle Ages.” In Religionsgespräche im Mittelalter. Edited by Bernard Lewis and Friedrich Niewöhner. 93–114. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992. Cohen, Mark R. “The Neo-Lachrymose Conception of Jewish Arab History.” Tikkun 6 (1991): 55–60. ———. Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt. Jews, Chris- tians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. ———. Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Corriente, Federico. A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, der Nahe und Mittlere Osten. New York: Brill, 1997. Cummings, Robert, and Stuart Gillespie. “Translations from Greek and Latin Clas- sics 1550–1700: A Revised Bibliography.” Translation & Literature 18, no. 1 (2009): 1–42. d’Alverny, Marie-Thérèse. “Avendauth?”. In Homenaje a Millas-Vallicrosa. Edited by Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. 19–43. Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1954–1956. ———.“Translations and Translators.” In Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century. Edited by Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable. 421–462. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982. Dan, Joseph. “Armilus: The Jewish Antichrist and the Origins and Dating of the Sefer Zerubbavel.” In Toward the Millennium; Messianic Expectations from the Bible to Waco. Edited by Peter Schäfer and Mark R. Cohen. 73–104. Leiden: Brill, 1998. ———.“ʿAserat harugey malkhut: martirologiyah ve-misṭiqah.” In Menaḥem le-Mena- ḥem. Edited by Aviad Cohen. 368–390. Bnei Brak: ha-qibuṣ ha-meʾuḥad, 2007. ———.“Scholem’s View of Jewish Messianism.” Modern Judaism 12, no. 2 (1992): 117–128. Daniel, Norman. Islam and the West: The Making of an Image. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oneworld, 1997. Edinburgh, 1960. Devir, Yehudah. Bar-Kokhba, ha-ʾish ve-ha-mashiaḥ. Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1964. Deyermond, Alan. “El “Auto de los reyes magos” y el renacimiento del siglo XII.” In Actas del IX Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas: 18–23 agosto 370 bibliography

1986: Berlin. Edited by Sebastián Neumeister. 187–194. Frankfurt a. M.: Verveurt, 1989. Dönitz, Saskia. “Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon. Eine Studie zur Historiographie und zum Geschichtsbewusstsein des Judentums im Mittelalter.” Ph.D., Freie Universität Berlin, 2008. Doran, Robert. “The Mother: A Synoptic View of the Mother and Her Seven Sons.” In Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism: Profiles and Paradigms. Edited by John Joseph Collins and George W.E. Nickelsburg. Septuagint and Cognate Studies 12 189–221. Missoula: Scholars, 1980. Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes. 2 vols. Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1991. Drews, Wolfram. “Goten und Römer als Gegenstand der Historiographie bei Isidor von Seville.” Speculum 53, no. 1 (2002): 1–20. Duffy, John J., and Samuel B. Hand. The Vermont Encyclopedia. London: University Press of New England, 2003. Efron, Joshua. Studies on the Hasmonean Period. Leiden: Brill, 1987. Elazar, Daniel J. “The Covenant as the Basis of Jewish Political Tradition.” In Kinship and Consent. The Jewish Political Tradition and its Contemporary Uses. Edited by Daniel J. Elazar. 21–56. New Brunswick: Transaction, 1997. Elbogen, Ismar. “Abraham ibn Daud als Geschichtsschreiber.” In Festschrift zum siebzigsten Geburtstage Jakob Guttmanns. Edited by the Direktorium der Gesell- schaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaft des Judentums. 186–205. Leipzig: Gustav Fock, 1915. Reprint, New York, 1980. Elizur, Shulamit. “Piyyuṭey ḥanukkah: semel mul riʾaliyah.” In Yemey bayit Ḥash- monaʾi: meqorot, sikumim, parshiyot nivḥarot ve-ḥomer ʿezer. Edited by David Amit. 303–310. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute. Elliot, Thomas G. “Constantine and the ‘Arian Reaction after Nicea’.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 2 (1992): 169–194. Eran, Amira. “The Hebrew Translations of Abraham Ibn Daud’s ‘The Exalted Faith’ (in Hebrew).” Tarbiṣ 65 (1990): 79–107. ———. Me-ʾemunah tammah le-ʾemunah ramah: haguto ha-qedam-maimonit shel R. Abraham ʾIbn Daud. Tel-Aviv: Ha-Kibbuṣ ha-meʾuḥad, 1998. Eshel, Hanan. “The Bar Kochba Revolt, 132–135.” In The Cambridge History of Juda- ism. Edited by Steven T. Katz. The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. 105–127. Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Even-Shoshan, Abraham. Ha-milon he-ḥadash. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1966–1970. Falbel, Nachman. “On a Heretic Argument in Levi ben Abraham ben Chaiim’s Critique on Christianity,” in World Congress of Jewish Studies. History of the Jews in Europe. Edited by David Krone. 29–45. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1981. Farrar, Clarissa P., and Austin P. Evans. Bibliography of English Translations from Medieval Sources. Records of Civilization Sources and Studies. Edited by Austin P. Evans. New York: Columbia University Press, 1946. Feldman, Seymour W. “‘In the Beginning God Created’: A Philosophical Midrash.” In God and Creation. An Ecumenical Symposium. Edited by David B. Burrell and Bernard McGinn. 3–26. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990. Fidora, Alexander. “Abraham Ibn Dawud und Dominicus Gundissalinus: Philoso- phie und religiöse Toleranz im Toledo des 12. Jahrhunderts.” In Juden, Chris- bibliography 371

ten und Muslime: Religionsdialoge im Mittelalter. Edited by Matthias Lutz-Bach- mann. 10–26. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2004. Fierro, Maribel. “La Religion.” In El retroceso territorial de Al-Andalus. Almorávides y Almohades. Siglos XI al XIII. Edited by María Jesús Viguera Molíns. 523–546. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998. Finkelstein, Louis. “The Ten Martyrs.” In Essays and Studies in Memory of Linda R. Miller. Edited by Israel Davidson. 57–108. New York: Jewish Theological Semi- nary of America, 1938. Flusser, David. “‘Josippon’, a Medieval Hebrew Version of Josephus.” In Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity. Edited by Louis H. Feldman and Gohei Hata. 386–397. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987. Folz, Robert. The Concept of Empire in Western Europe from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century. London: Edward Arnold, 1969. Aubier, 1953. Fontaine, Resianne. “Abraham Ibn Daud and the Midrash ha-Hokhmah.” Zutot 2 (2002): 156–163. ———. In Defence of Judaism, Abraham Ibn Daud: Sources and Structures of ha- Emunah ha-Ramah. Studia Semitica Neerlandica. Vol. 26. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1990. Fossum, Jarl E. “Gen 1.26 und 1.27 in Judaism, Samaritanism, and Gnosticism.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 16, no. 2 (1985): 202–239. Franklin, Arnold E. This Noble House: Jewish Descendants of King David in the Medie- val Islamic East. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. Fredriksen, Paula. Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism. New York: Doubleday, 2008. Freund, Richard A. “Alexander Macedon and Antoninus: Two Graeco-Roman Heroes of the Rabbis.” In Crisis and Reaction: The Hero in Jewish History. Edited by Menachem Mor. Studies in Jewish Civilization 18–72. Omaha: Creighton Uni- versity Press, 1995. Fried, Johannes. Donation of Constantine and Constitutum Constantini. Millenium Studies in the Culture and History of the First Millenium C.E. Edited by Wolfram Brandes. Vol. 3. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2007. Friedberg, Bernhard. Toledot ha-defus ha-ʿivri be-medinot ʾIṭalyah, ʾEspanyah-Porṭu- gal ve-Togarmah. Tel Aviv: Bar Yoda, 1956. Fuks, Gideon. “The Jews of Hellenistic and Roman Scythopolis.” Journal of Jewish Studies 33, no. 1–2 (1982): 407–416. Funkenstein, Amos. Perceptions of Jewish History. Los Angeles: University of Califor- nia Press, 1993. Fürst, Julius. Bibliotheca Judaica: bibliographisches Handbuch der gesammten jüdis- chen Literatur mit Einschluss der Schriften über Juden und Judenthum und einer Geschichte der jüdischen Bibliographie nach alfabetischer Ordnung der Verfasser. Leipzig: W. Engelmann, 1849–1851. Gafni, Isaiah M. “Ha-hisṭoriographiah ha-talmudit be-ʾIggeret Sherira Gaon, bein masoret le-yeṣirah.” Zion 73, no. 3 (2008): 271–296. ———.“Ha-Ḥashmonaʾim ba-sifrut Ḥaza”l.” In Yemey bayit Ḥashmonaʾi: meqorot, sikumim, parshiyot nivḥarot ve-ḥomer ʿezer. Edited by David Amit. 261–276. Jeru- salem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1995. ———.“Rabbinic Historiography and Representations of the Past.” In The Cambridge 372 bibliography

Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature. Edited by Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert and Martin S. Jaffee. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. García, Gallo. “Los fueros de Toledo.” Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espanol 45 (1975): 473–483. Gautier-Dalché, Jean. Historia urbana de León y Castilla en la Edad Media: (siglos IX–XIII). Translated by Encarnación Pérez Sede. Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno, 1979. Geller, Markham J. “Alexander Jannaeus and the Pharisee Rift.” Journal of Jewish Studies 39, no. 2 (1979): 202–211. Geulah, Amos. “Ḥidat mafteaḥ ha-pesuqim she-be-k”y Mosqvah, Ginzberg 1420/7: hazmanah le-bayt ha-yoṣer shel ha-Yalqut Shimʿoni la-Torah.” Tarbiṣ 70, no. 3–4 (2000): 429–464. Gil, Moshe. “The Scroll of Evyatar as a Source for the History of the Struggles of the Yeshiva of Jerusalem During the Second Half of the Eleventh Century—A New Reading of the Scroll (in Hebrew).” In Jerusalem in the Middle Ages. Selected Papers. Edited by Benjamin Z. Kedar. 39–106. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1979. Girardet, Klaus M. Der Kaiser und sein Gott: das Christentum im Denken und in der Religionspolitik Konstantins des Grossen. Millennium-Studien = Millennium Studies. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2010. Glick, Thomas F. Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages. The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World. 2nd rev. ed. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Princeton, 1979. Goetz, Hans-Werner. Die Geschichtstheologie des Orosius. Impulse der Forschung. Vol. 32. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1980. ———.“Endzeiterwartung und Endzeitvorstellung im Rahmen des Geschichtsbildes des früheren zwölften Jahrhunderts.” In The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages. Edited by Werner Verbeke. 306–332. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988. Goitein, Shlomo D. “A Jewish Business Woman of the 11th Century.” In The Seventy- Fifth Anniversary Volume of the Jewish Quarterly Review. Edited by Abraham A. Neuman and Solomon Zeitlin. 225–242. Philadelphia: Jewish Quarterly Re- view, 1967. Goldin, Simha. “The Socialisation for ‘Kiddush ha-Shem’ Among Medieval Jews.” Journal of Medieval History 23, no. 2 (1997): 117–138. Goodman, Micah. “Historiography and Historiosophy in the Thought of Maimoni- des and Nahmanides (in Hebrew).” Ph.D., Hebrew University, 2005. Graboïs, Arieh. “Nesiʾei Narbonne. Li-demutah u-mahutah shel hanhagah yehudit bi-derom Ṣarfat bi-yemey ha-beinayim.” Michael 12 (1991): 43–65. Graetz, Heinrich. HistoryoftheJews. 11 vols. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1891–1898. Grosart, A.B., and D. Bruce Hindmarsh. “Adam, Thomas (1701–1784).” In Oxford Encyclopedia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Gross, Abraham. “Al ha-tismonet ha-ʾashkenazit shel qiddush ha-Shem be-Porṭugal bi-Shnat 1497.” Tarbiẓ 64 (1995): 83–114. ———. “Hamarat dat u-maʿasei Kiddush ha-shem bi-shenat QN”A: Haʾarakhah mehadeshet.” Tarbiẓ 71 (2002): 269–277. ———. Struggling with Tradition. Reservations about Active Martyrdom in the Middle Ages. The Brill Reference Library of Judaism. Edited by Jacob Neusner et al. Vol. 19. 93–99. Leiden: Brill, 2004. bibliography 373

