Pakoindian Occupations of the Southern Appalachians

Home , Abo (historic place), Big Bone Cave, Locus 7 Site, Monongahela culture, Mount Royal (Florida), Mouse Creek Phase

A View fiom the Cumberland Plateau of Kentucky and Tennessee

Leon Lane and David G. Anderson

In this chapter we examine evidence for Paleoindian occupation and adaptation in the southern Appalachians, here defined as the mountainous regions above roughly one thousand feet in elevation extending from northern Georgia and Alabama to West Vir- ginia and including portions of eastern Kentucky and Tennessee and western North Carolina and Virginia (map 6.1). A particular fbcus is the northern Cumberland Plateau and adjacent Eastern Highland Rim of Kentucky and Tennessee, w-here one of us has conducted appreciable research in recent years (Lane 1995, 1996, 1997; Lane et al. 1995). This research is used in conjunction with other data from across the region to propose a model of Paleoindian chronology, migration, and adaptation in the southern ~pdalachians. The Paleoindian occupation of North America has held a fascination for archaeologists since the verification of the initial Folsom discovery in 1927. Appreciable research directed to locating and examining sites and artifacts of this period has occurred in recent years. Fluted-point surveys have been initiated in almost every southern state within the last twenty years, building upon the pioneering example set by Ben McCary (1991) in Virginia in the late 1940s. To date almost nine thousand fluted points have been documented east of the Mississippi River, with the vast majority coming fkorn the southeastern United States (Anderson and Faught 1998, 167). Hundreds of sites with Paleoindian components have been identified across the Southeast, in excavations ranging in scale from limited testing operations to large-scale data recovery projects (e.g., as summarized in Anderson and Sassaman 1996). These efforts have expanded the material culture record, resulting in a better understanding of Paleoindian chronology, adaptation, and regional variation. Eastern Highland Rim

Map 6.1. 1 The Southern Appalachians, including the sites and localities mentioned in the text. We now know that the Paleoindian occupation of the Southeast covers an appreciable span of time, over which sigdicant cultural change occurred. It is becoming increasiigly clear that the cultures present during the Paleoindian era did not possess a uniform suite of strategies extending across the Americas, nor were they essentially identical even within the Southeast itself. Early Paleoindian Clovis-using peoples in the central Tennessee River Valley, for example, had to have had a different pattern of land use fi-om their contemporaries in the radically different desiccated karstic terrain of northwestern Florida. Both of these adaptations in turn differed appreciably From the Late Paleoindian adaptations by Dalton and San Patrice-using peoples of the central and lower Mississippi Valley. Accordingly, Paleoindian studies must consider the different environmental and historical settings in which these early hunter-gatherer occupations were carried out (Dent 1985; Dincauze and Curran 1983; Lepper and Meltzer 1991; Meltzer 1984; Meltzer and Smith 1986; Tankersley and Isaac 1990). Secure understanding of individual adaptations, furthermore, can only be achieved through detailed research at the subregional and local levels, and through the development of sophisticated models capable of interpreting the information being generated and guiding the collection of new data. Focused local level research is crucial if we are to understand why there is surpris- ingly little known about Paleoindian occupations in some parts of eastern North America. This is particularly true in the more mountainous regions of the southern Appalachians, where sites and even artifacts dating to the Paleoindian period are comparatively infi-equent when compared with other parts of the region. Thus, when data fkom fluted-point surveys are compiled, the resulting maps document major concentrations of sites and artifacts in the major river valleys along the eastern and western flanks of the southern Appalachians, but comparatively few dcts, and certainly no major concentrations, within the central and more mountainous areas (map 6.2). Why this is the case is uncertain. Less intensive survey coverage, at least when compared with other parts of the region, is one possible explanation. There is an under- standable research bias amstexamining steeply sloping terrain and this, coupled with the minimal development'o~currin~in such terrain (and, as a consequence, minimal associated CRM work), might reduce the likelihood of discovering Paleoindian sites. Another possible explanation that has been raised is a lower incidence of cultivation, and hence reduced surface visibility and collecting activity, by both avocationals and professionals alike (c.f., Lepper 1983, 1985; Lepper and Meltzer 1991; Seeman and P&r 1984). Additionally, we must consider that this type of terrain, with the excep- tion of upper drainage systems (Cremeens and Lothrop this volume), is typically an erosional rather than a depositional environment, something that likely profoundly afkcted the likelihood of site preservation. Finally, the kinds of resources targeted by early populations, such as specific plant and animal species or lithic raw materials, may not have been as prevalent in mountainous areas.

