DOCSLIB.ORG

Democracy's Plight in the European Neighbourhood

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Democracy's Plight in the European Neighbourhood DEMOCRACY’S PLIGHT IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD DEMOCRACY’S PLIGHT IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD STRUGGLING TRANSITIONS AND PROLIFERATING DYNASTIES MICHAEL EMERSON AND RICHARD YOUNGS (EDITORS) LEILA ALIEVA SENEM AYDIN DÜZGIT ALEXANDER BOGOMOLOV HAKIM DARBOUCHE RICHARD GIRAGOSIAN BALAZS JARABIK KRISTINA KAUSCH GEORGE KHUTSISHVILI ELENA KLITSOUNOVA ALEXANDER LYTVYNENKO NEIL J. MELVIN ALINA MUNGIU-PIPPIDI GERGANA NOUTCHEVA VESNA PEŠIĆ NICU POPESCU DINA SHEHATA VITALI SILICKI ANDREW WILSON CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. CEPS Paperbacks present analysis and views by leading experts on important questions in the arena of European public policy, written in a style geared to an informed but generalist readership. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated. Cover photo: Taken by Serouj on the fifth day of Armenian presidential election protests, the photo shows a peaceful rally at the Opera (Freedom) Square in Yerevan, 24 February 2008. ISBN 978-92-9079-926-9 © Copyright 2009, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS Preface Richard Youngs .................................................................................................. i 1. The Long and Hazardous Route to Democracy: Introduction and Conclusions Michael Emerson ............................................................................................... 1 Part I. States in or close to the European Union ........................................... 31 2. Bulgaria: Rule of Law Wanted Gergana Noutcheva ......................................................................................... 32 3. Romania: Outsmarting the EU’s Smart Power Alina Mungiu-Pippidi..................................................................................... 41 4. Serbia’s State Capture Vesna Pešić ...................................................................................................... 49 5. Turkey: Internal and External Challenges of Democratisation Senem Aydın Düzgit....................................................................................... 57 Part II. States of the former Soviet Union...................................................... 67 6. Georgia’s Degenerative Transition George Khutsishvili ......................................................................................... 68 7. Ukraine’s Bottom-up Democracy Alexander Bogomolov & Alexander Lytvynenko ............................................ 76 8. Armenia’s Crisis for the Non-Democrats Richard Giragosian.......................................................................................... 84 9. Moldova’s Fragile Pluralism Nicu Popescu & Andrew Wilson..................................................................... 92 10. Russia’s Response: Sovereign Democracy Strikes Back Elena Klitsounova.......................................................................................... 103 11. Azerbaijan: Power in the Petro-State Leila Alieva .................................................................................................... 112 12. Kazakhstan: Modernisation First Neil J. Melvin................................................................................................. 120 13. Belarus: Into the Buffer Zone Balazs Jarabik & Vitali Silicki........................................................................ 130 Part III. From the Arab Mediterranean Region........................................... 139 14. Morocco: Smart Authoritarianism Refined Kristina Kausch ............................................................................................. 140 15. Algeria’s Chequered Democracy Experiment Hakim Darbouche .......................................................................................... 148 16. Egypt and the Retreat of Liberalisation Dina Shehata.................................................................................................. 156 About the Authors............................................................................................. 164 PREFACE n recent years many analysts have focused their attention on an apparent ‘backlash’ against democracy and democracy promotion. I Worldwide there is now a widespread contention that new challenges and obstacles have arisen to further progress in democratisation. FRIDE and CEPS have previously cooperated on exploring the general nature of the ‘backlash’.1 In this volume we turn to a more specific European neighbourhood focus, and explore the general issues relating to democracy’s travails in more detail in the countries to the south and east of the European Union. The underlying question is whether, in an era of democratic pessimism, the European neighbourhood can offer any more optimistic conclusions. Parts of the region remain subject to the gravitational pull of the basic democratic values and fundamental freedoms at the heart of the European Union. Yet even here there are uncertainties over the strength and extent of this pull factor. In the Balkans there remain serious obstacles to achieving well-functioning democratic governance systems, even among new member states such as Bulgaria and Romania. While the European neighbourhood policy proclaims its objective to widen the democratic space beyond its frontiers, and countries such as Georgia and Ukraine have manifest European ambitions, the EU’s unwillingness to extend official membership perspectives dampens the incentives for democratic reforms. The ‘colour revolutions’ have become disappointing experiences. The EU itself suffers from acute problems of reconciling its enlargement and deepening with democratic legitimacy. This dampens the credibility of further expansion. In the EU’s Southern Mediterranean neighbourhood, there have been attempts by France to re-energise the Barcelona process, but here securitisation appears to be the pre-eminent dynamic. 