Günther, Linda-Marie. “Herodes, sein Sohn Antipater und die jerusalemitische Aris- tokratie.” In Herodes und Jerusalem. Edited by Linda-Marie Günther. 99–112. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2009. Gutman, Jehuda. “The Mother and Her Seven Sons in Aggadah and in II and IV Maccabeans.” In Sefer Yoḥanan Leṿi: meḥkarim be-helenismus yehudi le-zikhro shel Yoḥanan Leṿi. Edited by Moshe Schwabe and Joshua Gutmann. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1949. Gutwirth, Elazar. “L’accueil fait a Abraham Ibn Daud dans l’Europe de la Renais- sance.” In Tolède et Jérusalem: tentative de symbiose entre les cultures espagnole et judaïque. Edited by S. Giora Shoham and Francis Rosenstiel. 97–110. Lausanne: Age d’Homme, 1992. Hadas-Lebel, Mireille. “Hezekiah as King Messiah; Traces of an Early Jewish- Christian Polemic in the Tannaitic Tradition.” In Jewish Studies at the Turn of the Twentieth Century; Proceedings of the 6th EAJS Congress, Toledo, July 1998. Edited by Judit Targarona Borrás. 275–281. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Hahn, Hartmut. Wallfahrt und Auferstehung zur messianischen Zeit: eine rabbinische Homilie zum Neumond-Shabbat (PesR1). Frankfurter Judaistische Stu- dien. Vol. 5. Frankfurt a. M.: Gesellschaft zur Förderung Judaistischer Studien, 1979. Halbertal, Moshe. “What is the ‘Mishneh Torah’? On Codification and Ambivalence.” In Maimonides after 800 Years; Essays on Maimonides and His Influence. Edited by Jay M. Harris. 89–111. Cambridge: Harvard University Center for Jewish Studies, 2007. Hay, Denys. Europe: The Emergence of an Idea. Revised ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968. Heil, Johannes. “Jenseits von ‘History and Memory’. Spuren jüdischer Geschichts- schreibung im Mittelalter. Johannes Fried zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet.” Zeit- schrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 55 (2007): 989–1019. Heinemann, J. “210 Years of Egyptian Exile. A Study in Midrashic Chronology.” Journal for Jewish Studies 22 (1971): 19–30. Heller, Marvin J. The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: an Abridged Thesaurus. Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies. Vol. 33. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Hirschfeld, Hartwig. Catalogue of the Hebrew MSS of the Montefiore Library. Farn- borough: Gregg, 1969. London, 1904. Hochfeld, Samson. “Die Entstehung des Hanukkafestes.” Zeitschrift für Alttesta- mentliche Wissenschaft 22 (1902): 264–284. Horbury, William. “Herod’s Temple and ‘Herod’s days’.” In TemplumAmicitiae;Essays on the Second Temple Presented to Ernst Bammel. Edited by William Horbury. Sheffield: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 1991. Hüttig, A. Macrobius im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Com- mentarii in Somnium Scipionis. Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Ge- schichte. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1990. Ilan, Tal. Silencing the Queen. The Literary Histories of Shelamzion and Other Jewish Women. Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism. Vol. 115. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Important Hebrew Manuscripts from the Montefiore Endowment. New York. October 27 & 28. Edited by Sotheby’s. Hong Kong: Sotheby’s, 2004. 374 bibliography

Jacobs, Martin. Die Institution des jüdischen Patriarchen: Eine quellen- und traditionskritische Studie zur Geschichte der Juden in der Spätantike. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995. ———. Islamische Geschichte in jüdischen Chroniken: Hebräische Historiographie des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004. Jones, G. Lloyd. The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: A Third Language. Dover, N.H.: Manchester University Press, 1983. Joslyn-Siemiatkoski, Daniel. Christian Memories of the Maccabean Martyrs. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Kahana-Smilansky, Hagar. “Aristotle on Sleep and Wakefulness: A Medieval Hebrew Adaptation of an Unknown Latin Treatise.” Aleph: Historical Studies in Science and Judaism 10 (2010): 67–118. Kapp, Friedrich. GeschichtedesdeutschenBuchhandelsbisindassiebzehnteJahrhun- dert. Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels. Im Auftrage des Börsenvereins der deutschen Buchhändler. Leipzig: Börsenverein, 1886. Katz, Jacob. Exclusiveness and Tolerance; Studies in Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medie- val and Modern Times. Scripta Judaica. Vol. 3. London: Oxford University Press, 1961. Kaufmann, David. Geschichte der Attributenlehre in der jüdischen Religionsphiloso- phie des Mittelalters. Gotha: Perthes, 1877. Kirschner, Robert “Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70.” Harvard Theological Review, no. 78 (1985): 27–46. Klar, Marianna. Interpreting Al-Thaʾlabī’s Tales of the Prophets: Temptation, Responsi- bility and Loss. Routledge Studies in the Qurʾan. Vol. 9. London: Routledge, 2006. Klein, Ernest, and Baruch Sarel. A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the Hebrew Language for Readers of English. New York: Macmillan, 1987. Klein, Mordechai, and Elchanan Molnar. “Ha-Raʾba”d be-tor ḥoker Divrey Yamey Yisraʿel.” Ṣofeh le-ḥokhmat Yisraʿel 8 (1924): 24–35. ———.“Ha-Raʾba”d be-tor ḥoker Divrey Yamey Yisraʿel.” Ṣofeh le-ḥokhmat Yisraʿel 5 (1921): 93–108, 65–75. ———.“Ha-Raʾba”d be-tor ḥoker Divrey Yamey Yisraʿel.” Ṣofeh le-ḥokhmat Yisraʿel 9 (1925): 85–88. Knopp, Manfred. Die Druckerei zu Ursel, 1557–1623: Versuch eines Porträts. Oberursel: Magistrat der Stadt Oberursel, 1990. ———. Nicolaus Henricus und Cornelius Sutor: Bürger und Drucker zu Ursel Oberur- sel: Magistrat der Stadt Oberursel, 1964. Knoppers, Gary N. “Cutheans or Children of Jacob?” In Reflection and Refraction; Studies in Biblical Historiography in Honour of A. Graeme Auld. Edited by Robert Rezetko, Timothy H. Lim and W. Brian Aucker. 223–239. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Kraemer, Joel. “A Critical Edition With a Translation and Notes of the Book of Tradition.” Jewish Quarterly Review 62 (1971): 61–71. ———.“Spanish Ladies from the Cairo Geniza.” Mediterranean Historical Review 6, no. 2 (1992): 237–267. Krakowski, Eve. “On the Literary Character of Abraham Ibn Daud’s ‘Sefer ha-Qabba- lah’.” European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 2 (2007): 219–247. Krauss, Samuel. Antoninus und Rabbi. Frankfurt a. M.: Sänger & Friedberg, 1910. ———.“Beit Koziva.” Haschiloach 10 (1902): 35–41. bibliography 375

———.“Die hebräischen Benennungen der modernen Völker.” In Jewish Studies in Memory of George A. Kohut 1874–1933. Edited by Salo W.Baron. 379–412. New York: Alexander Kohut Memorial Foundation, 1935. ———.“Kheilotav shel Bar Kokhba.” In Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume (Hebrew Section). 391–398. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950. ———.“La fête de Hanoucca.” Revue des Études Juives 30 (1895): 202–243. ———. Persia and Rome in the Talmud and the Midrashim. Jerusalem: Rav Kook Institute, 1947. ———. Studien zur byzantinisch-jüdischen Geschichte. Wien: Gustav Fock, 1914. ———.“The Terms Ashkenaz and Sefarad (Hebrew).” Tarbiṣ 3, no. 1 (1931/1932): 423–435. ———.“Über Siedlungstypen in Palästina in talmudischer Zeit.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 82 (1938): 173–190. Krauss, Samuel, and Immanuel Löw. Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum. Hildesheim: Olms, 1964. l.u. “Schweintzer, Hans.” In Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Edited by Historische Commission bei der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften. 364–365. Leipzig: Hermann Schulze, G. Semper, 1891. Lacave, José Luis. “Crítica Bibliográfica.” Sefarad (1968): 326–331. Lacey, Barbara E. From Sacred to Secular: Visual Images in Early American Publica- tions. The University of Delaware Press Studies in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth- Century Art and Culture. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2007. Ladouceur, D.J. “The Death of Herod the Great.” Classical Philology 76 (1981): 25– 34. Lambers-Petry, Doris. “Shelomzion ha-Malka; the Hasmonean Queen and her Enig- matic Portrayal by Josephus.” In Internationales Josephus-Kolloquium Dortmund 2002: Arbeiten aus dem Institutum Judaicum Delizschianum. Edited by Jürgen U. Kalms and Folker Siegert. Münsteraner Judaistische Studien, 65–77. Münster: Lit, 2003. Landman, Isaac. The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia … an Authoritative and Popular PresentationofJewsandJudaismSincetheEarliestTimes. New York:The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, 1939. Lane, Edward William, and Stanley Lane-Poole. Arabic-English Lexicon. London: Williams and Norgate, 1863–1893. Lasker, Daniel J. From Judah Hadassi to Elijah Bashyatchi: Studies in Late Medieval Karaite Philosophy. Leiden: Brill, 2008. ———.“The Jewish-Christian Debate in Transition.” In Judaism and Islam; Bound- aries, Communication and Interaction; Essays in Honor of William M. Brinner. Edited by John L. Hayes, Benjamin H. Hary, Fred Astren. 53–65. Leiden: Brill, 2000. ———.“The Polemic of Nestor the Priest: Qissat Mujadalat al-Usquf and Sefer Nestor ha-Komer.” 112–118. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East, 1996. Lassner, Jacob. Jews, Christians, and the Abode of Islam: Modern Scholarship, Medie- val Realities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012. Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava. Intertwined Worlds: Medieval Islam and Bible Criticism. Prince- ton: Princeton University Press, 1992. 376 bibliography

———.“Jews and Christians in Medieval Muslim Thought.” In Demonizing the Other: Antisemitism, Racism & Xenophobia. Edited by Robert S. Wistrich, Vidal Sas- soon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (Hebrew University Jerusalem). Studies in Antisemitism, 107–117. Amsterdam: Harwood Academic, 1999. Lemay, Richard. “De la scholastique à l’histoire par le turchment de la philologie: itinéraire d’un médiéviste entre Europe et Islam.” In La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel medio evo europeo. Edited by Fondazione Leone Caetani. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Fondazione Leone Caetani, 399–553. Rome: L’Accademia, 1987. Leszynsky, Rudolf. “Das Laubhüttenfest Chanukka.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 4 (1911): 400–418. Levi Della Vida, Giorgio. “La traduzione araba della Storie di Orosio.” Al-Andalus 19 (1954): 257–293. ———.“Un texte mozarabe d’histoire universelle.” In Études d’Orientalisme dédiées a la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal. 175–183. Paris: Massoneuve et Larose 1962. Lieberman, Saul. Greek in Jewish Palestine. Hellenism in Jewish Palestine. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950. Second ed. Linder, Amnon. “The Myth of Constantine the Great in the West: Sources and Hagiographic Commemoration.” Studi Medievali 3rd ser. 16, no. 1 (1975): 43–95. Linehan, Peter. History and the Historians of Medieval Spain. London: Clarendon, 1993. Lorberbaum, Menachem. “Medieval Jewish Political Thought.” In The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy. Edited by Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leanman. 176–200. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Lülfing, Hans. “Kirchner, Wolfgang.” In Neue deutsche Biographie. Edited by Otto Graf zu Stolberg-Wernigerode and Historische Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 656. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1977. Marcus, Ivan G. “History, Story, and Collective Memory: Narrativity in Early Ashke- nazic Culture.” In The Midrashic Imagination: Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and His- tory. Edited by Michael A. Fishbane. 255–279. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. ———.“A Jewish-Christian Symbiosis.” In Cultures of the Jews; a New History. Edited by David Biale. 449–516. New York: Schocken, 2002. ———. Ritualsof Childhood: JewishCultureand Acculturationin the MiddleAges. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. Marcus, Ralph. “The Name ‘Makkabaios.’” In The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume; Studies in History and Philology Jewish Social Studies, 59–65. New York: Confer- ence on Jewish Relations, 1953. Marks, Richard G. The Image of Bar Kokhba in Traditional Jewish Literature. False Messiah and National Hero. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania University Press, 1994. Marx, Alexander. “1. Abteilung, Einzelschriften, Hebraica.” Zeitschrift für hebräische Bibliographie 4/4 (1900): 98–104. ———.“Eine Sammelhandschrift im Besitze des Herrn A. Epstein.” Zeitschrift für hebräische Bibliographie 5, no. 1 (1901): 54–61. Mateo, Julio Porres de, and Dolores de Paz Escribano. “30 000 inhabitans, une bibliography 377