I Lane and Anderson Map 6.2. 1 lncidcnce of fluted points in thc Eastern Woodlands (data hrnhdcrson and Faugh 1998). AU of these factors are unquestionably operating to some extent in explaining the low incidence of Paleoindian remains in the southern Appalachian highlands. Even accepting this, it is highly unlikely, however, that major concentrations of Paleoindian sites and artifacts in any way comparable to those found in the regions to either side would have been missed, if they were indeed present in the first place. An additional explanation, offered here, is that the Appalachians were physiographically at the "ends* of early migration routes in part due to their geographic position. Not only did the Appalachians present colonizers with challenging topography and a different set of resources, but they were located in the interior of the region well away from primary migration routes (i.e., at the headwaters of major river systems) and were therefore some of the last areas in the Eastern Woodlands to be physically reached by colonizing populations moving up the large drainage systems of the mid-South and the Atlantic Coastal Plain. Only later, as population density rose promoting further colonization, and resource extraction and mobility strategies changed, did these areas witness appreciable visitation and ultimately settlement. The archaeological record suggests that in some areas of the southern Appalachians this did not occur until the Early Archaic period.

The Cumberland Plateau stretches from the mid-Ohio River Valley in Kentucky southward into north-central Alabama and northeastern Mississippi (Fenneman 1938). It is a maturely dissected plateau of varying altitude and relief. This varying character is an expression of local differences in rock outcrops. It is a region of den- dritic drainages consisting of a maze of irregularly winding narrow-crested ridges and deep narrow valleys formed by the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers and their tributaries. Valley walls are characteriied by rocky hillslopes and precipitous sandstone CUTS, often contaihing rockshelters. Flat land is at a minimum within the region. However, in areas of shale outcrops considerable localized bottomlands have devel- oped while small upla&flats occur in areas of massive sandstone outcrops. Chert outcrops are localized and of varying quality and abundance. The Eastern Highland Rim lies adjacent to the western edge of the Cumberland Plateau &om central Kentucky to Alabama and Mississippi (Fenneman 1938). While technically part of the Interior Low Plateaus it is more similar physiographically to the Cumberland Plateau than the karst plains to the west and north, sharing a similar depositional and erosional histories. Pennsylvanian sandstones have been largely eroded away, exposing underlying Mississippian age, primarily carbonate, strata. Therefore, this dissected topography is combined with karst landscape features such as sinkholes and numerous cavernous settings. Chert outcrops of varying quality and abundance are widespread in these Mississippian formations (Tankersky 1989a, 1989b, 1990a, 1990b, 1998).

I Lane and Anderson The currently accepted initial occupation of the Southeast occurred between 15,000 and 11,000 radiocarbon years B.P.,with extensive settlement occurring only well after 11,000 B.P., fbllowing Clovis. These events occurred during the dramatic period of rapid transition from the Late Glacial to Early Holocene environment. During this time temperatures were becoming warmer in summer, colder in winter, and precipitation was increasing. Paleoenvironmental analyses suggests that major changes in floral and hu- nal communities were occurring. The Late Glacial patchy environment was shifting to one of latitudinally and elevationally segregated zones (Davis 1983; Delcourt and Del- court 1985, 1987; Guilday 1984; Watts 1983). Between 12,000 and 10,000 B.P. the spruce-pine boreal forest-park lands of the Glacial period were being replaced by a homogeneous, mesic oak-hickory fbrest of northern hardwoods. In ecological terms the vegetation was changing from an immature, coarse-grained environment to a fine- grained mature environment. This transition was Likely completed shortly after 10,000 B.P. and almost certainly by 9,000 B.P. (Delcourt and Delcourt 1985, 1987). However, this transition should not be pictured as a uniform replacement of flora but as an uneven change, with Pleistocene landscapes likely lasting longest in higher latitudes and elevations, resulting in an extremely diverse environment. The transitional Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene environment of the Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim supported a mixed faunal community. Modern species, many allopatric today, would have co-existed alongside now-extinct Late Woodfordian forms (Guilday 1984). The earliest Paleoindian occupants would have been faced with a diverse biotic environment with faunal species segregated into different microenvironmental settings. As the floral community became increasing fine- grained a less diverse modern Holocene faunal assemblage, more evenly dispersed across the landscape, emerged.

