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THE MONTREAL AVANT-GARDE in 1948 by JUDITH LOUISE INCE BA

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THE MONTREAL AVANT-GARDE in 1948 by JUDITH LOUISE INCE BA THE POLITICS OF FREEDOM: THE MONTREAL AVANT-GARDE IN 1948 by JUDITH LOUISE INCE B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA OCTOBER 1982 © Judith Louise Ince, 1982 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of 3lSUL (Xrto The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date /QOt&hU IB , i i ABSTRACT At the 1948 meeting of the Contemporary Arts Society, the Montreal avant-garde polarized into two hostile sectors: the Prisme d'Yeux, led by Alfred Pellan, and the Automatistes led by Paul-Emile Borduas. The issue at the heart of the confrontaton was central to the manifestoes issued by both groups that year, as well as to the discourses of Canadian intellectuals and politicians: freedom and its place in the Cold War world. This thesis examines the positions adopted by the Montreal vanguard on the issue of freedom; it explores the ideologies of both groups through a close reading of their texts, the critical reception accorded to them, and the historical conditions of 1948. Likewise, the aesthetic ideologies of the leaders of the contending avant-gardes are located through an examination of the style and content of two works produced by them in 1948, L'homme A grave by Pellan, and Objet Totemique by Borduas. The verbal and visual ideologies of the-Montreal avant-garde were informed by a schism within their public, French and English Canadian liberals, a schism which was catalyzed by Cold War politics. The Prisme d'Yeux assimilated and refracted the major tenets of francophone liberalism; in contrast, in their 'refus global,' the Automatistes rejected everything connected with the liberalism of' Quebec's intellectuals, but in so doing, became aligned with anglophone liberalism. By accepting everything and rejecting everything the Prisme d'Yeux and Automatistes not only came to blows with iii one another, but also, despite their avant-garde facades, became allied with the status quo, albeit different and contending ones. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii LIST OF PLATES v ACKNOWLEDGMENT vi INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE The Avant-Garde in Conflict 20 CHAPTER TWO The Liberalism of Pellan and Borduas 78 CHAPTER THREE The Visual Ideologies of Pellan and Borduas 149 CONCLUSION The Aftermath of the Conflict 186 BIBLIOGRAPHY 197 LIST OF PLATES PLATE 1 Alfred Pellan, L'homme A grave . FIGURE 2 Paul-Emile Borduas, Objet Totlmique vi ACKNOWLEDGMENT I am grateful to both of my advisors for many reasons. Doreen Walker's graduate seminar largely inspired this thesis, while her encouragement, patient rereading of its many drafts, and encyclopaedic knowledge of Canadian art helped me to complete it. Dr. Serge Guilbaut provided me with invaluable assistance on many aspects of the art and politics of the Cold War, both in conversation and through his numerous publications on the subject; through his knowledge, enthusiasm, and criticism, I have learned much. This thesis could not have been written without the assistance of Inter-Library Loans, U.B.C. Library. Many thanks are due Margaret Friesen (Head), who approved scores of loan requests, and Alice McNair, who always obtained obscure publications for me with great speed and good humour. I should especially like to thank Richard McMahon, for his support at every stage of this thesis, especially the last, when he and 'textform' printed it. 1 INTRODUCTION In 1948, the Montreal avant-garde1 became polarized into two hostile factions: the Prisme d'Yeux2 led by Alfred 1 The term, 'avant-garde' is usually used to conjure up an image of a group of artists who: "[break] through all the confines, fly on ahead of the mass of their contemporaries to reconnoitre and conquer new terrain from which in due course advances can be made. These adventurous spirits constitute what we call the creative avant-garde. They are subject to no laws, cannot be directed where society wishes them to go, and so long as they remain truly creative can never be turned into establishment figures....The function of this avant-garde is to stretch the human mind and spirit, to pull man in new and unsuspected directions, thereby obliging him to overcome an innate tendency to lethargy and stagnation and to make himself free to rise to the supreme achievements of which he is capable" (Douglas Cooper, "Establishment and Avant-Garde," Times Literary Supplement (London), 3 September 1964, p. 823). Unlike Cooper, and most other chroniclers of modern art, I do not use the term 'avant-garde' in a qualitative sense; instead