DOCSLIB.ORG

THE RED ARMY and the CHANGING of the POLITICAL SYSTEM in ROMANIA Constantin HLIHOR∗, Ioan SCURTU∗∗ the Withdrawal of Roma

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Online edition Series on History and Archeology ISSN 2067-5682 Volume 5, Number 2/2013 77 THE RED ARMY AND THE CHANGING OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN ROMANIA ∗ ∗∗ Constantin HLIHOR ∗∗, Ioan SCURTU Abstract . The radical transformation of Romanian society and its transition to a system similar to that in the Soviet Union implied, on the one hand, the elimination of the influence exerted by the traditional (historical) parties, and, on the other hand, the formation of a government that would entirely serve the interests of the Kremlin. The concrete plan for seizing political power by the Communist Party and its allies was drawn up outside the country's borders. The victorious powers at the end of the World War II were concerned with shaping the postwar world. In Romania, the democratic opposition increased its attempts to make Western political- diplomatic circles aware of the evolution of the political situation in Romania. Iuliu Maniu sent messages to the Potsdam Conference (17 July-2 August 1945) in which he asked for the support of the Great Powers in establishing a representative government in Romania, a government that would consist of all democratic political forces and that would prepare the groundwork for free elections. Immediately after Stalin's death, the Soviet Government began to reevaluate its relations with its satellite countries. The policy of detente, proclaimed by N. Khrushchev, influenced the situation in Romania. In March 1955 the work camps were abolished and several political prisoners were liberated. In April 1956 the council of ministers allowed disgraced persons to return to their original homes and they were given back their confiscated houses and lands. After the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania, the Communist leaders in Bucharest could express their disagreement with the leaders in Moscow with respect to the debates which took place at the end of the 1950s and at the beginning of the 1960s and which tackled the functioning and organizational principles of the Economic Council for Mutual Assistance. Keywords : Red Army, armistice, convention, Allied Control Commision, Andrei Vyshinsky, Petru Groza, King Michael I, I.V. Stalin, N.S. Khrushchev, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. The withdrawal of Romania from the Axis on 23 August 1944 had profound consequences for the subsequent evolution of Romanian politics 1. During the first weeks after the overthrow of Marshal Ion Antonescu's government, Romanian society ∗ Prof. univ. dr., Universitatea Cre ştin ă „Dimitrie Cantemir”, Bucure şti. ∗∗ Prof. univ. dr., Academia Oamenilor de Ştiin Ńă din România. 1 For more details, see Gh. Buzatu, Din istoria secret ă a celui de-al doilea r ăzboi mondial, Bucure şti, 1988; Eliza Campus, Din politica extern ă a României 1913-1947, Bucure şti, 1980; Ion Enescu, Politica extern ă a României în perioada 1944-1947, Bucure şti, 1979; România în anii celui de-al doilea r ăzboi mondial, vol. III, Bucure şti, 1980; Paul D. Quinlan, Clash over Romania: British, and American Policies towards Romania 1938-1947, Los Angeles, 1977. 78 Constantin HILHOR, Ioan SCURTU was permeated with an exultant harmony. 2 The Communists in Romania were rigorously complying with Moscow's instruction sent to all the Communist parties in Europe, to cooperate with any political force that had declared itself against Fascism, even if its orientation was anti-Communist. Under these circumstances, collaboration between the parties which made up the National Democratic Block (National Liberal, National Peasant, Social-Democratic, and Communist) was real and efficient. On 31 August 1944 royal decrees 3.053 of 5 September 1940, 3.067 of 6 September 1940, and 3.072 of 7 September 1940, which had established the legal bases for the dictatorial regime, were repealed, and the 1923 Constitution was restored 3. The rights and privileges of all Romanian citizens which had been revoked in February 1938 were also restored. The end of September 1944 and the beginning of the next month brought about an important change in the attitude of the Communist Party toward its coalition partners. Most of Romanian territory was under the control of the Red Army. With this occupation, Stalin's dictum that " Anyone occupying a territory also imposes his own social system; everyone imposes his own social system as far as his army has advanced ," 4 became a painful reality for Romanians, although all of the implications of this were not yet perceived or felt by society at large or by the representatives of the Western powers in Romania. On 7 October 1944 Michael Wright informed the British authorities that: "90% of the [Romanian] peasants are against Communism," arid he did not think that Romania would become Communist in the near future because a "series of discussions with Marshal Malinovsky highlighted some encouraging clues concerning the fact that Romania would not be Sovietized by Russia." 