The Evolution of Canada's Relations with French Africa, 1945-1968
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Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques. -
MARCEL CADIEUX, the DEPARTMENT of EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, and CANADIAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: 1941-1970
MARCEL CADIEUX, the DEPARTMENT of EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, and CANADIAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: 1941-1970 by Brendan Kelly A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Brendan Kelly 2016 ii Marcel Cadieux, the Department of External Affairs, and Canadian International Relations: 1941-1970 Brendan Kelly Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto 2016 Abstract Between 1941 and 1970, Marcel Cadieux (1915-1981) was one of the most important diplomats to serve in the Canadian Department of External Affairs (DEA). A lawyer by trade and Montreal working class by background, Cadieux held most of the important jobs in the department, from personnel officer to legal adviser to under-secretary. Influential as Cadieux’s career was in these years, it has never received a comprehensive treatment, despite the fact that his two most important predecessors as under-secretary, O.D. Skelton and Norman Robertson, have both been the subject of full-length studies. This omission is all the more glaring since an appraisal of Cadieux’s career from 1941 to 1970 sheds new light on the Canadian diplomatic profession, on the DEA, and on some of the defining issues in post-war Canadian international relations, particularly the Canada-Quebec-France triangle of the 1960s. A staunch federalist, Cadieux believed that French Canadians could and should find a place in Ottawa and in the wider world beyond Quebec. This thesis examines Cadieux’s career and argues that it was defined by three key themes: his anti-communism, his French-Canadian nationalism, and his belief in his work as both a diplomat and a civil servant. -
The Limits to Influence: the Club of Rome and Canada
THE LIMITS TO INFLUENCE: THE CLUB OF ROME AND CANADA, 1968 TO 1988 by JASON LEMOINE CHURCHILL A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2006 © Jason Lemoine Churchill, 2006 Declaration AUTHOR'S DECLARATION FOR ELECTRONIC SUBMISSION OF A THESIS I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This dissertation is about influence which is defined as the ability to move ideas forward within, and in some cases across, organizations. More specifically it is about an extraordinary organization called the Club of Rome (COR), who became advocates of the idea of greater use of systems analysis in the development of policy. The systems approach to policy required rational, holistic and long-range thinking. It was an approach that attracted the attention of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Commonality of interests and concerns united the disparate members of the COR and allowed that organization to develop an influential presence within Canada during Trudeau’s time in office from 1968 to 1984. The story of the COR in Canada is extended beyond the end of the Trudeau era to explain how the key elements that had allowed the organization and its Canadian Association (CACOR) to develop an influential presence quickly dissipated in the post- 1984 era. The key reasons for decline were time and circumstance as the COR/CACOR membership aged, contacts were lost, and there was a political paradigm shift that was antithetical to COR/CACOR ideas. -
Plan Pour Une Plate-Forme Électorale
SORTIR DE L’IMPASSE! Jean-Claude St-André L’auteur a été député de L’Assomption sous la bannière du parti québécois du 10 juin 1996 au 26 mars 2007. Il s’est présenté à la chefferie du parti québécois en 2005. Les Québécois veulent du changement! Maintenant plus que jamais, il faut nous retrousser les manches pour offrir aux Québécois une autre façon de faire de la politique. Nous savons aussi que les politiciens en place, que ce soit Jean Charest ou Pauline Marois, n’écoutent plus la population. Les politiciens sont sourds et aveugles aux préoccupations quotidiennes des citoyens. Nous sentons que le Québec est fort ! Cette force, elle cherche à se libérer, à s’exprimer… Les Québécois ne redoutent plus le changement, mais ils l’attendent et ils l’appellent de tous leurs vœux! Cette force, cette volonté de changement, les Québécois l’ont clairement exprimé lors du scrutin fédéral du 2 mai dernier. Ils ont mis à la porte de vieux politiciens incrustés confortablement dans leurs sièges depuis plus de 20 ans. Des politiciens à la langue de bois capables de parler pour le Québec, mais incapables d’agir pour le Québec… Le 2 mai dernier, j’ai finalement voté NPD. Pourquoi? Lors du déclenchement de la campagne électorale, j’avais pourtant l’intention de voter pour le Bloc, et ce, malgré son discours timorée, ambigu, voire démissionnaire sur la question nationale. Après le passage de Gilles Duceppe au Congrès du Parti québécois et l’appui inconditionnel du chef bloquiste à l’approche suicidaire mise de l’avant par la direction péquiste, j’ai décidé de sanctionner le PQ. -
