Consolidating Democracy in South Africa

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Consolidating Democracy in South Africa Consolidating Democracy in South Africa 18–20 August 1999 Holiday Inn Umtata Table of Contents Introduction 5 Prof. Roy du Pré, Dean: Faculty of Arts and Professor of History, University of Transkei (Unitra) Opening Remarks 7 Xoliswa Jozana, Dept. of Political Studies, Unitra Welcoming Remarks 9 Dr Michael Lange, Resident Representative, Konrad Adenauer Foundation Keynote Address: Consolidating Democracy in South Africa 13 Prof. Wiseman Nkuhlu, Development Bank of South Africa, Midrand Consolidating Democracy in Eastern Europe After the Collapse of Communism, 17 With Special Reference to Russia Dr Anita McCreath, Dept. of Russian Studies, Unisa Consolidating Democracy in Southern Africa, With Special Reference to Namibia 23 Prof. Tapera Chirawu, Dept. of Political Science, University of Namibia The Silent Revolution: the Aids Pandemic and the Military in South Africa 29 Dr Robert Shell, Population Research Unit, Rhodes University, East London South Africa’s Three-in-One Revolution 43 Allister Sparks, SABC Television, Johannesburg The 1999 Election and the Prospects of Consolidating Democracy in South Africa 49 Prof. Alexander Johnston, School of Undergraduate Studies, University of Natal Crime, Corruption, and Democracy in South Africa 57 Dr Constanze Bauer, Dept. of Public Administration, Vista University 3 Table of Contents Unemployment, Poverty and Democracy in South Africa 67 Dr Tembeka Mpako-Ntusi, Dept. of Social Work, Unitra Racism and Democracy in South Africa 71 Anthony Johnson, Reader’s Digest, Cape Town Effective and Efficient Multilingualism in the Building of a Democratic South Africa or 75 Linguistic Hegemony and Marginalisation Dr Kathleen Heugh, Project for the Study of Alternative Education in South Africa (PRAESA), UCT Globalisation and Democracy: Reconciling Economic and Political Liberalism in South Africa 83 Dr Meenal Shrivastava, Dept. of Political Studies, Unitra Racial Categorisation: Threats to South Africa’s Fledgling Democracy 87 Prof. Roy du Pré, Dean: Faculty of Arts and Professor of History, Unitra Consolidating Democracy in South Africa: the New National Party Perspective 101 Francois Beukman, NNP Spokesperson, Constitutional Affairs Consolidating Democracy in South Africa: the African Christian Democratic 105 Party Perspective JoAnn Downs, ACDP MMP Towards Consolidating Democracy in South Africa, With Special Reference to the 107 Concept of Self-Determination Dr Petrus Liebenberg, Director, Foundation for the Study of Minorities in South Africa Democracy and Human Rights 115 Pansy Tlakula, South African Human Rights Commission Democratic Consolidation in South Africa: Weaknesses and Pitfalls 119 Xoliswa Jozana, Dept. of Political Studies, Unitra Programme 125 Participants’ List 129 Seminar Reports 133 Occasional Paper Series 135 4 Introduction For the first time in its history, South Africa experienced a non-racial, one-person, one-vote democratic election in April 1994. This election was considered a miracle by most South Africans after 44 years of apartheid rule. International observers considered it one of the most remarkable in history and a first of its kind for Africa. What made this first democratic election notable was the absence of violence. In fact none of the well publicised fears were realised. South Africa experienced a remarkably peaceful election and a stable period thereafter. Despite predictions to the contrary, the new government made encouraging strides. Laws were passed which entrenched human rights; which turned the police service around, protected workers, and which recognised the rights of domestic workers, the poor, children, the abused, the aged and the downtrodden. In 1999 South Africa went to the polls a second time. Against the odds, and in the face of dire warn- ings, South Africa had survived five years of “black” rule. The scorecard of the ANC government showed that while there were areas of concern, the government had passed its first test. Consolidating our fledgling democracy therefore began to loom large as the next important step deserving attention. Because of the importance of consolidating a young democracy in South Africa, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, in collaboration with the Faculty of Arts of the University of Transkei, organised a confer- ence from 18 to 20 August 1999. The international conference