5 After negotiations of Soviet and British interests in the Balkans, on the occasion of the visit of British Prime Minister Winston Churchill to Moscow (between 9 and 17 October 1944) 6 the Soviets felt they had gained the upper hand. They were therefore no longer willing to abide by their own assurances made to Romanian politicians in April 7 and June 8 of 1944, with regard to respecting the independence of the Romanian state. It was also unwilling to comply with Molotov's declaration on 2 April 1944 that Moscow would not "intervene to change the social 2 Florin Constantiniu, “Societatea româneasc ă în perioada eliber ării Transilvaniei de nord," conference presented at the National Military Club on 20 October 1994. 3 România liber ă, 5 September 1994. 4 Arh. Ist. Centr., fond P.C.M.-S.S.L, Politica intern ă, dosar 1/1954, f. 364. 5 Great Britain, P.R.O., RO. 371/43988, f. 23. 6 For more details see Nicolae Baciu, Agonia Romaniei 1944-1944, Cluj-Napoca, 1990, pp. 85-97; Titu Georgescu, România între Yalta si Malta, Bucure şti, 1993, pp. 32-33; Ioan Chiper, Florin Constantiniu, and Adrian Pop, Sovietizarea României. Percep Ńii anglo-americane (1944-1947), Bucure şti, pp. 8-9. 7 Arh. M.A.E., dosar S.I., Stockholm, vol.1, pp. 157-159. 8 Ibidem , ff. 214-215. The Red Army and the Changing of the Social and Political System in Romania 79 order," 9 although these statements had been formally reasserted and sustained by the signing of the Armistice Convention on 12-13 September 1944. The political and military means and instruments resorted to by the Kremlin to impose its own political-social system in Romania were starting to work. According to a note addressed to the president of the council of ministers on 28 September 1944 by the Romanian General Staff 10 , political forces without any importance or cohesive power in interwar Romanian society were beginning to display revolutionary tendencies. To counteract these new political parties' ascent to power, and also to avoid a state of anarchy, a specialized body (Department II) authorized by the Romanian General Staff recommended a note that: "His Majesty King Michael I should inform the country that under his rule social justice would follow the example given by King Ferdinand I who, in order to protect the country from the infection of the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, decided by royal decree that he would distribute land to the peas- ants." 11 Although the atmosphere in the country indicated increasing political dissension - John Le Rougetel, the British political representative in Bucharest, called it revolutionary in his telegram sent to the authorities in London on 28 September 1944 - the president of the council of ministers, General Constantin S ănătescu, responded to the Romanian General Staff on 6 October 1944 12 that: "It is necessary to wait." 13 The events in Romania were precipitated by the influence of the Soviet Union exerted through the military occupation of the country by the Red Army. The basic foundations of democratic society in Romania quickly disintegrated and their very existence was threatened. The form of government, the structure of the state, and the political regime went through unimaginable changes. The Comintern activists, Soviet political agents including Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca (Laszlo), accompanied by political experts and a whole network of agents of the N.K.VD., made up of many Jews, Russians, Bulgarians, and Hungarians, returned from the Soviet Union. 14 The institutions and the structures of power, as well as the administrative structures of the Romanian state, fell completely under the control of the occupying troops through the intervention of the Soviet Allied Control Commission, a body created after the Armistice Convention had been signed by the Romanian Government and the representatives of the coalition of the United Nations in Moscow 9 Al. Vianu and his collaborators, ed., Rela Ńii interna Ńionale în acte şi documente, vol. II, 1939-1945, Bucure şti, 1976, pp. 165-166. 10 Arh. Ist. Centr., fond P.C.M., Cabinet S ănătescu-Rădescu, dosar 1411/1944, f. 136. 11 Ibidem . 12 Great Britain, P.R.O., F.O., 371/44004, f.107. 13 Arh. Inst. Centr., fond P.C.M., Cabinet S ănătescu-Rădescu, dosar 1411/1944-1945 f. 138. 14 Titu Georgescu, op. cit., p. 31. 80 Constantin HILHOR, Ioan SCURTU on 12-13 September 1944. 15 The official mission of the commission was to oversee the observance of all the provisions of the Armistice Convention by Romania, but in fact it was an instrument for the political and military control of the Romanian territory in keeping with the agreements reached between the main partners of the coalition of the United Nations. During the war London recognized that Romania was "integrated within the sphere of Russian military occupation" which had "the main role in the application of the Armistice." 16 The Pentagon informed the representative of the United States to this body, Brigadier General C.VR.
Recommended publications
  • Trials of the War Criminals