1 P. Burnell & R. Youngs (eds), Democratisation’s New Challenges, London: Routledge, 2009, forthcoming. | i ii | RICHARD YOUNGS In this context we asked a group of experts to write short essays covering fifteen different case studies from across the neighbourhood region, assessing a common range of questions: 1. Is democratisation now in retreat, or just stagnating? Do we risk exaggerating the importance of recent setbacks? Why did the colour revolutions in Eastern Europe stumble, rather than lead to a cascade of imitators? 2. What is happening to the normative appeal of democracy? Are there emerging ideological competitors to liberal politics? Do serious, sustainable alternatives to democracy exist? 3. What is the changing impact of certain structural factors, such as the perceived threat of radical Islam in countries of Muslim culture, corrupt state capture, energy resources and rent-seeking behaviour, and the movement towards multipolarity? How does the financial crisis impact on political trends? 4. How have external democracy promotion efforts evolved and been received? Is international democracy promotion running out of steam? 5. Is the influence of the ‘Europeanisation’ process on democratic practice still advancing? What has been the impact of the slowing of the EU’s enlargement process, alongside the limited scope of its neighbourhood policy? Our chapters address these specific questions in three groups of states. First, those countries in or close to the European Union: Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Turkey. Second, states of the former Soviet Union: Georgia, Ukraine, Armenia, Moldova, Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Belarus. Third, three Arab states of the southern Mediterranean: Morocco, Algeria and Egypt. We have leant heavily on our authors to offer short and sharp essays that hone in directly on the most pertinent recent developments and policy implications for European democracy promoters. We are honoured as editors to have been able to assemble a group that includes experts renowned for the analysis of their respective countries. Our aim has been to benefit from this wealth of experience and knowledge to offer accessible accounts to policy-makers and those interested in the general political challenges that today beset the European neighbourhood. PREFACE | iii As will become apparent, our case studies offer no simple, uniform answers to these questions. In an introductory overview, Michael Emerson draws out some of the key points of comparison across our case studies in an attempt to respond to the questions we set our authors. In particular, he distinguishes between those countries struggling with democratic transition, on the one hand, and those more deeply resistant to democratic norms, on the other. The headline conclusions are that very different dynamics are at work in different parts of the neighbourhood; the EU’s traction
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Parties and Welfare Associations
    Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Boosting the Model Partnership with the United States
    Turkey and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Boosting the Model Partnership with the United States Kemal Kiriş ci turkey project policy paper Number 2 • September 2013 policy paper Number 2, September 2013 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-European dia- logue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transformation of the European Union; strategies for en- gaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging com- mon strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Italy and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Money Make People Right-Wing and Inegalitarian? IZA DP No
    IZA DP No. 7934 Does Money Make People Right-Wing and Inegalitarian? A Longitudinal Study of Lottery Winners Nattavudh Powdthavee Andrew J. Oswald January 2014 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Does Money Make People Right-Wing and Inegalitarian? A Longitudinal Study of Lottery Winners Nattavudh Powdthavee CEP, London School of Economics, MIAESR, University of Melbourne and IZA Andrew J. Oswald University of Warwick and IZA Discussion Paper No. 7934 January 2014 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Shirt Movements in Interwar Europe: a Totalitarian Fashion
    Ler História | 72 | 2018 | pp. 151-173 SHIRT MOVEMENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE: A TOTALITARIAN FASHION Juan Francisco Fuentes 151 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain [email protected] The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liBeral pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt move- ments embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the Ballot Boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. Keywords: fascism, Nazism, totalitarianism, shirt movements, interwar period. Resumo (PT) no final do artigo. Résumé (FR) en fin d’article. “Of all items of clothing, shirts are the most important from a politi- cal point of view”, Eugenio Xammar, Berlin correspondent of the Spanish newspaper Ahora, wrote in 1932 (2005b, 74). The ability of the body and clothing to sublimate, to conceal or to express the intentions of a political actor was by no means a discovery of interwar totalitarianisms. Antoine de Baecque studied the political dimension of the body as metaphor in eighteenth-century France, paying special attention to the three specific func- tions that it played in the transition from the Ancien Régime to revolutionary France: embodying the state, narrating history and peopling ceremonies.