Report of the National Assembly of Québec 2011 2012
activity report of the National Assembly of Québec 2011 2012 national assembly oF Québec Parliament building Québec (Québec) G1a 1a3 assnat.qc.ca [email protected] 1 866 DéPUTÉS assnat.qc.ca Front cover: The bell tower rises above the coats of arms sculpted in high relief on the facade of the Parliament Building. Photo: Christian Chevalier, National Assembly Collection activity report of the National Assembly of Québec 2011 2012 assnat.qc.ca This publication was prepared in collaboration with the senior management and the personnel of all the administrative units of the National Assembly. Unless otherwise specified, the information in this activity report covers the National Assembly’s activities from 1 April 2011 to 31 March 2012. Supervision Jean Dumas Coordination and Editing Laurie Comtois Drafting Committee Louisette Cameron Catherine Durepos Mario Gagnon Lucie Laliberté Suzanne Langevin Revision Éliane de Nicolini Translation Sylvia Ford Indexing Rénald Buteau Graphic Design Manon Paré Page Layout Catherine Houle Photography National Assembly Collection Clément Allard, photographer Christian Chevalier, photographer Marc-André Grenier, photographer Renaud Philippe, photographer Roch Théroux, photographer With the participation of: French National Assembly (p. 65) Parliamentary Assembly of the Francophonie (p. 54) Debates Broadcasting and Publishing Directorate (p. 43, 44, 47) Education in Parliamentary Democracy Directorate (p. 84, 89) Guy Rainville, photographer (p. 52) Maynor Solís Calderón, photographer (p. 59) Organisation -
DIPLOMACY, CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS and ACID RAIN DIPLOMACY, CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS and the ISSUE of ACID RAIN by NANCY MARY MACKNESON, B.A
DIPLOMACY, CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND ACID RAIN DIPLOMACY, CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE ISSUE OF ACID RAIN By NANCY MARY MACKNESON, B.A. (Hons) A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University (c) Copyright by Nancy Mary MacKneson, September 1993 MASTER OF ARTS (1993) McMaster University (Political Science) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: Diplomacy, Canadian-American Relations and the Issue of Acid Rain AUTHOR: Nancy Mary MacKneson, B.A.(Hons) (Trent University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Kim Richard Nossal NUMBER OF PAGES: vi,160 ii ABSlRACf Diplomacy has been an important component in international relations since the earliest of civilizations. As societies evolved, so did diplomacy. In the context of the relationship between Canada and the United States the issue of acid rain resulted in some unusual diplomatic tactics being employed by Canada. This thesis seeks to review the degree of this unusual behaviour and determine whether it is an indication of a shift in the nature of diplomacy in the Canadian-American relationship, or an isolated incident, not likely to be repeated. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMEN1S There are a number of people to whom I am indebted for the successful completion of this thesis. Of particular note is my supervisor, Professor Kim Richard Nossal, for his patience and guidance throughout the many months. In addition, I appreciative of the support and suggestions from Professors Richard Stubbs and George Breckenridge. I also owe a great deal to my parents for granting me the gift of curiosity as well as their constant support as I searched for answers. -
Negotiating a River Canada, the US, and the Creation of the St
Negotiating a River Canada, the US, and the Creation of the St. Lawrence Seaway daniel macfarlane Sample MaterialUBC Press • Vancouver© 2014 • Toronto UBC Press The Nature | History | Society series is devoted to the publication of high- quality scholarship in environmental history and allied fields. Its broad compass is signalled by its title: nature because it takes the natural world seriously; history because it aims to foster work that has temporal depth; and society because its essential concern is with the interface between nature and society, broadly conceived. The series is avowedly interdisciplinary and is open to the work of anthropologists, ecologists, historians, geographers, literary scholars, political scientists, sociologists, and others whose interests resonate with its mandate. It offers a timely outlet for lively, innovative, and well-written work on the interaction of people and nature through time in North America. General Editor: Graeme Wynn, University of British Columbia A list of titles in the series appears at the end of the book. Sample Material © 2014 UBC Press Contents List of Illustrations / ix Foreword: National Dreams / xiii Graeme Wynn Acknowledgments / xxvi Abbreviations / xxviii Introduction: River to Seaway / 3 Part 1: Negotiating 1 Accords and Discords / 21 2 Watershed Decisions / 48 3 Caught between Two Fires / 76 Part 2: Building 4 Fluid Relations / 111 5 Lost Villages / 139 6 SampleFlowing Forward Material / 179 © 2014 UBC Press viii Contents Conclusion: To the Heart of the Continent / 208 Notes / 232 Bibliography / 286 Index / 310 Sample Material © 2014 UBC Press introduction River to Seaway he St. Lawrence “is more than a river, more even than a system of Twaters. -