ville frontière.” In Tolède, xiie–xiiie Musulmans, chrétiens et juifs: le savoir et la tolérance. Edited by Louis Cardaillac. Série Mémoires, 138–143. Paris: Autrement, 1991. McAuliffe, Jane D. “Assessing the Israʾiliyyat: An Exegetical Conundrum.” In Story- Telling in the Framework of non-Fictional Arabic Literature. Edited by S. Leder. 345–369. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998. McCluskey, Raymond. “Malleable Accounts: Views of the Past in Twelfth Century Iberia.” In The Perception of the Past in Twelfth-Century Europe. Edited by Paul Magdalino. 211–225. London: Hambledon, 1992. McLaren, James S. “Josephus on Titus: the Vanquished Writing About the Victor.” In Josephus and Jewish History in Flavian Rome and Beyond. Edited by Joseph Sievers and Gaia Lembi. Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism, 279–295. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Melamed, Abraham. The Philosopher-King in Medieval and Renaissance Thought. Albany: SUNY Press, 2003. Menocal, María R. “Visions of al-Andalusia.” In TheLiteratureofAl-Andalusia. Edited by María R. Menocal. Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, 1–24. Cambridge: Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, 2000. ———.The Ornament of the World. How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain. Boston: Little, Brown, 2002. Meyer, Michael A. Ideas of Jewish History. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987. Meyerson, Mark D. A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World. Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 2004. Millás-Vallicrosa, José M. Las traducciones orientales en los manuscritos de la biblioteca catedral de Toledo. Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano (C.S.I.C.), 1942. Miller, Elaine R. Jewish Multiglossia: Hebrew, Arabic, and Castilian in Medieval Spain. Juan de la Cuesta Hispanic Monographs. Series Estudios Judeoespañoles “Sam- uel G. Armistead y Joseph H. Silverman.” Newark, Del.: Juan de la Cuesta, 2000. Molénat, Jean-Pierre. “Mudéjars et mozarabes à Tolède du Xiie au Xve siècles.” Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 63/64 (1992): 143–153. Molíns, María Jesús Viguera, ed. El retroceso territorial de Al-Andalus. Almorávides y Almohades. Siglos XI al XIII. 2 ed. Vol. 8/2, Historia de Espana. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998. Morrison, Karl F. “The Gregorian Reform.” In Christian Spirituality. 177–193. New York: Crossroad, 1985. Myers, David G., and Amos Funkenstein. “Remembering Zakhor: A Super-Commen- tary [with Response].” History & Memory 4, no. 2 (1992): 129–148. Nelson, Eric. The Hebrew Republic: Jewish Sources and the Transformation of Euro- pean Political Thought. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010. Neumann, Abraham. “Josippon: History and Pietism.” In Alexander Marx: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday. English Section. Edited by Jewish Theological Seminary of America. 637–667. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1950. Nicklas, Tobias. “Der Historiker als Erzähler; zur Zeichnung des Seleukidenkönigs Antiochus in 2Makk. IX.” Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 1 (2002): 80–92. 378 bibliography

Niggemeyer, J.-H. “Alexander d. Gr. in Kunst und Literatur, XI. Hebräische Literatur.” In Lexikon des Mittelalters. col. 365–366. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1977–1999. Nirenberg, David. Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Novak, David. “Gentiles in Rabbinic Thought.” In The Cambridge History of Judaism. Edited by Steven T. Katz. The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, 647–662. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. O’Callaghan, Joseph F. Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain. The Middle Ages Series. Edited by Ruth M. Karras and Edward Peters. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. O’Donoghue, F.M., and Tina Fiske. “Roberts, James (b. 1753, d. in or after 1809).” In Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Oppenheimer, Aharon. “Betar als Zentrum vor dem Bar-Kochba-Aufstand.” In Be- tween Rome and Babylon; Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society. Edited by Nili Oppenheimer. 303–319. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005. Oz-Salzberger, Fania. “The Jewish Roots of Western Freedom (in Hebrew).” Azure 13 (2002): 88–132. Palencia, Gonzalez A. Los mozârabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII. Madrid: n.p., 1926. Paltrinieri, Elisabetta. Il ‘Libro degli Inganni’ tra Oriente e Occidente; traduzioni, tradizione e modelli nella Spagna alfonsina. Università degli Studi di Torino, Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio Vol. 4. Turin: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1992. Pick, Lucy K. Conflict and Coexistence: Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain. History, Languages, and Cultures of the Spanish and Portuguese Worlds. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2004. Pidal, R. Menéndez. “Auto de los Reyes Magos.” In Textos medievales españoles, Ediciones críticas y estudios. Obras completas de R. Menéndez Pidal, 165–177. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1976. Pococke, Edward. The theological works of the learned Dr. Pocock, Sometime Professor of the Hebrew and Arabick Tongues, in the University of Oxford, and Canon of Christ-Church; Containing his Porta Mosis, and English Commentaries on Hosea, Joel, Micah, and Malachi. To which is prefixed, an Account of his Life and Writings, never before printed; with the addition of a new General index to the Commentaries. Edited by Leondard Twells. 2 vols. London, 1740. Polish, David. “Some Medieval Thinkers on the Jewish King.” Judaism 20, no. 2 (1971): 323–329. Pollard, Alfred W., G.R. Redgrave, William A. Jackson, F.S. Ferguson, and Katharine F. Pantzer. A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, & Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475–1640. 3 vols. London: Bibliographical Society, 1976. London, 1950. Prijs, Joseph, Bernhard Prijs. Die Basler hebräischen Drucke, 1492–1866. Olten: Urs Graf, 1964. Pummer, Reinhard. The Samaritans. Iconography of Religions. Section 23, Judaism. Leiden: Brill, 1987. Rabello, Alfredo M. “Herod’s Domestic Court? The Judgment of Death for Herod’s Sons.” Jewish Law Annual 10 (1992): 39–56. bibliography 379

Ray, Jonathan. The Sephardic Frontier: The Reconquista and the Jewish Community in Medieval Iberia. Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006. Reilly, Bernard F. The Medieval Spains. Cambridge Medieval Textbooks. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Reiner, Jacob. “The English Yosippon.” Jewish Quarterly Review 58, no. 2 (1967): 126–142. Retsö, Jan. The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads. London: Routledge, 2003. Richler, Benjamin. Hebrew Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma. Jerusa- lem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem/The Jewish National and University Library, 2001. ———.“Microfilming the Baron Guenzburg Collection of Hebrew Manuscripts in the Russian State Library in Moscow.” Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1/2 (1983–1984): 142–144. Rieger, Paul. “The Foundation of Rome in the Talmud. A Contribution to the Folklore of Antiquity.” Jewish Quarterly Review (1926): 227–235. Robinson, Chase F. Islamic Historiography. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Rodríguez Fernández, Justiniano. La judería de la ciudad de León. Colección “Fuen- tes y estudios de historia leonesa” Vol. 2. León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1969. Ronnen, Meir. “London Parts With Unique Judaica.” Jerusalem Post (June 20, 1999): 8–9. Rosenthal, Erwin I.J. “Ismar Elbogen and the new Jewish Learning.” In Judaism, Phi- losophy, Culture; Selected Studies by E.I.J. Rosenthal. 327–352. Richmond: Curzon, 2001. Rosenthal, Judah. “The Four Commemorative Fast Days.” In The Seventy-Fifth Anni- versary Volume of the Jewish Quarterly Review. Edited by Abraham A. Neuman. Philadelphia: Jewish Quarterly Review, 1967. Roth, Cecil. A History of the Jews in England. 3d ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1964. Roth, Friedrich W. Die Mainzer Buchdruckerfamilie Schöffer während des XVI. Jahr- hundertsundderenErzeugnissezuMainz,Worms,StrassburgundVenedig:enthaltend die Drucke des Johann Schöffer 1508–1531, des Peter Schöffer des Jungeren 1508–1542, und des Jvo Schoeffer 1531–1555. Beiheft zum Centralblatt für Biblio- thekswesen. Vol. 9. Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1892. Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1968. Roth, Norman. “The Civic Status of the Jew in Medieval Spain.” In Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages. Edited by P.E. Chevedden, D.J. Kagay and P.G. Padilla. 139–161. Leiden: Brill, 1996. ———. Jews, Visigoths, and Muslims in Medieval Spain: Cooperation and Conflict. Medieval Iberian Peninsula. Texts and Studies. Vol. 10. Leiden: Brill, 1994. ———.“New Light on the Jews of Mozarabic Toledo.” AJSR 11, no. 2 (1987): 189– 200. The Rothschild Miscellany. A Commentary. Edited by Iris Fishoff et al. London: Facsimile, 1889. Rouwhorst, Gerard A.M. “The Cult of the Seven Maccabean Brothers and their 380 bibliography

Mother in Christian Tradition.” In Saints and Role Models in Judaism and Chris- tianity. Edited by Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz. 183–204. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. Rabbinic Stories. The Classics of Western Spirituality. New York: Paulist Press, 2002. ———.“Torah, Lineage, and the Academic Hierachy.” In Talmudic Stories. Narrative Art, Composition, and Culture. Edited by Jeffrey L. Rubenstein. 176–211. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999. Ruiz, Teofilo F. From Heaven to Earth: the Reordering of Castilian Society, 1150–1350. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. Sáenz-Badillos, Ángel. “Participación de judíos en la traducciones de Toledo.” In La Escuela de Traductores de Toledo. 65–70, 1996. Saldarini, Anthony J. “Johanan Ben Zakkai’s Escape from Jerusalem. Origin and Development of a Rabbinic Story.” Journal for Jewish Studies 6 (1975): 189–204. Samarrai, Alauddin. “Beyond Belief and Reverence: Medieval Mythological Ethnog- raphy in the Near East and Europe.” JMRS 23, no. 1 (1993): 19–42. Samuelson, Norbert Max. “Ibn Daud and Franz Rosenzweig on Other Religions: A Contrast Between Medieval and Modern Jewish Philosophy.” World Congress of Jewish Studies 8, no. 3 (1982): 75–80. Sánchez-Albornoz, Claudio. El drama de la formación de España y los españoles; otra nueva aventura polémica. Colección Edhasensayo. Barcelona: Edhasa, 1973. ———. España, un enigma histórico. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1956. Sarna, Jonathan D. JPS: The Americanization of Jewish Culture, 1888–1988. Philadel- phia: Jewish Publicatioin Society, 1989. Schäfer, Peter. “Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis.” In The Bar Kokhba War Reconsid- ered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome. Edited by Peter Schäfer. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. ———. Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand: Studien zum zweiten jüdischen Krieg gegen Rom. Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum. Vol. 1. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1981. ———.“Die Flucht Rabban Johanan b. Zakkais aus Jerusalem und die Gründung des ‘Lehrhauses’”. Aufgang und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.19.2 (1979): 62–101. Schalit, Abraham. “Die frühchristliche Überlieferung über die Herkunft der Familie des Herodes.” Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute 1 (1962): 109–160. Schiffman, Lawrence H. “Pharisees and Sadducees in Pesher Nahum.” In Minhah Le-Nahum: Biblical and Other Study of the Old Testament Presented to Nahum M. Sarna in Honor of His 70th Birthday. Edited by Marc Z. Brettler and Michael A. Fishbane. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series, 272–290. Sheffield: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 1993. Scholem, Gershom G. Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. New York: Schocken, 1995. Jerusalem, 1941. Schorsch, Ismar. “The Myth of Sephardic Supremacy.” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 34 (1989): 47–66. Schreckenberg, Heinz. Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte (11.-13. Jh.): mit einer Ikonographie des Judenthemas bis zum 4. Laterankonzil. Europäische Hochschul- schriften. Reihe 23, Theologie. 3., enlarged ed. Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 1997. Schreiner, Stefan. “‘Ein Zerstörer des Judentums …?’ Mose ben Maimon über den historischen Jesus.” In The Trias of Maimonides; Jewish, Arabic, and Ancient Cul- bibliography 381

