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Unwritten Alliance”: the Policy of a Persuasive Approximation Between Brazil and the United States (1889-1906)

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Unwritten Alliance”: the Policy of a Persuasive Approximation Between Brazil and the United States (1889-1906) FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS CENTRO DE PESQUISA E DOCUMENTAÇÃO DE HISTÓRIA CONTEMPORÂNEA DO BRASIL – CPDOC PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA, POLÍTICA E BENS CULTURAIS MESTRADO ACADÊMICO EM HISTÓRIA, POLÍTICA E BENS CULTURAIS AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE “UNWRITTEN ALLIANCE”: THE POLICY OF A PERSUASIVE APPROXIMATION BETWEEN BRAZIL AND THE UNITED STATES (1889-1906) BY OLIVIER NICOLAS RONALD FRANÇOIS BODART ACADEMIC ADVISOR: PROF. MATIAS SPEKTOR Rio de Janeiro, November 2018 FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS CENTRO DE PESQUISA E DOCUMENTAÇÃO DE HISTÓRIA CONTEMPORÂNEA DO BRASIL – CPDOC PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA, POLÍTICA E BENS CULTURAIS MESTRADO ACADÊMICO EM HISTÓRIA, POLÍTICA E BENS CULTURAIS AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE “UNWRITTEN ALLIANCE”: THE POLICY OF A PERSUASIVE APPROXIMATION BETWEEN BRAZIL AND THE UNITED STATES (1889-1906) BY OLIVIER NICOLAS RONALD FRANÇOIS BODART Master dissertation in History, Politics and Cultural Assets presented to Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil – CPDOC as partially required to obtain a Master degree in History. Rio de Janeiro, November 2018 Ficha catalográfica elaborada pela Biblioteca Mario Henrique Simonsen/FGV Bodart, Olivier Nicolas Ronald François An alternative to the "unwritten alliance" : the policy of a persuasive approximation between Brazil and the United States (1889-1906) / Olivier Nicolas Ronald François. – 2018. 145 f. Dissertação (mestrado) – Escola de Ciências Sociais da Fundação Getulio Vargas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, Política e Bens Culturais. Orientador: Matias Spektor. Inclui bibliografia. 1. Diplomacia. 2. Rio Branco, José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Barão do, 1845-1912. 3. Brasil - Relações exteriores - Estados Unidos. 4. Estados Unidos - Relações exteriores - Brasil. I. Spektor, Matias. II. Escola de Ciências Sociais da Fundação Getulio Vargas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, Política e Bens Culturais. III.Título. CDD – 327.2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Although the act of academic writing is often a solitary moment, the research part definitely represents a collaborative work with a tremendous amount of people involved and innumerous gratifying experiences en route. First of all, I would like to give a special thank you to my advisor, Prof. Matias Spektor, for always giving me pertinent comments and precious guidance along each step of my research, and my academic career. I also would like to stress the generosity of Profs. Alexandre Luís Moreli Rocha, Maurício Santoro, João Daniel Lima de Almeida, Rodrigo Goyena Soares, Oliver Stuenkel, and Guilherme Casarões for their availability and their enthusiasm in listening and reading about my project; always providing me some useful feedback. I am also thankful for the great influence, in many ways, that this dissertation received thanks to the entire staff from the Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC) from Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), in Rio de Janeiro. I am very grateful to the Boards of Directors from Fundação Getulio Vargas for allowing me to do this research with the help of a grant. The dedicated employees, trainees and volunteers from the National Archives (NARA I and II) at College Park, Maryland, United States of America and from the Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, Ministério das Relações Exteriores in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil who support me in my historical archives research deserved all my admiration for their professionalism. Last but certainly not least, thank you for the support of my family in Brazil and in Belgium. Much gratitude, admiration and love are dedicated to my spouse, Joselita, for her precious understanding, generous advice and kind patience during my endless moments of studies and writing. I cannot miss to give a very special gros bisous to my son, Basílio, who was born during the course of this dissertation and gave me more strength and maturity to achieve my goals. I am sure you all feel as proud and victorious as I am after having accomplished this intellectual challenge. “Nations move more for interests than feelings”1 “The persuasive means are, in my opinion, the single ones to be made use of, in order to succeed in delicate negotiations like these, by a nation like Brazil that does not enjoy sufficient power to impose its will on an important military power”2 1 Translation from the author: “As nações se movem mais por interesses que por sentimentos”. Minister Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil, Brazilian legation in Buenos Aires to J. M. da Silva Paranhos do Rio-Branco, State Minister of foreign Relations, March, 30th, 1906, n°2, p. 4. File: 405-5-17, reservado. Buenos Aires Oficios, 1906-1908, Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Rio de Janeiro. 