Research in the Northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Hbhland Rim

Until recently, and for many of the reasons discussed previously, the northern Cum- berland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim of Kentucky and Tennessee received only minimal attention by Paleoindian researchers. Rolingson's attempt to document Pale- oindian archaeological sites and artifacts using museum collections and collector interviews-summarized in her classic 1964 publication Paleoindian Chrek Km- tuckywas one of the first modem attempts to locate Paleoindian data f+om this region. Her work, which explored paleoenvironmental correlations, patterns of land- use, and chronology, suggested that the Cumberland Plateau of eastern Kentucky was largely avoided by Paleoindian populations. A more recent synthesis by Tankersley (1990) yielded essentially similar results, although the existence of some deeply buried sites in floodplains was noted, as were a number of smaller sites on ridge crests overlooking mountain passes, and possibly in

Palcoindian Occupations oftbe Soutbcrn AppnJathianr I cave vestibules in the Eastern Highland Rim. Excavations at Enoch Fork Shelter (Bush 1988; Ison 1989) documented a projectile point similar to the Wheeler type beneath Early Archaic strata. A single carbon sample yielded a radiocarbon date of 9010Q40 B.C. from strata beneath this artiflact. Taken together, the swey and collections research by Rolingson and Tankersley, the excavations at sites like Enoch Fork Shel- ter, as well as more recent information obtained fiom local collectors by one of us (Lane 1995, 1997), indicate that this part of the Appalachians in eastern Kentucky was at least visited fiom time to time by Early Paleoindian groups. To the south in Tennessee, similar efforts to document Paleoindian assemblages have been underway sporadically since the early 1960s, when a fluted-point swey was initiated by personnel at the University of Tennessee (Guthe 1983). Since the late 1980s the staff of the Tennessee Division of Archaeology have been undertaking an intensive exploration of the Paleoindian occupation of the state, work that has included the documentation of almost three thousand projectile points and the testing of, and larger-scale excavations at, a number of sites (Broster and Norton 1996). The data that have been recovered have been used to develop predictive models of Paleoindian incidence and location in various parts of Tennessee. This work has shown that Paleoindian sites and points are rare in the Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim, the same pattern documented in Kentucky. This appears to be particularly true during the Early and Middle Paleoindian subperiods. In the northern portion of this area only two Cumberland projectile points have been reported. Recent surveys in the Big South Fork River and Recreation Area by the University of Ken- tucky in which only a single unfluted Late Paleoindian projectile point was recovered (Tom Sussenbach, personal communication 1997) have supported these findings. Evidence for Early Paleoindian Clovis occupants, for example, is almost completely lacking in the Cumberland Plateau and is rare in the adjacent Eastern Highland Rim. Paleoindian occupation of the region increases gradually over time, however, until the Early Archaic period, \when an explosion in the number of sites and artifacts occurs. Known Paleoindian sites and artifacts are recorded primarily on ridgetops and river terraces, and occasionally $I rockshelters and cave vestibules in the region. They have been very rarely reported professionally in bottomlands in the region, though this may be a result of both depth of deposits and collector activity. Additionally, occupations associated with sinkholes are commonly recorded in the Eastern Highland Rim. It is important to note that the majority of documented Paleoindian sites and artifacts in the northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim have been recorded as a result of CRM projects and collector interviews. With the few notable exceptions cited above, there have been no research projects directed to exploring Paleoindian occupations in this area, and large-scale professional excavation of known sites is non- existent. Therefore, these distributions may more accurately reflect patterns of modern development and local researchers, and collectors, ability to detect Paleoindian

I Lane and Anderson sites on deflated upland landscapes and in plowed fields on major river terraces rather than actual prehistoric settlement preferences. Until large-scale systematic interdisci- plinary survey work is conducted and evaluated with an eye toward delimiting and controlling for possible sources of bias, our knowledge of Paleoindian settlement will remain sketchy at best. As new data are generated, our existing hypotheses will undoubtedly require refinement and modification.