ture of Knowledge = Die Trias des Maimonides; jüdische, arabische und antike Wis- senskultur. Edited by Georges Tamer, 324–346. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2005. ———.“Isaac of Traki’s Studies of Rabbinic Literature,” Polin 15 (2002): 65–76. ———.“Partner in Gottes Schöpfungswerk: zur rabbinischen Auslegung von Gen 1,26–27.” Bulletin der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Judaistische Forschung 2 (1993): 131–145. Schürer, Emil. Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1901–1911. Schwab, Moïse. “Un Episode de l’histoire des Juifs en Espagne.” Revue des Études Juives 26 (1893): 281–283. ———.“Zikhron Beit Romi.” Revue des Études Juives 35 (1897): 287–289. Schwartz, Daniel R. “Josephus on Hyrcanus II.” In Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period: Essays in Memory of Morton Smith. Edited by Morton Smith and Fausto Parente. Studia Post-Biblica, 210–232. Leiden: Brill, 1994. Schwartz, Joshua Jay. “Gallus, Julian and anti-Christian Polemic in Pesikta Rabbati.” Theologische Zeitschrift 46, no. 1 (1990): 1–19. Schwarz, Arthur Zacharias. Die hebräischen Handschriften der Nationalbibliothek in Wien. Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1925. Septimus, Bernard. Hispano-Jewish Culture in Transition: The Career and Controver- sies of Ramah. Harvard Judaic Monographs. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 1982. ———.“A Prudent Ambiguity in Saadya Gaon’s Book Doctrines and Beliefs.” Harvard Theological Review 76, no. 2 (1983): 249–254. Shapira, Haim. “The schools of Hillel and Shammai.” Jewish Law Annual. London 17 (2007): 159–208. Shear, Adam. The Kuzari and the Shaping of Jewish Identity, 1167–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Shepkaru, Shmuel. “From After Death to Afterlife; Martyrdom and its Recompense.” Association of Jewish Studies Review 41, no. 1 (1999): 1–44. Shooman, Yasemin. “Islamfeindschaft im World Wide Web,” Jahrbuch für Antisemi- tismusforschung 17 (2008), 69–96. Shinʾan, Avigdor, ed. Jesus through Jewish Eyes (in Hebrew). Jerusalem: Yediyot Aha- ronot, 1999. Sievers, Joseph. “Jonathan Aristobulus III and Hasmonean Names.” Israel Numis- matic Journal 8 (1984–1985): 7–8. Sievert Rosemarie. IsaakbenAbrahamausTrokiimchristlich-jüdischenGesprächder Reformationszeit. Münster: Litverlag 2005. Singerman, Robert. Judaica Americana: A Bibliography of Publications to 1900. Union List of Nineteenth-Century, Jewish Serials Published in the United States. 2 vols. New York: Greenwood, 1990. Sirat, Colette. A History of Jewish Philosophy in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1985. ———.“Juda b. Salomon ha-Cohen.” Italia 1, no. 2 (1978): 39–61. Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. “Weshalb wählte Kleopatra den Tod durch Schlangenbiß?”. In Ägyptologische Mitteilungen. München: n.p., 1925. Steiner, Benjamin. Die Ordnung der Geschichte: Historische Tabellenwerke in der Frühen Neuzeit. Norm und Struktur. Köln: Böhlau, 2008. 382 bibliography

Steinschneider, Moritz. Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wis- senschaften in Wien. Wien: Gerold, 1905. Gratz, 1956. ———. Die Geschichtsliteratur der Juden in Druckwerken und Handschriften. Frank- furt a.M.: Kauffmann, 1905. New York, 1980. ———. Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher. Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters, meist nach handschriftlichen Quellen. Berlin: Kommissionsverlag des Bibliographischen Bureaus, 1893. Graz, 1956. ———. Polemische und apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache zwischen Mus- limen, Christen und Juden, nebst Anhängen verwandten Inhalts. Abhandlungen zur Kunde des Morgenlandes. Vol. 6/3. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1877. Hildesheim, 1966. Stemberger, Günter. Die römische Herrschaft im Urteil der Juden. Erträge der For- schung. Vol. 195. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983. ———. Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch. 8th ed. München: C.H. Beck, 1992. Stern, Menahem. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 3 vols. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974. Stillman, Norman. “Myth, Counter-Myth, and Distortion.” Tikkun 6 (1991): 60–64. Stone, Suzanne Last. “On the Interplay of Rules, “Cases”, and Concepts in Rabbinic Legal Literature.” Diné Israel 24 (2007): 125–155. Stoneman, Richard. “Jewish Tradition on Alexander the Great.” Studia Philonica Annual 6 (1994): 37–53. Strohmaier, Gotthard. “Galen in den Schulen der Juden und Christen.” Judaica 62, no. 2 (2006): 140–156. Sulzbach, Abraham. “Die Romulussage in Talmud und Midrasch.” In Jahrbuch für jüdische Geschichte und Literatur. 75–82. Berlin: A. Katz, 1899. Tayyara, Abed el-Rahman. “The Reflection of Non-Islamic Cultures in Early Islamic Universal Histories.” Ph.D., New York University, 2005. Tedder, H.R., and Joyce Boro. “Jugge, Richard (c.1514–1577).” In Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Tello, Pilar L. Judíos de Toledo. Vol. 1. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1979. Thiersch, Heinrich W.J. Christian Heinrich Zeller’s Leben. 2 vols. Basel: Felix Schnei- der, 1876. Thoma, Clemens. “John Hyrcanus I as Seen by Josephus and Other Early Jewish Sources.” In Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period: Essays in Mem- ory of Morton Smith. Edited by Morton Smith, Fausto Parente et al. Studia Post- Biblica, 127–140. Leiden: Brill, 1994. Tov, Emmanuel. “The Rabbinic Tradition Concerning the “Alterations” Inserted into the Greek Pentateuch and Their Relation to the Original Text of the LXX.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 15 (1984): 65–89. Trautner-Kromann, Hanne. Shield and Sword: Jewish Polemics against Christian- ity and the Christians in France and Spain from 1100–1500. Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993. Tropper, Amram. “The Fate of Jewish Historiography After the Bible: A New Inter- pretation.” History and Theory 43, no. 2 (2004): 179–197. bibliography 383

———.“Yohanan ben Zakkai, Amicus Caesaris: A Jewish Hero in Rabbinic Eyes,” JSIJ 4 (2005): 133–149. Vallvé, Joaquín. “Sobre algunos problemas de la invasión musulmana.” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 4 (1967): 361–363. Van Dam, Raymond. The Roman Revolution of Constantine. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Van de Water, Rick. “Bar Kokhba and Patristic Interpretations of the “Antichrist”.” In Bible et Terre Sainte; mélanges Marcel Beaudry. Edited by José Enrique Aguilar Chiu, Kieran J. O’Mahony and Maurice Roger. 483–492. New York: P. Lang, 2008. Vehlow, Katja. “Historiography.” In Cambridge History of Judaism. Edited by Marina Rustow and Robert Chazan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcom- ing. ———.“The Rabbinic Legend of the Septuagint in Abraham Ibn Daud’s Writings.” In The Multiple Meaning of Scripture: the Role of Exegesis in Early Christian and Medieval Culture. Edited by Ineke van’t Spijker. Commentaria, 41–59. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Velner, Alter. ʿAseret harugey malkhut ba-midrash u-va-piyyuṭ. Jerusalem: Rav Kook Institute, 2005. Veltri, Giuseppe. Eine Tora für den König Talmai: Untersuchungen zum Überset- zungsverständnis in der jüdisch-hellenistischen und rabbinischen Literatur. Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum. Vol. 41. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1994. Vida, Giorgio Levi Della. “Un texte mozarabe d’histoire universelle.” In Études d’Orientalisme dédiées a la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal. Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve & Larose, 1962, vol. 1, pp. 175–183. Vones, Ludwig. “Reconquista und Convivencia. Die Könige von Kastilien-León und die mozarabischen Organisationsstrukturen in den südlichen Grenzzonen im Umkreis der Eroberungen von Coïmbra (1064) und Toledo (1085).” In Die Begeg- nung des Westens mit dem Osten. Kongreßakten des 4. Symposions des Mediävis- tenverbandes in Köln 1991 aus Anlaß des 1000. Todesjahres der Kaiserin Theophanu. Edited by Odilo Engels and Peter Schreiner. 221–240. Sigmaringen: Jan Thor- becke, 1993. Wasserstein, Abraham and David J. The Legend of the Septuagint From Classical Antiquity to Today. London: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Wasserstein, David J. “Langues et frontières entre juifs et musulmans en al-Andalus.” In Judíos y musulamnes en al-Andalus y el Magreb. Contactos intelectuales. Edited by Vincent Luatié. 1–11. Madrid: Casa de Velásquez, 2002. ———.“The Muslims and the Golden Age of the Jews in al-Andalus.” Israel Oriental Studies 17 (1997): 179–196. ———.“The Ptolemy and the Hare: Dating an Old Story about the Translation of the Septuagint.” Scripta Classica Israelica 17 (1998): 77–86. Weinberg, Joanna. “Invention and Convention: Jewish and Christian Critique of the Jewish Fixed Calendar.” Jewish History 14, no. 3 (2000): 317–330. Willi, Thomas. “Hebraica Veritas in Basel; Christliche Hebraistik aus jüdischen Quellen.” In Vetus Testamentum Supplements. Leiden. 92. 375–398. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Winter, Jakob. Die jüdische Litteratur seit Abschluss des Kanons. Eine prosaische und 384 bibliography

poetische Anthologie mit biographischen und literaturgeschichtlichen Einleitun- gen. Geschichte der poetischen, kabbalistischen, historischen und neuzeitlichen Lit- teratur der Juden. Berlin: Poppelauer, 1897. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1953. Wolf, Edwin II. “The First Book of Jewish Authorship Printed in America.” American Jewish Historical Quarterly 60, no. 3 (1971): 229–234. Wycichl, Werner. “‘Al-Andalus’ (sobre la historia de un nombre).” Al-Andalus 17 (1952): 449–450. Yadin, Azzan. “4QMMT, Rabbi Ishmael, and the Origins of legal Midrash.” Dead Sea Discoveries 10, no. 1 (2003): 130–149. Yavetz, Zvi “Reflections on Titus and Joseph.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 16 (1975): 411–432. Yehuda, Eliezer Ben, and Naphtali H. Tur-Sinai. Millōn ha-Lāshōn ha-ʻivrīt ha-yesha- nāh we-ha-ḥadashāh. Jerusalem: Hoṣaʼat Maqor, 1980. Jerusalem, 1908. Yeivin,Samuel. MilḥemetBar-Kokhba:be-ṣeruf nispaḥim, heʿarot,ṣiyyurimve-ʿasarah luḥot. 2nd ed. Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1957. Yerushalmi, Yosef H. “Clio and the Jews: Reflections on Jewish Historiography in the Sixteenth Century.” In American Academy for Jewish Research Jubilee Volume. 607–638. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1980. ———. Zakhor, Jewish History and Jewish Memory. New ed. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996. Yuval, Israel Y. “Ha-naqam ve-ha-qelalah, ha-dam ve-ha-ʿalilah me-ʿalilot qedoshim le-ʿalilot dam.” Zion 58, no. 1 (1994): 33–99. ———.“Jews and Christians: Shared Myths, Common Language.” In Demonizing the Other: Antisemitism, Racism, and Xenophobia. Edited by Robert S. Wistrich. 88–107. Jerusalem: Vidal Sassoon International Center, 1999. ———. Two Nations in YourWomb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006. Tel Aviv, 2000. Zedner, Joseph. Die jüdische Literatur durch zwei Jahrtausende. 2 ed. Berlin: Lamm, 1912. Zeitlin, Solomon. “Josippon.” Jewish Quarterly Review 53, no. 4 (1963): 277–297. Zoll, Leonard S. “The Last Days of the Second Temple in Jerusalem … 70C.E. A Translation from Joseph ben Gorion’s Josippon.” Central Conference of American Rabbis Journal 17, no. 3 (1970): 2–30. Zotenberg, Hermann, and Moritz Steinschneider. Manuscrits orientaux. Catalogues des manuscrits hébreux et samaritains de la Bibliothèque impériale. Paris: Impri- merie impériale, 1866. Zunz, Leopold. “Ueber die in den hebräisch-jüdischen Schriften vorkommenden hispanischen Ortnamen.” Zeitschrift für die Wissenschaft des Judentums 1, no. 1 (1823): 114–176. INDEX OF PRIMARY TEXTS