    Trials of the War Criminals

    TRIALS OF THE WAR CRIMINALS General Considerations The Fascist regime that ruled Romania between September 14, 1940, and August 23, 1944, was brought to justice in Bucharest in May 1946, and after a short trial, its principal leaders—Ion and Mihai Antonescu and two of their closest assistants—were executed, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment or long terms of detention. At that time, the trial’s verdicts seemed inevitable, as they indeed do today, derived inexorably from the defendants’ decisions and actions. The People’s Tribunals functioned for a short time only. They were disbanded on June 28, 1946,1 although some of the sentences were not pronounced until sometime later. Some 2,700 cases of suspected war criminals were examined by a commission formed of “public prosecutors,”2 but only in about half of the examined cases did the commission find sufficient evidence to prosecute, and only 668 were sentenced, many in absentia.3 There were two tribunals, one in Bucharest and one in Cluj. It is worth mentioning that the Bucharest tribunal sentenced only 187 people.4 The rest were sentenced by the tribunal in Cluj. One must also note that, in general, harsher sentences were pronounced by the Cluj tribunal (set up on June 22, 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă, “Introducere” in Procesul maresalului Antonescu (Bucharest: Saeculum and Europa Nova, 1995-98), vol. 1: p. 33. 2 The public prosecutors were named by communist Minister of Justice Lucret iu Pătrăşcanu and most, if not all of them were loyal party members, some of whom were also Jews.
  • Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition

    Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition

    TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government.
  • Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2021 Boşcan, Liliana Elena

    Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2021 Boşcan, Liliana Elena

    Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Volume 2, Number 1, January 2021 Boşcan, Liliana Elena. “Activity of the Special Operation Executive in Romania via Turkey, 1943 – 1944”, Journal of Anglo-Turkish Relations, Vol. 2, No. 1, (January 2021), pp. 11-23. Activity of the Special Operation Executive in Romania via Turkey, 1943 - 1944 Liliana Elena Boșcan1 Abstract The Anschluss of March 1938 marks the point at which Hitler’s designs for Europe became clearer to Britain and greater prominence was given to considerations about Romania. Between 1938 and 1941 Britain’s only weapon against German ambitions in countries which fell into Hitler’s orbit were military subversive operations — the destruction of the oilfields and the interdiction of supply routes by the Danube and the rail network — but S.O.E. ((Special Operation Executive) failed. Between 1941 and 1944, the S.O.E. (Special Operation Executive) activity was centred on the revival of wireless contacts with Iuliu Maniu, head of the National Peasant Party, aimed at persuading through him Marshal Ion Antonescu to abandon the Axis and the provision of a channel of communication of armistice terms by the Allies (Autonomous Mission, December 1943). The S.O.E. has taken steps to create a reliable communication channel between S.O.E. residents in Istanbul and Bucharest. A network was made through Turkey legations or through emissaries sent to Istanbul, Ankara and Cairo, or by radio broadcast and by agents launched with parachute. Keywords: S.O.E., Romanian-Turkish Relations, Oil, Balkans, World War II 1. Introduction In April 1938, Admiral Sir Hugh Sinclair, the Head of the British Secret Intelligence Service (S.I.S.
  • Romania Redivivus

    Romania Redivivus

    alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head.
  • Corpses, Dead Body Politics and Agency in Human Geography: Following the Corpse of Dr Petru Groza

    Corpses, Dead Body Politics and Agency in Human Geography: Following the Corpse of Dr Petru Groza