Settlement and Chronology

Recently a tripartite division of Early, Middle, and Late subperiods for the Paleoin- dim period in the Southeast, based largely on stratigraphic evidence from a number of locales and the cross-dating of diagnostic bfices with morphologically similar forms from other regions, has been proposed (Anderson 1990b; Anderson et al.; Anderson and Sassaman 1996). The Early Paleoindian subperiod is tentatively placed from circa 11,500 to 10,900 B.P. and is characterized by classic Clovis fluted points. The Middle Paleoindian is dated from circa 10,900 to 10,500 B.P. and is characterized by a range of fluted and unfluted lanceolate forms. The Late Paleoindian subperiod, recognized by the presence of Dalton points and, toward the end of the subperiod, side-notched forms, is dated from circa 10,500 to 10,000 B.P. This basic chronology is in need of appreciable testing and refinement. As there are few secure radiocarbon dates for assemblages yielding diagnostic projectile points prior to the Late Paleoindian era from the Southeast, the dating of the earlier subperiods is open to some question. In particular, the Early Paleoindian subperiod may need to be extended back a thousand or more years, both in light of dates >12,000 B.P. recorded at sites like Little Salt Springs and Page-Ladson in Horida, and evidence supporting an even earlier colonization of the hemisphere at Monte Verde in Chile, dated to approximately 12,500 B.P. (Dillehay 1997). Thus, the Early Paleoindian in the Southeast will probably eventually need to be redefined, perhaps by subdividing it into Clovis and pre-Clovis eras. The Middle and Late Paleomdian subpqriods are only slightly better dated, although there is stratigraphic evidence at a number of sites, such as Hester, Silver Springs, Dust Cave, and Big Eddy, among others, for maintaining such a separation. Because the temporal occurrence of many later Paleoindian (i.e., post-Clovis) point forms remains in doubt, some researchers have suggested the use of two temporal sub- divisions, Early and Late Paleoindian, ranging from circa 11,500 to 10,750 B.P., and from 10,750 to 10,000 B.P. (Morse, Anderson, and Goodyear 1996:324-27):'As the dating of sites and assemblages improves, so too will our understanding of variabiity during these subperiods. Given the limited number of Paleoindian sites and artifacts in the Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim, and a total lack of secure temporal associations (i.e., absolute dates) 6rthese, the chronology for the region is based primarily upon comparisons with data &om other areas. Lanceolate fluted points resembling western Clovis forms are diagnostic of the Early Paleoindian period. In the northern Cum- berland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim Clovis and Clovis-like, similar to Gainey, points have been reported by professional archaeologists and collectors, with Clovis- like points being slightly more common (fig. 6.1). The Middle Paleoindian period in the Southeast is marked by smaller fluted points and unfluted lanceolate points, and fluted and unfluted forms with broad blades and

Fig. 6.1. ( Paleoindian period diagnostics from the northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim of Kentucky and Tennessee.

Early Arebak I1 9,000-8,000 B.P.

Early Ahak1 ca 10.000-9,000 B.P.

Late Pakoiadian 10.500-10,000 B.P.

ca 10,800- 10.500 B.P.

Early Pakoiadian ca 12,00610,800 B.P.

I heand Anderson constricted haft elements. These types include Cumberland, Quad, and Beaver Lake, with the later two extending into the Late Paleoindian period in the mid-South; a small fluted form known as the Clovis Variant from the South Carolina Piedmont and adjoining areas, where it was first recognized; Suwannee and Sipson forms in Florida and adjoining areas of the southeastern Coastal Plain, and a number of Plains lanceolate forms which appear on the western margin of the Southeast. Clovis Variant and Cumberland types are the only Middle Paleoindian subperiod types to be unequivocally documented in the study region. Late Paleoindian points include fluted and unfluted, resharpened lanceolate forms like Dalton, Hardaway, and San Patrice (vars. Hope and St. Johns). Many of the types diagnostic of the period appear to be subregional variants of a supraregional Dalton technological tradition extending across much of the East and well into the Great Plains. Unfluted Dalton points may continue into the initial Early Archaic period after 10,000 B.P.; the Early Archaic period itself is currently dated &om 10,000 to 8,000 B.P. in the Southeast. Recent work at sites like Page-Ladson and Dust Cave indicates that Early Archaic corner- and side-notched forms such as San Patrice vars. Keithville, Dixon, and Leaf River, and the Bolen/Taylor/Big Sandy types begin temporally earlier, in the Late Paleoindian era, possibly around 10,200 B.P. Other, later Early Archaic hrms include corner-notched types such as Kirk, and biatetypes such as LeCroy, St. Albans, and MacCorkle. Middle-to-Late Paleoindian Dalton, Hardaway, Quad, and Beaver Lake points, and Late Paleoindianfiarly Archaic Big Sandy points, have been documented in the northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim, and are appreciably more common than earlier Clovis forms, especially in the Cumberland Plateau. A particularly dramatic increase in the number of diagnostics occurs after about 9500 B.P., with the appearance of large numbers of Kirk Corner-Notched forms. Kirk points are documented in far greater numbers in the study area than earlier forms, a pattern that has also been observed in several other parts of the Southeast at this time (Anderson 1990b:199), and that has been interpreted as representing a period of appreciable landscape filling (or saturation). No definitive evidence fbr earlier, pre-Clovis occupations have been found in the southern Appalachians, although possible candidates are present in and in nearby parts of the general region, such as Cactus Hill and Saltville in Virginia, Meadowcroft Rock- shelter in Pennsylvania, Enoch Fork Shelter in Kentudry, the Mendale chert quarries in South Carolina, and at a number of submerged sites in Florida. At present, however, there is no evidence hra substantial pre-Clovis occupation of the Eastern Wood- lands. The possibility that pre-Clovis sites may be documented in the future should not be eliminated, though, given the limited amount of archaeological research directed to locating early occupation that has been conducted in the southern Appalachians to date. Indeed, a recent overview suggests that, if the first colonists of