Biblical Literature

Genesis 32:8 296, 297 1:1 138, 139, 139n125 34 141 1:26 138, 139, 139n126 35:13 160, 161 2:2 138, 139, 139n127 36:33 105n15 4:5 236, 237 36:6 104, 105, 112, 113, 164, 165, 212, 6:10 127 213, 220, 221 8:21 234, 235, 235n335, 236, 244, 37:21 272, 273 245 39:3 102, 103, 154, 180, 181, 184, 10:2 127 185, 218, 219 10:2–3 299n474 41:14 218, 219 11:7 138, 139, 139n128 41:22 286, 287 14:5 156, 157, 175n171 41:26 286, 287 14:8 296, 297, 316 42:2 140, 141, 141n133 15:13 141:32 43:30 216, 217 18 113:39 43:30 260 18:12 138, 139, 139n129 43:30 320, 321 19 337n507 43:33 325 19:8 200 43:34 192, 193, 220, 221 19:17 318, 319 44:14 338, 339 21:8 164, 165, 170, 171, 174, 175 44:26 170, 171 21:27 164, 165, 204, 205 44:26 270, 271 22:1 188, 189, 226, 227, 232, 233, 45:2 260 258, 259, 272, 273, 274, 275, 45:8 233 310, 311 47:17 252, 253 25:17 200, 201 47:17 325 25:33 26 48:12 246, 247 25:34 220, 221 48:2 280, 281 25:8 282, 283 49:15 188, 189 25:8 288, 289 49:15 298, 299 26:13 220, 221, 222, 223, 232, 233 49:6 140 27:2 269 49:6 141, 141n130 27:33 249, 250 50:13 220, 221 27:33 318, 319 50:19 206, 207 27:40 43 Exodus 27:46 100, 101, 222, 223, 266, 267, 1:10 294, 295 284, 285, 308, 309 2:11 148, 149, 150, 164, 165, 170, 28:18 154, 155 171, 208, 209, 218, 219, 222, 29:9 280 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 29:20 350, 351 229, 292, 293, 326, 327 29:23 229 12:40 140, 141, 141n132 31:21 296, 297 14:28 316, 317 31:24 286, 287 14:9 172, 173 31:33 264, 256 15:3 220, 221 32:8 162, 163 15:25 206 386 index of primary texts

Exodus (cont.) 21:6 110, 111, 182, 217, 218, 219, 230, 17:12 242, 243 231, 310, 311, 320, 321, 340, 18:21 154, 155 341 18:21 300, 301 21:23 214, 215, 216, 217 21:32 43n26 22:23 150, 151, 152, 153, 166, 167, 23:7 308, 309 262, 263, 284, 285, 316 23:15 206, 207 24:1 328, 329 24:5 143n134 24:14 191, 195 24:11 142, 143, 143n134 27:23 280 25 300, 301 31:18 262 26:11 254 36:13 200, 201 26:1–27:18 253n364 Deuteronomy 26:2 254, 255, 256 1:14 268, 269 26:18 254 4:19 142, 143, 143n136 27:17 254, 255 6:15 202, 203 27:18 254 17:3 142, 143, 143n136–137 28:6 210, 211 18:19 351 28:21 256, 257 20:3 300, 301, 316, 317 30:22 285 20:8 154, 155 32:11 174, 175, 178, 179, 194, 195, 198, 28:7 335 199, 202, 203 28:27 158, 159 32:11 258, 259 28:53 200, 201 35:5 282, 283 28:62 318, 319 36:6 230, 231 28:68 320, 321 36:30 254, 255 29:22 113n39 37:2 232 29:27 258, 259 39:6 256 30:3 357 4:20 140, 141, 141n131 31:2 192, 193 5:5 222, 223 31:11 236, 237 5:13 274, 275 32:4 196, 197 7:10 162, 163, 174, 240, 241, 280, Joshua 281, 302, 303, 305, 306, 307, 5:1 154, 155, 162, 190, 191, 218, 308, 328, 329 219, 294, 295 8:15 158, 159 6:4 152, 153, 300, 301 9:3 208, 209, 250, 251 7:3 316, 317 9:22–24 306, 307 8:22 148, 149, 162, 163, 174, 177, 9:26 306, 307 178, 179, 252, 253, 290, 291 Leviticus 8:28 298, 299 8:35 270, 271 10:28 180, 181, 198, 199, 216, 217, 9:24 158, 159 228, 229, 224, 244, 292, 293, 11:6 145n140 302, 303, 304, 305, 311, 312, 14:4 285n412 313, 324, 325, 342, 343 Numbers 11:11 296, 297 1:51 256, 257 11:14 292, 293, 302, 303 3:10 256, 257 11:17 228, 229 3:38 256, 257 12:4 157, 157n172 8:7 256, 257 13:1 264, 265 13:18 316, 317 15:14 137 16:15 142, 143, 143n135 23:14 192, 193, 200, 201 16:22 250, 251 Judges 16:31 336, 337 1:8 302, 303 18:35 262 2:15 199, 263, 309 index of primary texts 387

3:15 190, 220, 221, 222, 223, 226, 3:3 178, 179 227 4:1 211, 244, 245 3:17 158, 159 11:1 317 6:4 284, 285, 290, 291 11:25 211 6:34 166, 167 13:21 155, 157, 299 8:12 208, 209 13:37 137 9:23 202, 203 13:39 232, 233 9:25 168, 169, 170, 171 16:3 232, 233 9:40 104, 105 16:7 277 11:14 216, 217 16:16 155, 281 20:10 301 19:14 221 20:34 190, 191 19:15 205 21:2 193, 242, 243, 260, 268, 276, 20:15 173, 305, 343 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 290, 20:19 177 291, 320, 321 22:8 112, 113 21:11–12 262 23:23 263 Ruth 23:4 319 2:1 308, 309, 316, 317, 332, 333 24:14 269 4:14 240, 241 24:25 250, 251 1Samuel 1Kings 1:15 245 1:2 167, 271 2:8 149 1:42 281 4:4 317 2:2 192, 193, 200, 201 4:5 154, 155, 157, 329, 335 2:3 153 4:13 179 2:8 115 7:10 214, 215 2:9 234, 235 9:1 217 2:11 112, 113 9:2 238, 239 2:46 221, 227, 237, 266, 267 16:8 305 5:5 181 16:18 203, 283 5:9 295, 299 17:13 150, 151, 179, 197, 204, 205, 7:51 256, 257 243 8:15 289 17:42 197 10:7 256, 257 17:51 153 10:25 175 19:10 215, 219, 229 11–14 355n544 19:12 317 11:6 287 19:7 35, 113, 153, 159, 209 11:42 112, 169, 171, 183, 184, 185, 19:8 161, 171, 231, 291, 292, 293, 200, 201, 220, 221, 283, 289 297, 305 12:7 194, 195 20:17 265 13:1 349 20:31 202, 203, 235, 247 13:6 207 22:2 222, 223, 253, 333 14:25 175 23:16 222 15:17 315 25:34 281 15:29 116, 181, 297 26:19 201 16:10 102, 103, 109, 110, 111, 221, 289, 29:4 310, 311, 312 302, 303 30:6 243 20:10 156, 157, 329 30:22 305 20:22 171 31:4 169 20:43 247 2Samuel 21:4 247, 251 1:12 252, 253 21:6 351 1:15 99, 105, 107, 168 22:38 269 388 index of primary texts

2Kings 5:1 257 1:10 120, 121 6:36 257 2:12 237 7:1 112, 113 2:17 207 9:15 175 3:21 157 12:15 349 3:21 231 13:1–20 355n541 6:14 155, 161, 165, 167, 201, 217, 13:20 191, 225, 289 219, 225 13:23 351n528 6:24 177 21:17 217 9:37 330, 331 21:20 281 10:36 237 24:20–22 111 13:5 291 25:27 101 13:7 299 32:21 157, 166, 167 13:23 113 32:28 214, 315 14:7 211 35:20 171, 219, 221, 235, 297 14:19 100, 101 36:3 237 15:10 117 36:23 351 15:10 145, 170, 171, 184, 185, 187 Ezra 15:19 227 5:1 349 17:24–41 177 6:14 349 19:7 228, 229 7:5 304, 305 18:9 50, 99n4 8:17 349 18:32 333 9:9 346, 347 19:35 163 Nehemiah 21:2 239 1:3 212, 213 21:24 119 2:2 248, 249 23:18 272, 273 6:15 161 23:26 151 9:2 348, 351 24:4 203 11:18 232, 233, 304, 305 24:14 295 13:6 310, 311 24:16 156, 157, 172, 173, 231 Esther 25:1, 4 190, 191 1:12 262, 263 25:2 173, 175, 177, 200, 201 1:15 182, 183 25:4 228, 229, 230, 231 1:21 164, 165, 172, 173, 226, 227 25:7 171, 287, 289 2 198, 199 25:8 111 2:18 164, 165, 170, 171, 174, 175, 180, 25:28 219 181, 190, 191, 242, 243 1Chronicles 3:13 292, 293, 306 11:21 223 4:3 151 12:9 317 5:1 114, 115, 116, 117, 152, 153, 164, 12:22 151, 163, 201 165, 196, 197, 246, 247, 270, 12:29 153, 179, 197, 201, 221, 283, 271, 312, 313 291, 295, 297, 309, 319 6:12 276, 277 16:19 317 7:6 146, 147 18:16 261, 291 8:8 260, 261 22:4 191, 218, 219 8:9 256, 257 24:5 341 9:11 327 29:9 181, 205, 211, 228, 229, 257, 9:14 327 261, 265, 267, 281, 298, 9:16 100, 190, 191, 284, 285, 324, 299 325 2Chronicles 9:27 100, 101 3:3 255 21 198, 199 index of primary texts 389