    Corpses, dead body politics and agency in human geography: following the corpse of Dr Petru Groza This paper follows the mobilities of the dead body of Dr Petru Groza (1884-1958), a significant political figure in post-World War II socialist Romania, to explore the implications for human geography of engaging with the dead. Although there has been a considerable interest in ‘geographies of the body’ and ‘deathscapes’ human geography has had relatively little to say about dead bodies. The paper draws on literatures from death studies, memory studies, history, anthropology, law and dead body politics to develop an interdisciplinary approach to understanding the role of the corpse in society, and argues that human geography should do more to consider how dead bodies contribute to the formation of contemporary geographies. To illustrate these points the analysis first explores how the treatment of Groza’s corpse and the ‘deathwork’ associated with it is an example of ‘dead body politics’. Second, the analysis draws out the agency of the corpse and its role in a variety of ‘deathscapes’. The conclusion considers the implications for human geography of engaging with dead bodies more generally. key words corpses dead body politics mobility agency Death Studies Romania 1 Corpses, dead body politics and agency in human geography: following the corpse of Dr Petru Groza Introduction This paper follows the mobilities of the corpse of Dr. Petru Groza (1884-1958) to explore the implications for human geography of engaging with the dead. Petru Groza lead the first post- War Romanian Communist government, was Prime Minister 1945-52, and titular Head of State 1952-58.
  • România În Primul Război Mondial

    România În Primul Război Mondial

    BULETINUL ARHIVELOR MILITARE ROMÂNE Anul XX276/2017 , nr. ( ) ROMÂNIA ÎN PRIMUL RĂZBOI MONDIAL • Generalul Petre Dumitrescu • Pionieri ai artileriei antiaeriene • Contraspionajul militar în timp de pace smg.mapn.ro/SIA/index.html SERVICIUL ISTORIC AL ARMATEI SUMAR Buletinul Arhivelor Militare Rom@ne EDITORIAL Anul XX, nr. 2 (76)/2017 Director fondator Prof. univ. Dr. Valeriu Florin DOBRINESCU (1943-2003) Mesajul şefuluiS tatulu iM ajor G eneral Publica]ie recunoscut` de c`tre Consiliul Na]ional al Cercet`rii {tiin]ifice din |nv`]`m@ntul Superior [i inclus` \n categoria „D”, cod 241 cu prilejulZS ilei erviciului I storic al A rmatei 1 Coperta I: Sublocotenentul Ecaterina Teodoroiu, „Eroina de la Jiu” (Fototeca Mu zeului Militar STUDII/DOCUMENTE Naţional „Ferdinand I”) La ceas aniversar – Serviciul Istoric alA rmatei Coperta IV : Participanţii 1867-2017, la festivitatea aniversării a 150 de ani de la înfiinţarea Dr. Lumini ţa GIURGIU 2 Serviciului IAstoric al rmatei În timp de ră zboi, pe front în linia I,-a Editor coordonator: Colonel Adrian GRIGORE Locotenent-colonel Dr. Gabriel-George PĂ TRAŞ CU 8 Redactor-ş ef: Dr. Lumini ţa GIURGIU Contribu ţii la istoria contraspionajului militar Tel./fax: 021-318.53.85, 021-318.53.67/0314 în timp de pace (1913), [email protected] Drd. Daniel-Silviu NICULAE 16 Redactor-ş ef adjunct: Dr. Teodora GIURGIU Pionieri ai artileriei antiaeriene, Secretar de redacţ: ie Dr. Anca Oana OTU General-maior(r) prof.. univ Dr. Visarion NEAGOE 22 Redactori: Dr. Veronica BONDAR, Lucian DRĂ GHICI, Armata bulgară cucereş te definitivD, obrogea (1916) locotenent-colonel Dr. Gabriel-George PĂ TRAŞ CU Dr.
  • The Tragicomedy of Romanian Communism

    The Tragicomedy of Romanian Communism

    RESEARCH REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : THE TRAGICOMEDY OF ROMANIAN COMMUNIS M AUTHOR : Vladimir Tismanean u CONTRACTOR : Foreign Policy Researc h Institute PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 903-0 4 DATE : September, 198 9 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author . a NOTE This report, based on an article to be published i n Eastern EuropeanPolitics andSocieties, is an inciden- tal product of the Council Contract identified on the title page . It is not the Final Report, which wa s distributed in August, 1989 . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Stalin's Romanian Disciples 1 1 The Comintern and the RCP 1 6 Stalinism for All Seasons 3 4 The Anti-De-Stalinization Platform 3 9 The Road to Absolute Power 43 The Manipulated Manipulator 47 Assault on the Party Apparatus 5 2 Notes 57 The Tragicomedy of Romanian Communis m Vladimir Tismanean u Un monde sans tyrans serait aussi ennuyeux qu'un jardi n zoologique sans hyenes . E . M . Cioran, Histoire et utopi e Now, despite eternal cabals in the inner clique and unendin g shifts of personnel, with their tremendous accumulation o f hatred, bitterness, and personal resentment, the Leader' s position can remain secure against chaotic palace revolution s not because of his superior gifts, about which the men in hi s intimate surroundings frequently have no great illusions, bu t because of these men's sincere and sensible conviction tha t without him everything would be immediately lost .
  • Dniester Jews Between