on Consolidating Democracy in South Africa met at Umtata, Eastern Cape, South Africa to examine ways to achieve this aim. The organisers provided a forum for academics, non-governmental organisations, politicians, political parties, govern- ment spokespersons and others to discuss dimensions in the consolidation of democracy in this country. The first objective of this conference was to compare and contrast democracy in other countries with that in South Africa. Speakers were invited from a variety of backgrounds and countries so that a com- parative perspective of democracy could be gained. Academic papers addressed the problems, nature and trends in democracy in regions and countries such as Central America, Eastern Europe and Russia, and Zambia and Namibia. Academics, political activists, journalists and researchers examined the developments – negative and positive – which led to the establishment of a democratic dispensation in this country. A number of speakers examined the threats to democracy in South Africa, while others looked at positive steps being taken to consolidate democracy. A second objective of the conference was to bring together representatives of the established and repre- sented political parties in South Africa. Representatives not only presented their parties’ views on democracy and how they saw it, but made suggestions on how they could contribute towards strength- ening and broadening democracy. 5 Introduction The third objective of the conference was to find ways to strengthen and consolidate democracy in South Africa. While it was accepted that a conference of this nature could not hope to find all the solu- tions and the answers, it nevertheless provided a forum for political and other interested parties to meet, discuss, debate and identify issues. It is to be hoped that by publishing a representative sample of some of the papers presented at the conference, we can stimulate debate and provide a basis for an on-going examination of ways to strengthen democracy in South Africa and provide an example for Africa to emulate. It is the hope of the organisers that the democratic miracle in South Africa will not turn out to be a mirage or a flash in the pan, and that this conference will have begun a debate which looks at ways to strengthen what we have and to ensure that a solid and secure political dispensation is left for future generations. Moreover, it is our earnest desire to prove that democracy can work in Africa. Professor Roy du Pré Dean: Faculty of Arts and Professor of History University of Transkei 6 Opening Remarks Xoliswa Jozana INTRODUCTION ly, an attempt, albeit limited, has been made by The current conjuncture of democratisation in David Beetham who proposes a “two-election Africa raises one fundamental question: what test” by which an incumbent government are the prospects for the consolidation of which came to power through free and fair democracy in Africa? We are gathered here elections is defeated at subsequent elections today to discuss the prospects for the consoli- and accepts the verdict of the ballot box. In dation of democracy in South Africa. In assess- other words, the defeated incumbent govern- ing the prospects for the consolidation of ment must respect the wishes of the people and democracy in Africa, political analysts have forego the spoils of the office. More important- asked different questions and have employed a ly, as Beetham argues, democracy can be variety of criteria. deemed to be consolidated when a government Christopher Clapham and John Wisemen rec- is “capable of withstanding pressures and ommend “a minimalist system of democracy”. shocks”, including the shock of dissent and By this they mean a system in which there is opposition (1994). However, while the transfer political competition between political parties of power to the opposition is a vital ingredient in free and fair elections and which allows for of democracy, a robust and sustainable democ- the real possibility of alternative parties and the racy requires more than a merely procedural involvement of civil society in the public form of democracy. realm. In defense of this conception of democ- racy, they argue that their model of “a merely 2. BEYOND ELECTORALISM procedural form of democracy” does represent Meaningful democracy goes beyond electoral- “a marked improvement on the level of democ- ism to include the improvement of the material racy that most African states have hitherto conditions of the people and the fulfillment of experienced (Clapham and Wisemen, 1997: their expectations. Zambia is a case in point. 