Job 19:4 98, 101 1:16 116, 117, 310 19:14 312, 313 2:6 200, 201 34:8 153 5:9 116, 117 36:16 332, 333 21:30 279 37:37 212, 213, 234, 235, 258, 259 41:20 300, 301 40:29 357 Psalms 45:17 332, 333 9:16 276, 277 49:29 130, 131 12:3 188, 189, 276, 277 62:6 335 15:4 230, 231 65:11 211 24:1 118, 119 65:8 200, 201 26:9 290, 291 Jeremiah 32:5 246, 247 1:2 314, 315 35:26 188, 189 5:1 187, 188, 308, 309, 340, 341 41:4 114, 115 6:4 242, 243 52:6 276, 277 7:24 293 77:3 238, 239 8:3 318, 319 79:3 314, 315 13:12 226, 227, 226, 227 89:53 357 14:6 284, 285 105:25 272, 273 18:1–3 353n541 121:1 192, 193 22:10 195 129:2 136, 137, 144, 145 23:14 113 137:7 26n7, 260, 261 25:29 187 147:5 116, 117 31:14 242, 243 149:8 262, 263, 310, 311 32:18 154, 155 Proverbs 38:2 302, 303, 318, 319 3:29 232, 233 39:12 212, 215, 216, 217 7:23 224, 225 41:4 318, 319 14:29 278, 279 49:37 268 15:17 174, 175 52:31–32 232, 233, 312, 313 25:24 240, 241 Lamentations 26:21 271 2:20 335 30:30 301 Ezekiel Ecclesiastes 7:20 354, 355 3:11 260, 261 8:9 144, 145, 314, 315 5:7 266, 267 9:6 298, 299 6:10 188, 189 10:2 26 10:8 272, 273 14:21 315 Song of Songs 16:45 250 2:15 349n527 16:48–50 113n39 4:4 212, 213 16:63 268, 269 8:6 245 17:22 300, 301 8:9 180, 181, 244 21:27 174, 175 Isaiah 25:1 226 1:2 212, 213 25:15 242, 243 1:9–10 113 31:17 110, 111, 112, 113 3:3 202, 203 35:5 26 8:14 323, 324 37:11 132, 133 11:12 346, 347 38:6 299 14:22 198, 199, 234, 235 38:13 294, 295 16:1 189 38:21 187, 214 19:2 312, 315 40:5 255 390 index of primary texts

Daniel 1:10–64 145n143 1:4 252, 253 2:1–48 149n152 2:39 26n5 2:2–5 149n152 9:24 43 3:1–9:1 155n163 9:26 53n85 3:38 157n170 11:4 134 4:1 157n170 11:13 33 4:36–62 153n157, 159n178 11:15 172, 173 5:26 157n172 11:18 214, 215 5:55 157n170 12:1 168, 169 6 149n153 12:11 312, 313 6:1–16 159n174 Hosea 6:43–47 163n185 13:8 67, 292, 293 7:26–50 165n189 Joel 7:5–25 165n190 3:2 309n463 9:1–2 165n190 Amos 9:11–22 167n195 7:1 352, 353 9:23–16:17 169n199 Obadiah 9:71 191n245 1:13 276, 279 10:1–3 169n201 11–16 26n7 11:1–3 169n201 Jonah 13:26 162 3:3 160, 161 16:18–24 173n207 3:7 222, 223 54–57 165n190 Zechariah 2Maccabees 1:1 349n525 1:18 161n179 1:8 113 1:21 285n412 1:13 330, 331 1:8 161n179 11:4 348, 349 4:45 157n170 11:7 132, 133, 348, 349 4:7–7:42 145n143 11:8 350, 351 5:27 149n152 11:10 350, 351 7 149n151 11:12 43, 72n43, 352, 353, 353n534 8 149n152 11:14 349n527, 354, 355, 355n542 8:9–11 157n170 11:15 45, 132, 133, 349n527, 350, 9 159n174 351, 354, 355 10:1–9 153n157, 159n178 11:17 354, 355 10:12 157n170 14:1 354 10:14 157n170 14:1–16 355n546 10:14–11:12 161n180 14:4 356, 357 12:26–36 157n172 14:16 72n43, 354, 355, 356 12:29–30 161n182 1Maccabees 12:32–37 157n170 1:1–9 135n119 14:1–36 165n189

Rabbinic Literature

Mishna Tamid Shabbat 6:6 346, 347 23:5 232, 233, 294, 295 Midot Sotah 1:6 153n157, 159n178 8 300, 301 3:8 210, 211, 255n368 index of primary texts 391

Tosefta Bavaʾ Batraʾ Ḥallah 3b 223n304, 223n306, 1:10 345n521 225n309 Yoma 10a 35n51 1:6 341n512 Sanhedrin 19a 223n308 Babylonian Talmud 65b 35n51 Berakhot 69b 127n96 17a 207n17a 93b 111n33 28b 99 94a 99n4 29a 181n223, 183n225 96b 110 33b 318, 319 99a 99n4 48a 186, 187n324, 187n235 107b 187n235 49b 136, 147n149 Shevuʿot 55b 300, 301 13a 232, 231 58a 250, 251 ʿAvodah Zarah Shabbat 8b 101n8 56b 98, 99 10a 115n41, 119n59 Pesaḥim 20a 35n15 51a 113n37 Menaḥot Yoma 97a 255n363 10a 299n444 Ḥullin 69a 135n119, 177n218 6a 177n216 Rosh ha-Shanah Tamid 31a-b 297 29a 254, 255 Taʿanit 29a-b 210, 211 23a 197n254, 207n269 Niddah 29a 35n51 13a 284, 285 Megillah 13b 262, 263n378 6b 98, 99 27a 297n452 9a-b 137n122, 143n135 30b 241n342 9b 127, 143n137, 145n139 45a 115n41, 119n59 25a 318, 319 Ketubbot Palestiniam Talmud 29a 177n216 Sukkah 105b 345n521 5:a (23a) 356, 357 Sotah Taʿanit 22b 187n235 3:10–12 (66d-67a) 42a 231n323 207n269 48b 345n521 4:8 (68d) 111n33 Gittin Megillah 56a-b 47n48 3.2 (74a) 115n41 56b 109 1.11 (71d) 137n122, 145n139, 299n444 57a-58b 111n32 Nazir 57b 26n8, 149n151 8 (57a-b) 285n, 412 58 307n461 ʿAvodah Zarah 58a 345n521 1.2 50n67 Qiddushin 29a 243n347 Midrash 66a 181n223, 187n235 Genesis Rabbaʾ Bavaʾ Qammaʾ 36:6 127n96 97b 111n33 37:1 299n441 392 index of primary texts

Genesis Rabbaʾ (cont.) 12.351 153n170 55:22 165n190 12.354–360 159n174 65:21 111n32 12.366–374 163n185, 163n186 Genesis Rabbaʾ (Vilna) 12.367–374 155n163 43:4 207n271 12.385–386 165n190 49:9 50n62 12.391–397 165n190 Genesis Rabbaʾ (Buber) 12.402–405 157n170 49:9 99n3 12.402–412 165n189 Genesis Rabbaʾ (Theodor & Albeck) 12.402–434 155n163 23:1 147n147 12.413 165n190 49:25 50n62, 99n3 12.420–434 167n195 65:26 165n190 13.1–229 169n199 Genesis Rabbaʾ (Margulies) 13.58–60 165n189 27:27 165n190 13.131 169n201 Ester Rabbaʾ (Vilna) 13.228 171n203, 171n206 3:5 50n62 13.230–235 173n207 Esther Rabbaʾ (Buber) 13.236–2253 175n212 3:5 99n3 13.244 175n213 Lamentations Rabbaʾ 13.275–281 175n212, 177n214 1:5 47n48 13.282–283 177n214 1.16 par. 45 111n32 13.288–300 181n223 2.2 par. 4 111n32 13.301–319 179n221, 185n229 Lamentations Rabbaʾ (Buber) 13.320–337 187n234 2 109n31 13.372–373 187n234 41b 335n502 13.376–379 187n234 Midrash Mishle (Visotzky) 13.379–383 193n248 15 47n48 13.384–386 187n234 Midrash Tehilim (Buber) 13.398–406 193n249 9:8 147n147 13.405–429 197n253 11:7 165n190 13.430–432 199n259 17:12 99n3 14.4–7 201n260 22.9 25n3 14.8–20 203n262 Sifre 14.121 205n267 3:221 193n246 14.21–28 207n269 Avot de-R. Nathan, Version A 14.29–36 209n276 4 47n48 14.41–47 211n282 38 345n518 14.48–73 213n288 38.3 111n32 14.49 213n289, 217n294 Avot de-R. Nathan, Version B 14.73–90 215n290 1:1 109n28 14.83 217n294 1.5 183n227 14.92–102 217n295 6 47n48 14.119–122 225n311 Josephus Antiquities 14:121 243n349 1.122 127 14.123–124 221n299 4.161 211 14.158 221n299 5.84 161n182 14.159–160 223n304 11.304–305 135n119 14.163–184 223n304, 223n306 12.11–117 137n122 14.270–277 225n311 12.246–278 149n152 14.271–393 227n312 12.298 157n170, 157n170 14.353 229n321 12.305–312 157n170 14.370 237n334 12.316–326 153n157 14.372 235n334 index of primary texts 393

14.374 235n334 1.85–106 187n234 14.390 235n334 1.85 197n253 14.468–488 231n322 1.106 193n249 15.11–20 233n327 1.107–117 197n253 15.21–24 235n334 1.119 199n259 15.23–48 239n337, 239n340 1.120–123 201n260 15.63 245n351 1.124–126 203n262 15.80 239n340 1.124–154 213n288 15.81 205n267, 243n349 1.133–137 213n289 15.87 251n357, 253n360 1.154 171n203 15.163–182 235n334 1.154–169 173n207 15.178–183 239n337 1.168 215n290 15.184 205n267, 243n349 1.180–182 225n311 15.185–197 245n351 1.181 205n267, 243n349 15.187–197 247n352 1.204–295 223n304 15.202–231 245n351, 249n354 1.231–276 259n373 15.213 205n267, 243n349 1.233–234 227n312 15.220 205n267, 243n349 1.239 243n349 15.231–251 251n357 1.239–240 179n221 15.232–236 239n340 1.241 229n321 15.239 205n267, 243n349 1.248–353 179n221 15.247–251 239n340, 253n359 1.270 227n312 15.342 251n357 1.270–273 229n317 15.380–425 253n362 1.276 237n334 16–17 203n263 1.286 235n334 16.11 265n379, 269n386 1.324 229n321 16.78–86 259n373 1.344 229n321 16.87–129 259n375 1.347–357 231n322 16.130 265n379 1.360 235n334 16.261–270 265n379 1.388–393 245n351, 247n352 16.356–404 241n346 1.401–402 253n362 17.83–141 275n393 1.407 243n349 17.146–184 279n399 1.438 243n349 17.188–209 283n405 1.441–444 245n351, 249n354 17.200–355 275n394 1.445–446 259n375 18.63–64 289n419 1.489 259n375 18.244 289n423 1.498–511 265n379 20.103 291n433 1.647 279n399 20.131 291n433 1.663 279n399 20.179 291n433 1.665 283n406 20.205 291n433 1.668 275n394 Josephus Wars 2.112–113 287n413 1.2 67n16 2.168–180 289n423 1.36 149n152 2.449–456 335n503 1.41–45 155n163, 163n185, 163n186 2.466–476 293n436 1.48–54 169n199 2.484 243n349 1.57–60 175n212 4.155 307n461 1.167 217n294 4.503–513 313n476 1.171–178 217n295 5.420–445 321n484 1.70 179n221 5.512–519 321n484 1.70–84 185n229 5.527–531 323n487 1.76 181n223 6.201–219 335n505 394 index of primary texts