    Dniester Jews Between

    PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions.
  • La Bucure{Ti Summit Nato

    La Bucure{Ti Summit Nato

    SUMMIT NATO LA BUCURE{TI general-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL E. IONESCU Summitul NATO, desfăşurat la Bucureşti • Invitarea fostei Republici Iugoslave în zilele de 2-4 aprilie, este, fără îndoială, cea a Macedoniei, imediat după ce aceasta îşi mai mare reuniune a Alianţei Euroatlantice va reglementa cu Grecia problema denu- din întreaga sa istorie şi va rămâne un reper mirii ţării, aşadar fără a mai aştepta un important în evoluţia lumii contemporane. alt summit; Prezenţa în capitala ţării noastre a 24 de şefi de stat, 26 de premieri şi 87 de oficiali cu • Sprijinirea şi susţinerea candidaturii rang de ministru, din cele 26 de state Ucrainei şi Georgiei pentru obţinerea Mem- membre ale Alianţei, 23 de state partenere, bership Action Plan, ca un prim pas către precum şi reprezentanţi ai unor instituţii şi aderarea acestora la NATO (declaraţia finală organizaţii internaţionale de prim rang a făcut a Consiliului Nord-Atlantic precizează că ca numele Bucureştilor şi al României să aceste state „vor deveni membre ale NATO”); devină astfel foarte vizibile pe mapamond. • Invitarea Bosniei Herţegovina şi a Summitul de la Bucureşti a reconfirmat Muntenegrului la începerea unui dialog profunzimea şi continuitatea procesului de intensificat privind întreaga gamă de pro- transformare a NATO, materializat în inte- bleme politice, militare, financiare şi de grarea de noi membri pe baza unor decizii securitate, legate de aspiraţiile lor de a de- adoptate prin consens, amplificarea şi efi- veni membri ai Alianţei; cientizarea capabilităţilor militare în tea- trele de operaţii, creşterea capacităţii de • Disponibilitatea NATO de a avea o reacţie la provocările mediului internaţional relaţie substanţială de cooperare cu Serbia de securitate, sporirea contribuţiei la asi- pentru a o ajuta să progreseze în direcţia gurarea stabilităţii internaţionale.
  • O Sută De Ani De Aviaţie Militară În România

    O Sută De Ani De Aviaţie Militară În România

    studii/documente O SUTĂ DE ANI DE AVIAŢIE MILITARĂ ÎN ROMÂNIA General-maior dr. Ion-Aurel Stanciu Şeful Statului Major al Forţelor Aeriene -au împlinit, la 17 iunie 2010, o sută de ani de aviaţie militară în SRomânia. În urmă cu exact un secol, în această zi, pe câmpul de zbor de la Cotroceni, la marginea Bucureștiului antebelic, a avut loc zborul avionului ,,Vlaicu Nr.1 – model 1910’’, creaţie a inginerului Aurel Vlaicu. A fost un moment istoric, iar presa epocii i-a acordat atenţia cuvenită. Pentru prima dată se zbura, în România, cu un avion proiectat și construit de un român. Acest eveniment marchează începutul istoriei Aviaţiei militare române, pentru că avionul ,,Vlaicu’’ se afla în proprietatea Ministerului de Război. În toamna aceluiași an, România a devenit una dintre primele ţări din lume care a folosit aviaţia în scop militar. La 27 septembrie, în timpul manevrelor militare regale, desfășurate în Oltenia, același Aurel Vlaicu efectuează un zbor de 35 de minute de la Slatina la Piatra Olt, transportând un document și făcând legătura între două comandamente ale aceluiași corp de armată. Revăd, cu ochii minţii, dezvoltarea spectaculoasă pe care a avut-o Aviaţia militară română în următorii ani. Apar terenurile de zbor, hangarele, avioanele, piloţii, jertfele… Lângă Aurel Vlaicu îi așez pe sublocotenentul Ștefan Protopopescu, primul ofiţer brevetat pilot al Armatei române, la 9 iulie 1911, și pe locotenentul Gheorghe Caranda, primul român care și-a pierdut viaţa într-un accident de zbor, la 20 iunie 1912. Anul 1913 a consacrat Aviaţia militară română ca armă de sine stătătoare, prin Legea din 1 aprilie și, în urma participării României la cel de-al Doilea Război Balcanic, această nouă armă și-a demonstrat viabilitatea.
  • „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea Buridava Xi