Canada in World Affairs History 389 Fall 2018
St. Jerome’s University in the University of Waterloo Department of History Canada in World Affairs History 389 Fall 2018 Instructor: Dr. Thirstan Falconer Lectures: Mondays, 10:30am-12:20pm, SJ1 3020 Wednesdays, 10:30am-11:20pm, SJ1 3020 Office: Mondays, 2:30pm-4:30pm or by Appointment, SH 2009 (SH 2020 in Oct) E-mail: [email protected] Telephone: 519-884-8111 ext. 28233 Course Objectives This course introduces students to the history of Canadian foreign relations since 1867 to 2000, with a particular emphasis on the twentieth century and how diplomatic, cultural, economic, and military interactions with other states shaped Canada’s political and social development. The primary focus will be on Canada’s evolving relationships with the United Kingdom, the United States. Learning Objectives Through the lectures, readings, and seminars, students are intended to develop a testable understanding of how Canadian foreign relations has developed and progressed through various domestic and international influences between 1867-2000. The seminar discussions are intended to sharpen how students approach written and media sources, as well as instill an understanding that all sources must be scrutinized rather than accepted at face value. They will also cover material not investigated in-class. Furthermore, these readings should help the student develop the ability to understand that there are numerous approaches and debates to how the history of Canadian foreign relations is written and understood. The various workshops will prepare students for library research, the briefing note assignment, and the live briefing note exercise. Attendance is mandatory. The written briefing document, and the instructions below for that assignment, should help foster students’ ability to write thoughtfully and persuasively as well as develop their ability to analyze research questions. -
The Good Fight Marcel Cadieux and Canadian Diplomacy
THE GOOD FIGHT MARCEL CADIEUX AND CANADIAN DIPLOMACY BRENDAN KELLY UBC PRESS © SAMPLE MATERIAL CONTENTS Foreword / ix Robert Bothwell and John English Preface / xii 1 The Birth of a French Canadian Nationalist, 1915–41 / 3 2 Premières Armes: Ottawa, London, Brussels, 1941–47 / 24 3 The Making of a Diplomat and Cold Warrior, 1947–55 / 55 4 A Versatile Diplomat, 1955–63 / 98 5 Departmental Tensions: Cadieux, Paul Martin Sr., and Canadian Foreign Policy, 1963–68 / 135 6 A Lonely Fight: Countering France and the Establishment of Quebec’s “International Personality,” 1963–67 / 181 7 The National Unity Crisis: Resisting Quebec and France at Home and in la Francophonie, 1967–70 / 228 UBC PRESS © SAMPLE MATERIAL CONTENTS 8 The Politician and the Civil Servant: Pierre Trudeau, Cadieux, and the DEA, 1968–70 / 260 9 Ambassadorial Woes: Washington, 1970–75 / 296 10 Final Assignments, 1975–81 / 337 Conclusion / 376 Acknowledgments / 380 List of Abbreviations / 382 Notes / 384 Bibliography / 445 Illustration Credits / 461 Index / 463 UBC PRESS ©viii SAMPLE MATERIAL 1 THE BIRTH OF A FRENCH CANADIAN NATIONALIST, 1915–41 n an old christening custom that is all but forgotten today, Joseph David Roméo Marcel Cadieux was marked from birth by a traditional IFrench Canadian Catholicism. As a boy, he was named after Saint Joseph. The Hebraic David was the first name of his godfather, his paternal grandfather, a Montreal plasterer. Marcel’s father, Roméo, joined the Royal Mail and married Berthe Patenaude in 1914. She was one of more than a dozen children of Arthur Patenaude, a “gentleman” landowner whose family had deep roots in what had once been the Seigneury of Longueuil, on the south shore of the St. -
''Six Mois A` Hanoi'': Marcel Cadieux, Canada, and The