Josephus Wars (cont.) 35.35–92 203n262 7.26–36 341n513 35.93–101 207n269 7.158–161 117n49 36.1–21 209n276 7.252–406 343n514 36.22–69 211n282 13.1 145n143 37.1–36 215n290 32 163n186 37.34 213n289 Pesher Nahum 37.37–120 217n295 89f. 191n245 38 103n10, 219n296 170–171 193n248 38.23–34 221n299 224–233 187n234 39.8–28 223n304 Seder ʿOlam Zuṭaʾ 39.29–80 223n306 14a-19a 84n21 41 225n310 Sefer Josippon (ed. Flusser, Vol. 1) 41.22–42.45 227n312 1 299n444 43.98–193 229n319 1.1–3 3, 127 43.209–44.17 11:3–4 1, 63n186 231n322 12 137n122 44.13–39 233n327 13 145n143 44.39–80 235n332 15 149n151 45.1–59 239n338 16 149n152 45.60–98 241n344 16.44–64 153n157 47 245n351 16.62 155n162 48.1–48 245n351, 249n354 16.356–17.21 269n383 48.49–54 251n357 17 155n163 49.36–68 245n351, 249n354 17.30–35 159n178 50 253n362 17.41 157n170 51.1–17 259n373 17.46–82 271n388 51.18–52 259n375 17.50 155n168 51.53–96 263n376 17.67–68 157n171 51.97–160 265n379 18.1–29 159n174 52.1–2 267n382 18.35 161n179 53.2–43 269n383 19 161n180 53.6 269n385 19.1 161n181 53.44–118 271n388 20.3 163n183 53.118–54.196 22.39–25.27 155n163 275n393 23.7–35 163n185 55.1–26 279n399 24 165n189 55.27 283n405, 283n406 25 167n195, 169n199 55.28 283n407 25.28 171n203 56.45–57.3 287n413 26.1–40 173n207 58.1–9 287n413, 289n422 26.29 171n206 58.10–61.40 289n423 28 173n207, 175n212 62 293n436 29.1–12 177n214 63 295n439 29.31–44 177n214 63.15 297n441 30 181n223 64 297n443 31 185n229 65.1–68.13 301n449 32.1–48 193n248 65.33 301n452 32.1–33.62 111n32, 187n234 66 303n454 32.64–90 193n249 66.1 303n453 33 197n253 68 303n456 34.56–93 199n259 68.49–69.82 305n459 35.1–34 201n260 69.83–70.34 309n462 index of primary texts 395

69.93 309n464 83.57–67 331n496 70 313n472 83.63 331n498 70.68–90 311n466 84 331n410 72 313n476 84.79 333n502 74.1–77.51 317n479 85–86.37 335n503 77.52–79.4 319n481 86.1–54 335n505 77.83 321n483 88.12–72 339n511 79.5–80.53 321n484 88.73–99.161 81.1–82.16 323n486, 323n487 343n514 82.10 325n488 89 30n26 82.26–134 325n489 Sefer Josippon (ed. Hominer) 82.55 327n492 97 107n25, 403–404 83.41–56 329n494 90 325n488, 355–359

Christian Sources

Isidore of Seville 9.2.29 127n95 Chronica Maiora 9.2.89 51n76 232–234 99n5 9.3.12 103n11 235–268 105n15 13.21.31 127n95 268a-329 113 14.4.28 127n95 329–372 121n70, 121n71 352 125n84 Orosius of Braga 89 30n26 Historiarum Adversum Paganos Libri VII 415 129n104 2:4 99n4 Chronicon 2.4.1 99n3 35 101n8 6.16–17 103n10 43 101n8 6.34 121n70 De Viris Illustribus 7.6 105n15 83:1103–1104 129n108 7.8–11 105n15 Etymologies 26n8, 32n33, 51n76, 53n80, 7:12 34n41 103n11, 121n71, 127, 129n101 7.12–25 113, 113n38 5.1.7 53n80, 121n71 7.27 105n15 7.6.16–22 127 7.28 55n92, 123, 123n78 7.6.33–34 26n8 7.32 123n82 8.21.30 129n101, 127n98 7.34 125n84 9.2.1–37 127n96 7.41–43 125n87 GENERAL INDEX

Abulafia, Meir ha-Levi, 12 Antoninus Caesar, 119 ʾafflāj, 115 Antoninus the Younger, 115 Akiva, Rabbi, 30n24, 35–36 Appolonius, 155 Alans, 125–127 Arabs, 161, 205, 209, 327 Al-ʿAqīdah al-rafīʾah see ʾEmunah Ramah Aram, Arameans, 221–225, 229–231, 293–295, Alcimus, 165–167 327 Alexander Caesar, 119 Archelaus of Cappadocia, 134n2, 265–269 Alexander the Great, 49n59, 135, 177, 329 Archelaus, 275–289 Alexander Herod’s son, 259–261 Aretas, 189, 199, 205, 209 Alexander Maccabeus, 215 Arianism, 19, 55–56, 123n77, 127n99, 131n109 Alexander Yannai, 185–195, 199 Aristobulus I, 51, 179–185 Pharisees and, 187–189, 193, 351 Aristobulus II, 197–215 Alexandra, queen, 48, 195–201 Pompey, 209–215 Pharisees and, 197–201 Aristobulus, III, 239–243 Alexandra the Maccabee, 237–239, 243, Aristobulus IV, 259 251–253 Aristotle, 17, 23, 44n31 Alexandria, 34, 213 Arius, 52, 55–56, 123 al-Fārābī, 22 Armenia, 209 Alfasi, Isaac ben Jacob, 14, 35, 59 Armilus, 35 Alfonse X the Wise, 60 Arnevet, 145 Alfonso VII, 13 Artaxerxes, 101 Algenus see Helvius Ashkelon, 187, 313 al-Ghazzālī, 16, 23 Ashkenaz, 299 Almohads, 11–13 Ashteroth-karnaim, 157 al-Naghrīla, Ismāʿīl ibn, 25, 48, 57 Astorga, 127 al-Qirqisāni, 28 Augustine, 50n68, 99n4, 101n8, 127 Amitai, 30n24, 323–325 Augustus Caesar, 47, 105, 123n78, 227–231, Amram ben Sheshna, 357n548 285–287, 315 Ananel, 239 Antipater, 271–275 Ananias the High Priest, 291–293, 301, 307, Herod, 245–249 313, 315 Herod and Alexander, 259–261 Andalusia, 56–57, 125–127 Aurelius Caesar, 119 Andres see Honorius Auto de los Reyes Magos, 47, 283n412 Antichonus, 307 Avendeut see Ibn Daud Antigonus Mattathias, 179 Antioch, 147, 157, 165 Babylonia, 25, 29, 57, 233–239 Antiochus II, 171 Bar Kokhba Revolt, 33–37, 111–113, 163n184 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, 145–147, 155–159 Bar Koziva, see Bar Kokhba Revolt Antiochus Eupator, 159–165 Barcelona, 127 Antiochus Pius, 175–177 Baron, Salo W., 3–4, 5n10, 21, 40 Antipater I, 203–225 Barukh Ibn Albalia, 14, 59 Hyrcanus, 209–215, 221–223 Basques, 127 Antipater II, 259, 263, 265–267, 271, 275– Ben-Sasson, Haim-Hillel, 40 281 Ben-Shalom, Ram, 19, 21n38, 31n27, 33n38, Antipus, 115–117 41, 53n82–85, 121n72 Antoninus ben Severus, 115–117 Betar, 37, 163, 345 general index 397

Bet Sheʾarim, 297 Dead Sea, 311 Bet Shean, 161 Decius, 119n69 Bet-Shemesh, 191 Demetrius I Soter, 165–167 Blake, Bill, 68–69 Demetrius III, 191 Boethius, 183 Dhimma, dhimmi, 4n9, 12 Book of Lineage (Zacuto), 2n2, 14n13, 14n14, Diocletian Caesar, 42, 113, 121 111n32, 115n41, 123n74, 177n214, 181n223, Diogenes, 199 187n234, 187n238, 189n239, 193n250, Domitian Caesar, 33, 34 ,109, 111 197n254, 207n271, 227n314 Dönitz, Saskia, 29, 149n151, 241n344, 325n491 Breithaupt, Johannes Friedrich, 70 Doris, 259n374, 273 Brutus, 101 Dositheus, 237 Bubanus see Pupius Byzantium, 26, 50, 53n83 Eccleston, Christopher, 99 Edom, Edomites, 20, 26, 27, 35, 51, 161n181, Caesarean, 103, 219 307, 331 Caesarea, 275, 293, 297, 312n-317 Egypt, 141 Caligula, Caius, 107, 289, 311 Elbogen, Ismar, 2, 14n14, 18n29, 21, 24n48, Cantor, 319–321 31n29, 32n36, 40, 115n44, 125n87, 127n98 Capitol, 117 Eleazar ben Ananias, 291–293, 297, 301, 315, Carus Caesar, 121 325, 343 Cassius Dio, 111n32 Elephants, 157, 159, 163 Cassius General, 105, 225–233 Elon, 317 Castile, 12–13, 44, 56–58, 60 Elul, 161 Castro, Américo, 3 'Emunah Ramah, 17, 21–24, 40, 45n34, 53n83, Catalonia, 60 139 Cestius, 295–297 Epistle of Sherira Gaon, 27–28 Chanukkah, 160–161 Epistle to Yemen , 137n124 Christianity, 16, 19, 20, 26, 31n29, 44, 50–56, Eran, Amira, 23 72–73, 121–131, 209 Erastians, 63 Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, 59 Esau, 26, 54 Chronica Naierensis, 59 ʿEser Galyuot, 17, 36, 64, 67, 78, 81, 85, 87, 91, Circumcision, 147, 153, 159, 185, 299, 343 99n4 Claudius Caesar, 105, 289 Eshkol ha-Kofer, 28, 107n25 Cleopatra, 48, 227n316, 241, 245–247 Etrog, 187 Cohen, Gerson, 21, 24 Eusebius, 35n49, 53n80, 101n8, 111n32 Bar Kokhba revolt, 35 Exilarchate, 49 Christianity, 53–55 Messianism, 41–44, 357n548 Famine, 253, 337 Sefer ha-Qabbalah, 7, 40–41 Florus, 291 Cohen, Mark R., 4 Fontaine, Resianne, 14n13, 16n22, 22n41, Commodus Caesar, 117 23n43, 24, 31n51, 41, 43, 139n126 Constantine I the Great, 52–56, 121, 123 Fuero refundido, 13 Constantinople, 19, 52, 57, 123, 291 Córdoba, 14, 31n31, 59, 127 Gabinius, 217–219 Cutheans, 177–179, 351 Gadera, 309–311 Cypros, 204n269, 243, 245n352 Galatia, 113 Cyrus, 253, 255, 351 Galba, 107, 289n425, 311 Galen the Physician, 117 Damascus, 209, 211, 229, 293 Galestes, 201 Datseflesian see Diocletian Galilee, 221–223, 301–305 David, house of, 7, 20, 35, 43, 45, 47–49, 133, Galustius see Galestes 349n529, 351, 355, 357 Gallus Caesar, 119 398 general index