Palcoindian Occupations ofthe Southern Appalachlam I the New World were comparatively unspecialized hunter-gatherers, the river valleys of the southern Appalachians might have been attractive places for settlement, due to the relatively mild climate, probable open vegetation matrix, and high animal biomass (Butzer 1991:149). While initial occupations are predicted along the central river valleys of the Southeast in current colonization models, the possibility that such settlement appreciably extended into higher regions and more rugged terrain away from these valleys appears improbable at present.

It has been suggested that the major subperiods of the Paleoindian period correspond to populations exploring and colonizing the region (Early Paleoindian), establishing regional populations concentrations and cultural variants (Middle Paleoindian), and making the switch to essentially modern flora and fauna, and the adoption of a way of life that would characterize much of the ensuing Archaic period (Late Paleoindian). The increasing recognition that large Early Paleoindian sites exist in Eastern North America has resulted in a reevaluation of the hypothesis that gained popularity in the 1980s that Early Paleoindians in the Eastern Woodlands were residentially organized generalists whose sites were small, briefly occupied, and archaeologically ephemeral (Meltzer and Smith 1986). The documentation of a number of densely occupied areas on the Ohio, Cumberland, and Tennessee Rivers of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama during the Early Paleoindian period has resulted in recent research focusing upon the concept of staging or marshaling areas (Anderson 1990b; Dincauze 1993). In these models, the dense concentrations of Early Paleoindian sites and artifacts hdalong the major river systems, particularly in the midSouth, represent an initial movement of primarily logistically organized hunter-gatherers into southeastern North America. The colonizing populations settled into these primary staging areas, or at least regarded them as ceAtraI foci for their areally extensive patterns of movement, that is, areas they returned to periodically. Surrounding these initial population concentrations were areas which were explored and exploited to a lesser extent. Over time individual groups segmented through normal population growth, and relocated at varying dis- tances hmthe parent group. This fissioning and out-migration likely occurred more because of culturally perceived notions of appropriate group size, spacing, and methods of conflict resolution, than because of resource depletion (i.e., as a means of deal- ing with scalar stress, after Johnson 1982; see also Anderson 1990b, 189; 1996b, 51). Such out-migrations, rather than occurring rapidly in a steady wave filling all niches, as proposed by earlier researchers, would likely have occurred in a leaphg pattern as daughter populations colonized areas on the far hges of the original range, ideally in areas that were themselves rich in favored resources. Thus, less favored areas might have seen only minimal visitation and little permanent settlement until appreciably later in