BRENDAN KELLY ‘‘Six mois a` Hanoi’’: Marcel Cadieux, Canada, and the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Vietnam, 1954–5 Abstract: Drawing on an unpublished memoir by Marcel Cadieux entitled ‘‘Six mois a` Hanoi,’’ this article offers the first biographical study of a Canadian diplomat to serve on the International Commission for Supervision and Control in Vietnam. It argues that Cadieux’s pioneering experience on that commission during its first months in 1954–5 shaped his pro-American views on the Vietnam War as under- secretary of state for external affairs between 1964 and 1970. It also uses Cadieux’s tenure in Hanoi as a lens through which to explore larger issues of both long-standing and more recent interest to Canadian international historians, including the bureaucratic culture of the Department of External Affairs, Canadian diplomacy’s relationship with the decolonizing countries of the Third World, and the role of race, culture, religion, and anti-communism in the making of Canadian foreign policy. Keywords: Marcel Cadieux, biography, Canada, Vietnam, diplomacy, Interna- tional Commission for Supervision and Control, Department of External Affairs, Cold War, Vietnam War, Third World, decolonization, communism, race, culture, religion Re´sume´ : S’appuyant sur un me´moire ine´dit de Marcel Cadieux intitule´ « Six mois a` Hanoi », l’auteur pre´sente la premie`re e´tude biographique d’un diplomate canadien ayant sie´ge´ a` la Commission internationale pour la surveillance et le controˆle au Vieˆt- Nam. Selon lui, l’expe´rience pionnie`re de Cadieux durant les premiers mois d’existence de cette commission, en 1954-1955, a fac¸onne´ ses opinions proame´ricaines au sujet de la guerre du Vieˆt-Nam alors qu’il e´tait sous-secre´taire d’E´tat aux Affaires exte´rieures, de 1964 a` 1970. -
North Africa, South Africa
North Africa Tunisia* BIZERTE CRISIS A LONG-SMOLDERING Franco-Tunisian dispute over the key air and naval base of Bizerte (AJYB, 1961 [Vol. 62], p. 346), the last bit of Tu- nisian territory still under French control, erupted into open fighting on July 28, 1961. The resulting crisis was the most important faced by the Tunisian state in its five years of independent existence. The French position was that, in principle, France agreed to turn over Bizerte, but that this could not be done so long as there was a Soviet threat to the West. Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba had over the years alternated between threats to take the base by force and assurances that he would wait for the problem to be settled by negotiation. His tactics had secured some gains for Tunisia, in- cluding French withdrawal from the city of Bizerte to the base proper. Pros- pects for a peaceful solution seemed particularly good after a meeting be- tween French President Charles de Gaulle and Bourguiba in February 1961. This notably eased the tensions then existing, including those caused by a dispute over Tunisian demolition in 1960 of a wall around the French ambassador's home (AJYB, 1961 [Vol. 62], p. 346). But in July the French military lengthened an airstrip by a few yards. Tunisia saw this as evidence that the French had no intention of leaving, and Tunisian troops and young volunteers surrounded the base. After a French helicopter was fired upon, French paratroops seized much of the city in bitter fighting. Hundreds of Tunisians, including civilians, were killed. -
Hegemonic Power from Colonisation to Colonial Liberation
Hegemonic power from colonisation to colonial liberation: A historical-analytical narrative of French colonial dominance over Tunisia from 1881-1956 and how it resulted in the Bizerte crisis of 1961 Leïla Inès Soukni European Studies – Politics, Societies and Cultures Bachelor´s Degree 15 credits Spring 2020 Supervisor: Inge Eriksson Leïla Inès Soukni Abstract This thesis studies how the colonial implementations of foreign rule in Tunisia by France between 1881-1956 caused and resulted in the Bizerte crisis of 1961 taking place. In 1881, Tunisia was invaded by France as a part of France’s colonial policy to expand its territory and power. The initial purpose was for France to gain the military-strategic geographical point in the middle of the Mediterranean sea; the city of Bizerte. This thesis follows the trajectory of France’s colonial dominance through a combination of descriptive research design and a historical-analytical narrative using the theoretical and epistemological concepts of hegemonic power, neo-gramscianism, post structuralism and world system theory to research the problem of how France’s colonial, hegemonic power affected their postcolonial relations and eventually consequenced in the Bizerte crisis of 1961. France’s colonial dominance gained them the position of hegemon and Tunisia the position of the subordinate. Through its colonial rule, France would implement its power over Tunisia that would result in the division of power between the states to be established. Once Tunisian independence was gained the distance of power between France and Tunisia would come to decrease as France’s direct rule had been removed. The transition to postcolonial relations would affect how France would influence its former colony and how the power over Tunisia by its former coloniser would change the hegemonic power dynamics between the state resulting in the Bizerte crisis of 1961.