    „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea Buridava Xi

    MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN „AURELIAN SACERDOŢEANU” VÂLCEA BURIDAVA XI MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN „AURELIAN SACERDOŢEANU” VÂLCEA BURIDAVA studii şi materiale XI Râmnicu Vâlcea 2013-2014 Colegiul ştiinţific: Prof. univ.dr. Ioan Godea Prof.univ.dr. Sabin Adrian Luca Prof. univ.dr. Cristian Schuster Lect. univ.dr. Silviu Purece Colegiul de redacţie: Claudiu Tulugea Aurel – redactor şef Ion Tuţulescu Ionuţ Dumitrescu Elena Mitrana Carol Terteci – secretar de redacţie Tehnoredactare: Carol Terteci Corectură şi traduceri rezumate: Ana-Maria Tulugea, Andreea Beca Coperta şi machetare: Marius-Cristian Drăghicean Editura OFFSETCOLOR ISSN 0258-140X Revistă acreditată CNCS la categoria C (2012), cod PN-II-ACRED-AR-2012-0172 Întreaga responsabilitate juridică pentru conţinutul articolelor le revine autorilor. MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN “AURELIAN SACERDOŢEANU” VÂLCEA Adresa: Calea lui Traian, nr.143, Râmnicu Vâlcea, ROMÂNIA Tel/fax: 0250/738121 E-mail: [email protected] Tipar executat de Tipografia OFFSETCOLOR Râmnicu Vâlcea Strada Calea lui Traian, nr. 47, Tel/fax: 0250/732522 E-mail: [email protected] CUPRINS ARHEOLOGIE Marin Cârciumaru – L’integration des cultures materielles paleolithique dans le schema chronoclimatique du Pleistocene Superieur en Roumanie ……........... 7 Tuţulescu Ion, Părăuşanu Ovidiu – Câteva contribuţii la topoarele de tip Jászladány din depozitele Muzeului Judeţean „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea 17 Laurenţiu Mecu – Consideraţii privind structurile de locuire şi anexele lor în culturile Glina şi Tei ............................................................................................
  • Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Against King Carol

    Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Against King Carol

    Reluctant Allies? Iuliu Maniu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu against King Carol II of Romania Introduction Iuliu Maniu is today regarded as the principle upholder of democratic and constitutional propriety in interwar Romania. As leader of the Romanian National Peasant Party throughout much of the interwar period and the Second World War, he is generally considered to have tried to steer Romania away from dictatorship and towards democracy. Nevertheless, in 1947 Maniu was arrested and tried for treason together with other leaders of the National Peasant Party by the communist authorities. The charges brought against Maniu included having links to the ‘terrorist’ and fascist Romanian Legionary movement (also known as the Iron Guard). The prosecutors drew attention not only to the entry of former legionaries into National Peasant Party organizations in the autumn of 1944, but also to Maniu’s electoral non- aggression pact of 1937 with the Legionary movement’s leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. The pact had been drawn up to prevent the incumbent National Liberal government manipulating the elections of December 1937. Maniu had subsequently acted as defence a witness at Codreanu’s trial in 1938. 1 Since the legionaries were regarded by the communists as the agents of Nazism in Romania, Maniu was accordingly accused of having encouraged the growth of German influence and fascism in Romania.2 Maniu was sentenced to life imprisonment and died in Sighet prison in 1953. Possibly no single act of Maniu’s interwar career was more condemned within Romanian communist historiography than his electoral pact with the allegedly Nazi- 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă (ed.), Procesul lui Iuliu Maniu, Documentele procesului conducătorilor Partidului Naţional Ţărănesc, 3 volumes, Bucharest, 2001, vol.