220). Should we stop at this conceptualisation There was a successful transfer of power to the in our search for factors and indices of a gen- opposition in that country, but its democracy uine democratic consolidation in South Africa? was threatened when President Frederick Chi- Does electoralism or formal political democra- luba’s government failed to meet the expecta- cy really constitute a path to the consolidation tions of the ordinary people in the country. of democracy? What do we mean by consolida- There was a real danger to Zambia’s democra- tion and how do we judge a consolidated cy when the restive
Recommended publications
  • SA-GENEALOGIE Poslys Jaargang X Maand 2 Saamgestel Deur
    SA-GENEALOGIE Poslys Argiewe 2013 Jaargang X Maand 2 Februarie 2013 Saamgestel deur: Pieter L van der Merwe KWYTSKELDING Hierdie argief is nie ’n amptelike, wetlike dokument nie, maar ’n samestelling van die e-posse van verskillende lede van die SA Genealogie Gesprekslys soos dit gedurende die tydperk ingestuur was. Die lyseienaars en hulle bestuurspan aanvaar dus geen aanspreeklikheid vir die korrektheid van gegewens, sienings oor bepaalde gebeure, interpretasie en samestelling van familieverwantskappe, of vir enige aksies of verlies wat daaruit mag voortspruit nie, en stel voor dat persone wat hierdie bron gebruik, self eers die gegewens kontroleer. Februarie 2013 Bundels (Sprokkelmaand) Onderwerp: [SA-Gen] Bundel Nommer 5761 Datum: Fri Feb 1, 2013 Daar is 11 boodskappe in hierdie uitgawe Onderwerpe in hierdie bundel: 1a Re: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? by "Alta Roux" altaroux55 1b Re: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? by "Jaco Strauss" jacostrauss 2a Re: Die debat: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? by "Carika Matthews" carikamatthews 2b Re: Die debat: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? by "Louis Hurn" ljhurn 2c Re: Die debat: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? by "Lorraine Jordaan" 3a Re: LDS Johannesburg NG Kerk dope by "fh_kriel" fh_kriel 4a SAG Marsh by "Carika Matthews" carikamatthews 4b SAG Marsh by "Maureen McCleland" [email protected] 5 nuwe woorde op 'n ou wysie? - Voetspore. by "Alta Roux" altaroux55 6 Engelbrecht navraag by "Marie" mariegreyvenstein 7a Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? - die EINDE aub. by "Annelie Els" engelkind2000 Messages 1a Re: Segregation and exclusion in civil death indexing? Fri Feb 1, 2013 1:30 am (PST) .
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Hearts and Minds in the Namibian Border War
    85 WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS IN THE NAMIBIAN BORDER WAR Lieneke Eloff de Visser1 Abstract During the Namibian border war, South African counterinsurgency doctrine acknowledged the importance of securing the allegiance and cooperation of the population. This article demonstrates that, in the operational zone, the responsibility of winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian people largely fell to the SADF (South African Defence Force). Although the SADF dedicated considerable resources to this task, these efforts were often at cross-purposes with those of institutions in the political, police and administrative domains. In addition, there was a lack of unity and purpose within the SADF. This article argues that lack of unity between and within the different domains undermined the effort at winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian population, and must at least partly have contributed to SWAPO´s victory in the 1989 elections. Introduction In devising appropriate responses to the challenges of the Namibian border war (1974–1989), the South African military drew on the work of C.A. „Pop‟ Fraser and John McCuen. Fraser, a WWII veteran, became Chief of Joint Operations of the South African Defence Force in 1966. In an unpublished study entitled Lessons learnt from past revolutionary wars, released in the early sixties, Fraser distilled the basic principles of counterinsurgency warfare from the work of authors such as Galula and Trinquier. McCuen served in staff and command positions in the United States Army in Vietnam, Thailand, Germany and Indonesia. While serving on the US Army General Staff in 1966 his book, The Art of Counter-Revolutionary War – The Strategy of Counter-Insurgency, was published.