I Lane and Anderson time. The appearance of generalized foraging economies likely did not occur until some time after the initial colonization, in the Middle or Late Paleoindian subperiods, or perhaps slightly earlier (see Carr, Adovasio, and Pedlar in this volume), as regional traditions began to develop and populations adapted to the emerging Holocene landscape. These localized subregional cultural traditions would themselves have emerged in more fivored areas, and only gradually encompassed or expanded into surrounding terrain. The absence of appreciable Early Paleoindian sites and artificts from the northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim, and the comparatively low number of subsequent Middle and Late Paleoindian components, in fact, suggest such a gradual pattern of land use and eventual settlement. That the southern Appalachians served as a fine home for Early Archaic and later populations renders moot the argument that the earliest occupants of North America avoided the region due to its rugged phys- iography and lack of food resources. Paleoindian populations appear to have indeed avoided or made fairly minimal use of the area, but this was because they encountered more favored areas first that were probably much easier to exploit. The low density of Early Paleoindian sites and artifacts in the Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim is thus probably because the area was on the very liinge of the initial staging areas, in terrain that would not have received the highest priority by specialized task groups, exploring parties, or relocating (i.e., daughter) groups. The continued segmenting of the groups occupying the staging areas would have eventually and inevitably resulted in the increasing use and settlement of the Eastern Highland Rim and northern Curnberland Plateau over time, as other more favored areas in the region were themsehres filled, and hence unavailable for settlement. This secondary colonization would account for the increasing density of Middle and Late Paleoindian sites and artifacts that has been recently documented along the Upper Cumberland River (Lane n.d, 1996, 1997). Subsequent segmentation of these now locally resident groups would have resulted in the filling in of the emerging Holocene landscape,. until by some time in the Early Archaic effective saturation (the occupation of all available areas over the region, albeit probably still at a fairy low population density) had likely occurred.

Landscape Utilization Ongoing research in the Eastern Highland Rim and Curnberland Plateau of Kentucky, and to a lesser extent Tennessee, as part of one of the authors dissertation research (Lane n-d.) has begun to provide new insights into Paleoindian landscape utilization in the area. This research, consisting of interviews with local informants, survey in a variety of microenvironmental settings, and limited testing of sites containing Pale- oindian and/or Early Archaic components, is beginning to elaborate on the staging area concept discussed previously and provide insights into how Paleoindian groups mapped onto the dissected landscape of southeastern Kentucky. The incidence of early sites has been explored using a number of landform types: floodplains, river/stream terraces, hillslopes (containing rockshelters and cave vestibules), dissected upland/ ridges, and broad uplands. Preliminary findings fiom this research indicate that the incidence of Paleoindian sites and artifacts tends to be greater in all landforms in the Eastern Highland Rim than in the Cumberland Plateau, something that may reflect the gradual eastward migration of colonizing groups. Floodplains provide rich biotic communities, and one would assume that there would be ample evidence of early hunter-gatherer exploitation of these settings. How- ever, Paleoindian artificts are rare for this landform and it is not until the Early Archaic period that appreciable evidence for utilization of this setting occurs. When Paleoin- dim materials are recovered in this setting though, they tend to be relatively dense, better preserved, and more deeply buried when compared to Paleoindian sites in other settings. This would suggest that the visibity of Paleoindian sites in this landform is more a result of the depth of deposits, the destructive forces of channelization, and the inability of archaeological methodology employed in most CRM projects to detect deeply buried deposits rather than actual patterns of Paleoindian landscape utilization. It is therefore likely that floodplains were heavily exploited first as primary migration routes into the region during the Early Paleoindian subperiod and later as loci for larger, seasonal, aggregate encampments during subsequent time periods. Paleoindian sites and artifacts are found somewhat more ii-equently on river/stream terraces than on adjacent floodplains, probably as a result of their deflated nature. Paleoindian sites in these loci tend to consist of isolated finds and lithic scatters. The deflated nature of this landscape not only contributes to site visibility, but makes determination of site size and type difficult as diagnostics hmwidely &rent time periods are mixed on the surface. Based on collector interviews exploitation of these landforms increases during the Middle Paleoindian subperiod, but tapers off again during the Late Palqindian subperiod until the Late Paleoindian/Early Archaic transition. The cause of this phenomenon is presently unclear but it may be related to environmental factors impacting the preservation of sites. Another explanation is that this reflects adoption of aisettlement system during the Middle Paleoindian subperiod in which terraces serve as loci for base camps conveniently located to allow exploitation of both floodplain and upland resources by task groups. Further research will be necessary to confirm this pattern and elaborate on the potential fictors influencing the observed pattern. Hillslopes provide few suitable locations for the types of activities that are preserved in the archaeological record. The exceptions to this statement are rockshelters and cave vestibules which provide convenient locations for a variety of tasks. Overall, there is limited evidence fbr Early Paleoindian exploitation of these settings and even less evidence of exploitation during the Middle Paleoindian subperiod. It is not until the Late Paleoindian subperiod that these locales begin to be heady utilized. This is