2 Translation from the author: ALSINA, João Paulo Soares. Rio-Branco, Grande Estratégia e o Poder Naval. Editora FGV, 2015, apud Ricupero, 1995: 54, pp. 128. ABSTRACT This work aims at presenting an alternative version to the unwritten alliance that commonly describes the U.S. and Brazil relations at the beginning of the 20th century when they became closer and more intense. By unpacking the foreign policy strategies of each party and the perception of power towards each other, it appeared that Washington and Rio de Janeiro shared a perception of international changes as far as hemispherical matters. This converged into a persuasive approximation that mainly served Brazilian interests to contain the Argentine republic’s ambitions and divergent influences; without nonetheless the need to officialize the specific relation. Keywords: U.S.-Brazil relationship, Argentina, Approximation, Perception, Rio Branco. RESUMO Este trabalho busca apresentar uma versão alternativa à aliança não-escrita que comumente descreve as relações entre os Estados Unidos e o Brasil no início do século XX quando elas ficaram mais próximas e intensas. Ao desfazer as políticas externas de cada ator e a percepção perante cada um, concluímos que Washington e Rio de Janeiro compartilhavam uma percepção das mudanças internacionais no âmbito hemisférico. Isto convergiu em uma aproximação persuasiva para o Brasil poder conter as ambições de poder e de influência divergentes da República Argentina; sem contudo a necessidade de oficializar esta específica relação. Palavras-Chave: E.U.-Brasil relações, Argentina, Aproximação, Percepção, Rio Branco. RÉSUMÉ Cette étude a pour objectif de présenter une version alternative de l’alliance non- écrite qui généralement décrit les relations entre les États-Unis et le Brésil au début du XXe siècle lorsque celles-ci sont devenues plus proches et plus intenses. En dénouant les politiques étrangères de chaque protagoniste mais aussi en analysant la perception de chacun de l’autre, il apparaît que Washington et Rio de Janeiro partageaient une perception des changements internationaux en rapport au continent américain. Cela a convergé vers un rapprochement persuasif au service du Brésil afin de principalement contenir les ambitions de pouvoir et d’influence divergentes de la République d’Argentine; sans toutefois la nécessité de rendre officielle cette spécifique relation. Mots-Clés: Relations U.S.-Brésil, Argentine, Rapprochement, Perception, Rio Branco. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 1 CHAPTER 1 | U.S. and Brazil Domestic Asymmetry - 1889-1901 //////////////////////// 24 1.1. U.S. Domestic Politics For International Ambitions ////////////////////////////////////// 24 1.2. Settling U.S. Foreign Policy: Between Legacy And Progressive Principles ////// 26 1.3. Washington “Offensive” Foreign Policy Toolbox ///////////////////////////////////////// 28 1.3.1. 20th Century’s Monroe Doctrine: Universal Projection //////////////////////// 29 1.3.2. Pan-American Conferences And Pan-Americanism Ideals //////////////////// 32 1.4. T. Roosevelt’s Ambitious International Project ///////////////////////////////////////////// 35 1.5. Hemispherical Reactions To U.S. Vision Of International Order //////////////////// 36 1.6. Brazilian Domestic Level: Instability In Changes ////////////////////////////////////////// 39 1.7. Brazilian Foreign Policy Reorientation //////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 43 1.7.1. U.S.-Brazil: First Pragmatic Approximation Attempt /////////////////////////// 45 1.7.2. Brazilian’s Perception Regarding The U.S. ///////////////////////////////////////// 46 1.8. Perception of Power Distribution In South America ////////////////////////////////////// 49 1.8.1. Argentina As A “Special” Neighbor /////////////////////////////////////////////////// 50 1.8.2. Tariffs War Between The U.S. And Argentina ////////////////////////////////////// 51 1.8.3. Brazilian Concerns About Argentina’s Naval Power //////////////////////////// 53 1.9. Conclusions /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 54 CHAPTER 2 | New Perceptions of Power in the Americas - 1902-1904 //////////////// 57 2.1. U.S. Moral Foreign Policy ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 58 2.1.1. The White House’s Perception About The South Of The Americas ///////// 59 2.1.2 The U.S. Department Of State’s Views Towards South America ///////////// 61 2.2. South American Perception Of Power ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 63 2.2.1. Brazilian Gains vs. Argentine Losses ////////////////////////////////////////////////// 63 2.2.2. Double “B”: Bolivia And Bolivian Syndicate
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