    [Show full text]
  • An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan As Prime Minister, 1948–1954
    An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan as Prime Minister, 1948–1954 LINDIE KOORTS Department of Historical Studies, University of Johannesburg This article tells the behind-the-scenes tale of the first apartheid Cabinet under Dr D.F. Malan. Based on the utilisation of prominent Nationalists’ private documents, it traces an ageing Malan’s response to a changing international context, the chal- lenge to his leadership by a younger generation of Afrikaner nationalists and the early, haphazard implementation of the apartheid policy. In order to safeguard South Africa against sanctions by an increasingly hostile United Nations, Malan sought America’s friendship by participating in the Korean War and British protection in the Security Council by maintaining South Africa’s Commonwealth membership. In the face of decolonisation, Malan sought to uphold the Commonwealth as the preserve of white-ruled states. This not only caused an outcry in Britain, but it also brought about a backlash within his own party. The National Party’s republican wing, led by J.G. Strijdom, was adamant that South Africa should be a republic outside the Commonwealth. This led to numerous clashes in the Cabinet and parliamentary caucus. Malan and his Cabinet’s energies were consumed by these internecine battles. The systematisation of the apartheid policy and the coordination of its implementation received little attention. Malan’s disengaged leadership style implies that he knew little of the inner workings of the various government departments for which he, as Prime Minister, was ultimately responsible. The Cabinet’s internal disputes about South Africa’s constitutional status and the removal of the Coloured franchise ultimately served as lightning conductors for a larger issue: the battle for the party’s leadership, which came to a head in 1954.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid, Liberalism and Romance a Critical Investigation of the Writing of Joy Packer
    UNIVERSITY OF UMEÅ DISSERTATION ISSN 0345-0155 ISBN 91-7191-140-5 From the Department of English, Faculty of Humanities, Umeå University, Sweden Apartheid, Liberalism and Romance A Critical Investigation of the Writing of Joy Packer AN ACADEMIC DISSERTATION which will, on the proper authority of the Chancellor’s Office of Umeå University for passing the doctoral examination, be publicly defended in hörsal F, Humanisthuset, on Friday, 23rd February 1996, at 3.15 p.m. John A Stotesbury Umeå University Umeå 1996 Abstract This is the first full-length study of the writing of the South African Joy Packer (1905-1977), whose 17 works of autobiography and romantic fiction were primarily popular. Packer’s writing, which appeared mainly between 1945 and 1977, blends popular narrative with contemporary social and political discourses. Her first main works, three volumes of memoirs published between 1945 and 1953, cover her experience of a wide area of the world before, during and after the Second World War: South Africa, Britain, the Mediterranean and the Balkans, and China. In the early 1950s she also toured extensive areas of colonial "Darkest Africa." When Packer retired to the Cape with her British husband, Admiral Sir Herbert Packer, after an absence of more than 25 years, she adopted fiction as an alternative literary mode. Her subsequent production, ten popular romantic novels and a further three volumes of memoirs, is notable for the density of its sociopolitical commentary on contemporary South Africa. This thesis takes as its starting-point the dilemma, formulated by the South African critic Dorothy Driver, of the white woman writing within a colonial environment which compels her to adopt contradictory, ambivalent and oblique discursive stances and strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa
    South Africa r OR THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1990 was one of the most dra- matic, exciting, and, at the same time, bewildering periods in recent history. It was a year in which radical government action hastened the dismantling of apartheid and further threatened the traditionally dominant and privileged position of whites. Jews shared the anxieties of other whites about the future and were also mindful of their own potential role as scapegoats during the painful adjustments to come. They were worried, too, about the apparent growth of black anti-Semitism and how this might afiFect them in the new South Africa.' National Affairs On February 2, 1990, Pres. F.W. de Klerk stated in his opening speech to Parliament that the government had decided to lift the ban on all prohibited organi- zations, including the African National Congress (ANC), as well as to release, unconditionally, ANC leader Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. Fur- thermore, the three-year-old "state of emergency" would be relaxed in regard to media curbs, conditions imposed on released emergency detainees, and restrictions on some 33 organizations. He also announced the repeal of the Separate Amenities Act of 1953, which comprised the discriminatory laws generally referred to as "petty apartheid." De Klerk's speech marked the beginning of a new phase in the process of political reform that had been initiated more than a decade earlier by his predecessor, P. W. Botha, in response to growing doubts within the National party about the continued viability of apartheid and to various political and economic developments during the late 1960s and 1970s.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • David Goldblatt: the Art of Capturing a New Truth
    6/26/2018 Op-Ed: David Goldblatt: The Art of Capturing a New truth OP-ED David Goldblatt: The Art of Capturing a New truth By Pippa Green • 26 June 2018 David Goldblatt (Sally Shorkend for Empire magazine) 12 Reactions At a rally of far-right Afrikaners, Goldblatt kept his lens trained on Constand Viljoen in the front row. Viljoen clutched the hand of his wife, Ristie, grim-faced, as she wept while Terre’blanche raged. It was the moment of truth about the dissolution of the right-wing backlash. Follow Save About three months before the first democratic election, I went with David Goldblatt to a rally of far-right Afrikaners who hoped to organise resistance – armed if necessary – to the forthcoming democracy. https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-06-26-david-goldblatt-the-art-of-capturing-a-new-truth/?tl_inbound=1&tl_groups[0]=80895&tl_period… 1/10 6/26/2018 Op-Ed: David Goldblatt: The Art of Capturing a New truth It was the story the international press had been waiting for. Scores of photographers and journalists were there, as was the far-right leader Eugene Terre’blanche, head of the Afrikaner Weerstands Beweging (AWB). So too was Constand Viljoen, the former Defence Force head, whom the right-wing had anointed a year before as their reluctant saviour. Viljoen’s talk about a peaceful route to a “Volkstaat” did not cut it that night with the openly racist and belligerent crowd. He tried to preach his message of peace against angry shouts of “nou, nou, nou” (Now, now, now).