Gamaliel, Rabban, 345 Ibn Danan, Saʿadyah, 111n32 Gamla, 303–305 Ibn Daud, Abraham Génébrard, Gilbert, 70–71 Historian, 6–10 Giustiniani, Marco Antonio, 18, 85, 86n25, Life, 12–16 345n518 Philosophy, 21–24 Glaphyra, 269n386, 287n414 Ibn Ezra, Abraham, 23, 26n5, 33n40, 53n83 Golden Age, 3–4, 18–19 Ibn Gabirol, 16, 23 Gordian Caesar, 119 Ibn Khaldūn, 37 Gordion General, 163 Ibn Migash, Joseph, 12, 14n16 Graetz, Heinrich, 14n14, 39 Ibn Motot, Samuel, 22n40 Gratian Caesar, 125 Ibn Paqudah, Baḥya, 23 Greece, Greek, 27n9, 29, 37, 105–109, 127n96, Ibn Sīnā, 16, 22 137–139, 153–157, 161–169, 173–179, 191, 219, Ibn Tibbon, Judah, 12 329 Isaac ben Abraham of Troki, 72–73 “Greek wisdom”, 15, 203 Ishmael ben Elisha, 345 Gregory I. the Great, 129 Isidore of Seville, 31–32, 33–35, 53, 129 Gundissalinus, Dominicus, 16 Islam, 12, 26–28, 37, 44, 54, 99n1, 129 ʾisnād, 27 Hadrian, 33, 109, 111, 113 Iugge, Richard, 66, 70 Haftarah, 59 Hannah and her seven sons, 147 Jabneh, 345 Hayyim, Levi b., 54 Jaffa, 313 Herodion, 283–285 Janus Temple, 117 Helvius, 117 Jericho, 149, 201, 217, 243 Heracles of Macedon, 135 Jeroboam, 355 Herod Agrippa II, 289–295, 351 Jesus of Nazareth, 53–55, 209 Herod the Great, 46–47, 231–277, 351 Jimenéz de Rada, Rodrigo, 60–61 Augustus, 247 Johanan ben Zakkai, 36n55, 345 Constructing the Temple, 253–257 Johanan Giscala, 305–313, 321, 331, 339–341 Crowned, 231 Johanan Hyrcanus, 173–185 Death and burial, 281–285 King’s mother, 173 Grandsons and, 269–271, 351 Pharisees, 181–183 Sons and, 259–267 John of Seville, 16 Herodion, 283–285 John the Baptist, 287 Hezekiah, King, 50, 99 Jonathan the Hasmonean, 151, 169, 353 Hezekiah, 223 Jordan River, 201, 243, 311, 335 Hillel, 46, 283 Joseph ben Gorion, 301, 321 Historia Roderici, 59 Dirges over Jerusalem, 315 Historia Silense, 59 Titus, 299, 303–305, 331–333 Holy of Holies, 179, 231, 337 Vespasian, 303, 311 Ḥoni ha-Meʿaggel, 207–209, 235 Joseph ben Shavti, 341 Honorius Caesar, 125, 127 Josephus Flavius, 29, 63, 133 Howell, James , 67–69, 91–92 Josippon, 19, 29–30, 37n58, 40–41, 50n60, 65, Hydatius, 32, 129n104 95, 99n5, 133 Hyrcanus I, 351 Judah Halevi, 14n16, 22, 27, 45, 46, 54n87 Hyrcanus II, 233–239 Judah Maccabee, 151–169, 353 Judah ha-Nasi, 115n41, 117 Iberia, 2–8, 11, 19–22, 36, 31, 33, 36, 60, 50–51, Judea, 34, 35, 99, 111, 191, 199, 205, 217, 223, 56–61, 63, 95, 125n87 225, 229, 231, 251, 261, 267, 275, 301, 303, Ibn Albalia, Barukh, 14–15 335 Ibn Albalia, Isaac, 14, 59 Jugge see Iugge Ibn Albalias, 7, 14, 58–59 Julian Emperor, 52, 123 general index 399

Julius Caesar, 41, 51, 103–105, 219–225, 227 Meqor Ḥayyim, 16, 23n44 Birth, 103, 219 Messianism, 41–44 Jupiter, 211 Midrash ha-Ḥokhmah, 14 Justin Martyr, 99n4, 111n32 Moab, 189, 193 Modiʿin, 151 Karaites, Karaism, 28, 43 Molnar, Elcanan, 32 Kiddush Hashem, 151, 153 Monarchy, Ibn Daud’s views on, 44–51 Kidron Valley, 257, 309n463, 323, 327 Morwen, Peter, 66–67, 70, 89–99 Kimḥi, David, 71–72 Moses, 36n55, 53n80, 54, 63, 141, 349n526 Kirch(e)ner, Wolfgang, 89 Moskoni, Judah Leon, 29 Kitāb al-Anwār wa-l-Marāqib, 28 Monobazus, 313 Kitāb al-Shifā', 16 Mount Gerizim, 177, 351 Kitāb at-tanbīh, 27n9 Mount Modiʿin, 149, 151, 183, 187 Klein , Mordecai, 32 Mount of Galilee, 229 Krakowski, Eve, 7, 42 Mount of Olives, 309n463, 317, 319, 335, 357 Krauss, Samuel, 35 Mount Sidon, 293 Kutill see Quintillius Mount Tabor, 305 Kuzari, 22, 45, 54n87, 183n225 Mount Zion, 341 Mozarabs, 13 Labi, Solomon Ibn, 22n40 Muḥammad, 23, 54, 59, 129n105 Latif, Samuel, 84 Munbaz see Monobazus Leander, 129 Münster, Sebastian, 64, 87, 90 Lerida, 127 Murūj al-dhahab, 27n9, 121n71 Leviat Ḥen, 54n88 Muslims, 3–5, 12, 57, 59, 99n1 Lysias, 155, 167–169 Nablus, 191 Macedonia, 145, 225, 227 Naḥmanides, 45n31, 48, 53, 139n125, 285n412 Macrinus Caesar, 119 Narbonne, 49n57, 58 Macrobius, 32, 50n64, 99n5 Navarre, 127 Madaba, 189 Nebuchadnezzar, 111 Maimonides, Abraham, 45n33 Nehemiah, 133, 351 Maimonides, Moses, 21, 42, 44n29, 44n31, Nero Caesar, 47, 107, 289–291, 295–299, 315 48, 54, 55n89, 55n90, 64, 137n124, 211n281, Nerva Caesar, 109, 111 231n326, 319n482, 357n545 Neubauer, Adolf , 39 Malalas, 103n10, 103n11, 105, 117 New Moon, 147 Malichus, 225–227 New Testament, 26n8, 43, 53–55, 63 Malchus, 237 Nicanor, 157, 165–167 Malinowski, Joseph, 72–73 Nicolaus, 277 Maluk see Malchus Nopa see Nerva Manasseh, Priest, 177 Maqālah fi 'l-Nafs, 16 Orosius of Braga, 31, 33–35 Marcian Caesar, 129 Osiander, Johann, 71 Mariamne, 48, 229, 239, 243–245, 271, 279 Herod, 249–253 Pacorus, 227–229 Mark Antony, 227–229, 245–247 Hyrcanus, 233–235 Marks, Richard G., 33–37 Pagorus see Pacorus Marx, Alexander, 79 Passover, 207 Masada, 19, 29, 30, 343 Peraḥyah, Yehoshuʿa ben, 54 Mattathias ben Johanan, 149–155, 353 Pelagius, 59 Maximinus Caesar, 119 Persia, 25, 49n59, 101, 119, 157, 175–177, Megillat Taʿanit, 28, 77, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85 227–229, 233–245, 297, 351 Mérida, 59, 127 Pesher Habakkuk, 26n8 400 general index

Pesher Nahum, 26n8, 187n234, 193n248 Samaria, 167, 177–181, 269 Pharisees, 189 Samaritans, 177n214 Alexander Yannai, 187–189, 193–195, 351 Sánchez-Albornoz, Claudio, 3 Alexandra, 197–201 Sanhedrin, 45, 237, 239, 297n442, 309 Hyrcanus, 181–183 Sarah, 139 Phasael, 205, 221–229 Satratan, 185 Pheroras, 205, 243n349, 263–275 Scaurus, 215 Philip, 147–153 Schöffer, Peter, 69, 87 Philip Caesar, 119 School of Toledo, 15–16 Philosophy, 21–24 Schwab, Moïse, 39 Pinehas, 341 Schwyntzer, Hans, 64, 87 Pliny the Elder, 103n11 Scotland, 299 Polifus see Philip Scythopolis, 161, 293–295 Pompey, 103, 209–231 Sebastian see Sisebut Aristobulus II, 209–215 Seder ʿOlam Rabba, 17n27, 28, 64, 99n4, Conquest of Jerusalem, 213–215 119n63, 121n73, 133n118, 209n279, 227n316, Popmey see Pompey 257n372, 285n412, 345n5218, 349n526, Poremba, Mihaek F., 86 357n546 Proops, Salomon ben Joseph, 85 Seder Tannaʾim ve-ʾAmoraʾim, 28 Ptolemy II, 137–145 Sefer ha-Galuy, 28 Ptolemy, 171–173 Sefer ha-Geʾullah, 27n10, 53n83, 99, 103n12 Pupius Caesar, 113 Sefer Yesod ʿOlam, 17n26 Sela, 189, 211 Quartan fever, 193 Seleucus IV Philopator, 145 Quintillius Caesar, 121 Sepharad, 56–57, 125–127 Qurʾan, 16, 23, 27, 53n83, 54 Sephoris, 217, 297, 301–303 Septuagint, 137 Ramerupt, 58 Severus Caesar, 117 Reccared, 51, 131 Seville, 14, 59, 127, 129 Regev, 193 Shabbat, 147, 157 Remus, 99 shalshelet ha-qabbalah, 27 Rhodes, 245–247 Shammai, 46, 223, 283 Rhône, 127 Sharon, 257 Roderic see Theodoric Shavuot, 175, 331 Rome, 27 Sheol, 111, 113 Anniversary of founding, 119 Sidon, 185, 293 Fire of, 117 Sifre, 36n55, 193n248 Founding of, 50 Simon ben Gamaliel, 345 Monarchy, 50 Simon of Scythopolis, 30n24, 293–295 Republic, 19, 51, 101n7 Simon Thassis, 151, 171, 353 Rossi, Azariah de, 29, 109n28, 109n31, 133n112 Simon the Just, 177 Rufus, 35–36 Simon the Rebel, 321–325, 339–341 Rustius see Dositheus Sisebut Caesar, 129 Sivan, 311 Saadiah, ben Joseph Gaon, 16, 23, 26n5, 27, Solomon King, 46, 253, 283, 335 43n25, 43n26, 44n31, 53n85, 56, 353n534, Spain 357n545 Conversion of Spain, 125–127 Sadducees, 43n25, 83, 177n215, 189, 197–199, Historiography, 3–4, 60–61 201–205, 299, 349n527, 351 Jewish settlement, 49, 58–59 Salome Alexandra, 205, 243, 245, 259, 263, Steinschneider, Moritz, 2n2, 14n13, 16n24, 271, 285 18n29, 22n40, 39, 64n4, 99n1, 129n105 Salome’s intrigue, 249–251 Stillman, Norman, 4 general index 401

Suevi, 125–127 Tubal, 127 Sukkot, 175, 187n237, 243, 355 Turcius see Tarquinius Susos, 169 Tyre, 185, 227, 301n455

Tabaqāt, 27 Usha, 345 Talmai see Ptolemy Uz, Uzides, 51, 125–131 Tarquinius , 101 Temple in Jerusalem Valentinian Caesar, 123 Construction, 253–257 Valley of Jehoshaphat, 309 Dedication, 159–160 Vandals, 32n33, 57, 125–127 Desecration, 147 Veltri, Guiseppe, 137–145 Destruction, 335–339 Vespasian Caesar , 299, 301–311, 355 First Temple, 46, 253, 283, 335 Galilee, 301–305 Holy of Holies, 179, 231, 337 Ben Gorion, 303, 311 Pompey, 213–215 Voisin, Joseph de, 33n38, 70 Purification, 153–155 Theodoric, 55, 127 Wagenseil, Christoph, 72–73 Theodosius I Caesar, 125 Wasserstein, David, 137–145 Theodosius II Caesar, 129 Winter, Jakob, 39 Tiberias, 301 Wolff, Georg, 65–66, 88–89 Tiberius Caesar, 105, 287–289 Tigranes V, 268n, 269 Yerushalmi, Yosef Haim, 6 Tinieus Rufus, 35–36 Yom Kippur, 179 Tishre, 179 Titus Caesar Zacuto, Abraham, 2, 14, 103n11, 111n32, 115n41, Ben Gorion, 325–325, 331–333 123n3, 177n214, 181n223, 187n234, 187n238, Discussed , 47–48, 107–109 189n239, 193n249, 197n253, 207n269, Greek princes, 329–331 227n312 Jerusalem, 317–345 Zadok, 183 Masada, 343 Zaragoza, 127 Rabbis, 345 Zebulon, 297 Temple, 335–339 Zechariah ben Johoida, 333 Togarmah, 299 Zeller, Andreas Christoph, 71, 92–93 Todos see Theodosius Zerah, 339 Toledo, 12, 127 Zerubbabel, 45, 351