I use it to denote two groups of artists working in Montreal in 1948, which defined themselves as groups by adopting particular names (viz., 'Prisme d'Yeux,' 'Automatistes'), issuing manifestoes, and exhibiting together under the group's banner; which aligned themselves with modernity; and which coalesced out of their members' similar aesthetic and political preoccupations; and which saw themselves as vanguards in part because of their antagonistic relationship to one another. The seminal work on the internal dynamics and social function of an avant-garde is Renato Poggioli's The Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans. Gerald Fitzgerald (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968). For a more critical approach to the social role of an avant-garde, see Nicos Hadjinicolaou, "Sur 1'ideologic de 1'avant-gardisme," L'Histoire et Critique des Arts, July 1978, pp. 49-79. 2 The founding members of the Prisme d'Yeux and the signatories to its first manifesto were: Louis Archambault, Paul Beaulieu, Leon Bellefleur, Jean Benoit, Albert Dumouchel, Gabriel Filion, Pierre Garneau, Arthur Gladu, Lucien Morin, Mimi Parent, Alfred Pellan, Jeanne Rh^aume, Goodridge Roberts, Jacques de Tonnancour, Rolland'Truchon and Gordon Webber. Jean Benoit signed the manifesto as 'Je Anonyme,' an anagram of his Christian name, according to Andre-G. Bourassa, in Surrealisme et litterature quebecoise (Quebec: Editions l'Etincelle, 1977, p~. 226) . The group gained a 17th member in May, 1948, when 2 Pellan, and the Automatistes3 led by Paul-Emile Borduas. The two groups first clashed publicly at the 9th Annual meeting of the Contemporary Arts Society (CAS)" in Andr§ Pouliot exhibited at its second exhibition. Although the manifesto of the group pointedly professes a desire to remain leaderless, Pellan was regarded as its informal leader by the press, largely because of his status as an established artist, and because many members of the group had been or were his students at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts where he taught from 1943 to 1952. For example, see: May Ebitt, "Mimi Parent, Artist," Fashion (Montreal), October 1948, p. 64; Louise Daudelin, "Gabriel Filion," Notre Temps, 23 October 1948, p. 4; Marcel Gagnon, "La femme peintre Agnes Lefort est bien loin de croire a 1'automatisme," Le Canada, 28 October 1948, p. 3. 3 Members of the Automatistes in 1948 who were signatories to its manifesto, the.Refus Global were: Magdeleine Arbour, Marcel Barbeau, Paul-Emile Borduas, Bruno Cormier, Marcelle Ferron, Claude Gauvreau, Pierre Gauvreau, Muriel Guilbault, Fernand Leduc, Th§rese Leduc, Jean-Paul Mousseau, Maurice Perron, Louise Renaud, Francoise Riopelle, Jean-Paul Riopelle, and Francoise Sullivan. Although Borduas was never declared the official leader of the group, he functioned as its de facto head, because of his senior age and prestige, and because he had taught many of the Automatistes at the Ecole du Meuble, where he worked from 1937 to September 4, 1948. On this point see: "L'Automatiste," Time (Canadian Edition), 18 October 1948, p. 22; Rolland Boulanger, "Dynamitage automatiste a la Librairie Tranquille," Montrgal-Matin, 9 August 1948, p. 5; G§rard Pelletier, "Deux ages, deux manieres," Le Devoir, 25 September 1948, p. 8. " The CAS was formed in 1939 by John Lyman, Paul-Emile Borduas, and 24 other artists, in order to "give support to contemporary trends in art" (CAS constitution, quoted in Christopher Varley, The Contemporary Arts Society: Montreal, 1939-1948 [Edmonton: Edmonton Art Gallery, 1980], p. 39). For further information on the formation of the CAS, see pages 20-21 of this thesis, as well as Lise Perreault, "La Societe" d'Art Contemporain" (M.A. thesis, Universite de Montreal, 1975). Until the late 1940s, the Montreal avant-garde had presented a relatively unified public front; see, for example, a letter written by Borduas, Pellan, Muhlstock, Smith, Goldberg, Roberts, and Surrey to Charles Doyon, quoted in his column "Academisme et l'art vivant," Le Jour, 30 June 1945, p. 4. Within the CAS, however, there had been previous internal disagreements, but these were mild compared to the degree of hostility which erupted within it in 1948, nor did they divide 3 February 1948: when Borduas was elected President, Pellan's group withdrew from the Society, a move which in turn provoked the resignation of Borduas and several other Automatistes.5 The issue at the heart of the dispute was a familiar one, for it was not only a dominant motif of both vanguards' manifestoes, but was also the focus of the discourses of Canadian intellectuals and politicians in 1948: freedom and its meaning in the Cold War world.
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