    [Show full text]
  • Afrikaner Values in Post-Apartheid South Africa: an Anthropological Perspective
    AFRIKANER VALUES IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE WRITTEN BY: JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE NOVEMBER 2009 ii AFRIKANER VALUES IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE BY JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE STUDENT NUMBER: 2005076118 This thesis/dissertation was submitted in accordance with the conditions and requirements for the degree of: Ph.D. in the Faculty of the Humanities Department of Anthropology University of the Free State Bloemfontein Supervisor: Prof. P.A. Erasmus Department of Anthropology University of the Free State Bloemfontein iii DECLARATION I, Jan Petrus van der Merwe, herewith declare that this thesis, which was submitted in fulfilment of the requirements pertaining to my doctorate in Anthropology at the University of the Free State, is my own independent work. Furthermore, I declare that this thesis has never been submitted at any other university or tertiary training centre for academic consideration. In addition, I hereby cede all copyright in respect of my doctoral thesis to the University of the Free State. .............................................................. ................................... JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE DATUM iv INDEX DESCRIPTION PAGE PREAMBLE 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 5 1.1 Problem statement and objectives 5 1.2 Clarification of concepts 7 1.2.1 Values as an aspect of culture 7 1.2.2 Values as identity 11 1.2.3 Values as narrative 14 1.2.4 Religion values as part of Afrikaner identity 16 1.2.5 Values as morality 17 1.2.6 Culture and identification
    [Show full text]
  • Madikizela's a Human Being Died That Night
    History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele’s The cry of Winnie Mandela and Pumla Gobodo- Madikizela’s A human being died that night Ralph Goodman Department of English University of Stellenbosch STELLENBOSCH E-pos: [email protected] Abstract History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele’s The cry of Winnie Mandela and Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s A human being died that night This article deals with two texts written during the process of transition in South Africa, using them to explore the cultural and ethical complexity of that process. Both Njabulo Ndebele’s “The cry of Winnie Mandela” and Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s “A human being died that night” deal with controversial public figures, Winnie Mandela and Eugene de Kock respectively, whose role in South African history has made them part of the national iconography. Ndebele and Gobodo-Madikizela employ narrative techniques that expose and exploit faultlines in the popular representations of these figures. The two texts offer radical ways of understanding the communal and individual suffering caused by apartheid, challenging readers to respond to the past in ways that will promote healing rather than perpetuate a spirit of revenge. The part played by official histories is implicitly questioned and the role of individual stories is shown to be crucial. Forgiveness and reconciliation are seen as dependent on an awareness of the complex circumstances and the humanity of those who are labelled as offenders. This requirement applies especially to the case of “A human being died that night”, a text that insists that the overt Literator 27(2) Aug. 2006:1-20 ISSN 0258-2279 1 History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele ..
    [Show full text]
  • EB145 Opt.Pdf
    E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri­ In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem­ can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun­ Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree­ part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo­ the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im­ Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de­ The council's declaration pro­ a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]