1 Lane and Anderson similar to the pattern noted across the Southeast by Walthall (1998), who suggested that use of cave and rockshelter settings was tied to logistical mobiity strategies, a form of landscape utilization involving task groups radiating out from and back to base camps, and that he argues did not become common across the region until the Late Paleoindian/Early Archaic periods. The data fiom the Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim tend to corroborate this argument but suggest the need for some refinement. The presence of Early Paleoindian artificts in low densities in some rockshelter and cave settings suggests their use as temporary task oriented hunting camps. During the Middle Paleoindian subperiod, evidence for the use of cavernous settings in the Eastern Highland Rim all but disappears except at the edge of the Cumberland Plateau, while use of these settings in the Cumberland Plateau contin- ues, though at a somewhat decreased level. This pattern may reflect some Early Pale- oindian use of a logistical technological adaptation (albeit coupled with extensive movement) in the exploration of new territories, followed by somewhat greater adoption of residential mobiity as the landscape became more settled in the Middle Pale- oindian. The increased utilization of cave and rockshelter settings during the Late Paleoindian/Early Archaic periods, in turn, may indicate, as Walthall argues, that logistical mobility as part of a collector based procurement strategy became increasingly important in this area. The ridge systems of the dissected uplands appear to have been equally visited, in terms of the number of sites and isolated finds, during all Paleoindian subperiods. Sites in this area typically consist of isolated finds and small lithic scatters. There is a tendency for these sites to be located to observe game trails in one or more valleys. Additionally, these sites are often located at either the juncture of several ridge systems or where there is relatively easy access to the river valley below. It is not uncom- mon for these sites to be located immediately above a rockshelter that may have been used in inclement weather fbr protection. Overall the types of sites recorded in these settings suggest that they were the loci for temporary hunting camps. The broad uplands served as ideal locations for Paleoindian habitation, and a number of sites have been located in these settings. Of all the landfbrms discussed there is probably the greatest physiographic difference in this setting between the Eastern Highland Rim and Curnberland Plateau. In the Eastern Highland Rim broad uplands tend to be dosed systems with a rolling topography drained by one or more sinkholes. Paleoindians fiom all subperiods utilized these valleys, typically locating sites where they could observe two or more of these siioles. In the Cumberland Plateau these broad uplands tend to be open systems drained by one or more streams. Sites in this area tend to be located along the edge of the upland maximizing the ability to observe the total area. In both areas sites range in size hmisolated finds to dense lithic scatters with diagnostics. This pattern suggests that this landfbrm was the locus of both aggregate base camps and specialized task sites. Archaeological data from the northern Cumberland Plateau and Eastern Highland Rim of Kentucky and Tennessee offer clues as to how the colonization of the southern Appalachians as a whole may have proceeded. Initial population entry came from the margins, from staging areas located primarily in the major river systems of the midSouth and the Atlantic Coastal Plain and Piedmont. Intensive settlement or use of the southern Appalachans also came somewhat later in time, after resource-rich areas at lower elevations and less challenging terrain were occupied throughout the region. It is important to note that this model of Paleoindian colonization and adaptation does not preclude the possibility of pre-Clovis occupations in some areas of the Eastern Woodlands or even the Appalachians. Rather, it presents a hypothesis for the development of substantial populations in the southern Appalachians. Initial use of the southern Appalachians, the extant archaeological record suggests, was by small groups who made use of ridgetops and terraces locations overlooking primary river systems and who sometimes aggregated along major rivers and at unusual landscape features such as chert outcrops and sinkholes. Caves and rockshelters also appear to have been used at least occasionally by the earliest occupants, likely as temporary camps for exploring populations initially. After a short period of decreased utilization during the Middle Paleoindian subperiod, suggesting a less logistically organized settlement system during that time period, such locations became increasingly important during the Late Paleoindian and particularly the Early Archaic period, when they likely served as specialized task sites. Overall, however, given our present low samples, it is difficult to unequivocally state that any one of the Paleoin- dim subperiods was more or less logistically organized than another. Rather, it appears that local Paleoindian groups mixed both residential and logistical mobility strategies and exploited all landform types. What is clear &om the archaeological record is that the C~mberlandPlateau and Eastern Highland Rim were ephemerally and sparsely occupied during the Early Paleoindian. Occupation gradually increased through time, however, qtil by the Early Archaic period the area was likely as densely occupied as most other parts of the Southeastern United States.

I Lane and Anderson References

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