    [Show full text]
  • BASIC COLOUR TERMS in ENGLISH an Examination of Their Use and Meaning in English Expressions
    UNIVERSITEIT GENT FACULTEIT LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE ____________________ 2006 – 2007 BASIC COLOUR TERMS IN ENGLISH An examination of their use and meaning in English expressions Promotor: Verhandeling voorgelegd aan de Dr. M. Taverniers Faculteit Letteren en Wijsbegeerte voor het verkrijgen van de graad van licentiaat in de Taal- en Letterkunde: Germaanse talen, door Loes Chielens Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. M. Taverniers and Prof. Dr. A-M. Vandenbergen for their advice on how to construct and develop this dissertation. I would also like to thank my family and friends who encouraged and supported me these last months. i Contents 1 Introduction ........................................................................................ 1 2 Aims of this study .............................................................................. 2 3 Survey of relevant literature.............................................................. 4 3.1 Metaphor, metonymy and simile ...........................................................4 3.1.1 Metaphor......................................................................................... 4 3.1.2 Metonymy ....................................................................................... 8 3.1.3 Simile .............................................................................................11 3.2 Collocations and idioms......................................................................12 3.2.1 Collocations ...................................................................................12
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction | 3 Sures Created by Capitalist Transformations
    I NTRODUCTION This book aims to contribute to_ our understanding of the making of right-wing hegemony in Hungary, a country situated on the Euro- pean Union’s eastern periphery. It seeks to do this by shedding light on a popular racist movement that took shape outside the party-po- litical arena in the 2006–2010 period and then went on to play a key role in the unmaking of left -liberal hegemony through its connection to right-wing agendas. This movement has not altogether been ne- glected by scholars and analysts, but its connection to broader eco- nomic and political dynamics and its impact on party politics remain largely misunderstood. Students of racism and xenophobia have failed to recognize the novelty of political anti-Gypsyism, seeing it as an extension of prevalent racist sensibilities, prejudices, and patt erns of discrimination into the political domain at a time of economic and political upheaval. This perspective misses the crucial link between the rise of anti-Gypsyism and the crisis of social reproduction suf- fered by particular segments of the rural population as a result of capitalist transformations connected to global economic trends and, more particularly, Hungary’s accession to the EU. Those who have called att ention to the rise of racism and xenophobia in Hungary have, in other words, failed to see how anti-Gypsyism evolved out of social struggles and reacted to the real and imagined projects of ruling elites. As for political scientists and analysts, they have recog- nized how anti-Gypsyism fueled the rise of the far-right Movement for a Bett er Hungary (Jobbik) but have neglected its impact on main- stream politics and its role in the reconstruction of the state in the pe- riod following the right-wing Alliance of Young Democrats’s (Fidesz) ascent to power in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Bulgarian Nationalism and Russia's Influence Upon It
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2014 The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it. Lin Wenshuang University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Wenshuang, Lin, "The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it." (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1548. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/1548 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Humanities University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Lin Wenshuang All Rights Reserved THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Approved on April 1, 2014 By the following Dissertation Committee __________________________________ Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Environment, and the Rule of Law in Bulgaria
    Articles POLITICS, ENVIRONMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW IN BULGARIA JAMES FRIEDBERG* BRANIMIR ZAIMOV** I. INTRODUCTION The newly aspiring pluralist democracies of Eastern and Central Europe seek civil societies governed by the Rule of Law' and natural environments cleansed of the toxins produced during the Soviet years. These two goals are related and both are uncertain of achievement. Observers from the West and participants from the East hailed the mostly peaceful revolutions of 1989-91 as signaling the advent of the Rule of Law, in triumph over the arbitrary bureaucratic discretion of Communist Party regimes.2 The Communist Party may have fallen throughout the region, but conditions are still problematic for a true Rule of Law. The evils of partisanship, corruption, and bureaucratic arbitrariness are often embedded in the political cultures of these countries, impeding the movement toward democracy and principled * Professor of Law, West Virginia University; Faculty Associate, W.V.U. Regional Research Institute; Co-Investigator, John D. and Katherine T. MacArthur Foundation Bulgarian Environmental Project. B.A. 1972, Temple University; J.D. 1975, Harvard Law School. Professor Friedberg thanks his research assistant, Asad Khan, for his help in editing this paper. Due to the scarcity of Bulgarian sources, the authors take full responsibility for all citations to Bulgarian language materials. ** International Law Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria; currently First Secretary, Embassy of Bulgaria to the United Kingdom. Mr. Zaimov has contributed to this paper in his private, and not his official, capacity. 1. Kjell Engelbrekt, Toward the Rule of Law: Bulgaria, 1 RFE/RL Res. Rep.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Communist Elites and Economic Reforms in Czechoslovakia 1989-1992
    POST-COMMUNIST ELITES AND ECONOMIC REFORMS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA 1989-1992 by Pavol Hardoš Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor András Bozóki CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2009 ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the role of post-communist political elites in shaping and enacting the economic reforms in Czechoslovakia shortly after the fall of communism. Acknowledging the rich literature on the role of political actors in transitions the work asserts the crucial role of the elite variable in economic transformation from state socialism. Following the genesis and the configuration of the respective Czech and Slovak national political elites the thesis demonstrates how their ideological beliefs and positioning in the political field influenced the reform agenda. The thesis argues that while the Czechs embraced a homegrown neoliberal program of radical reform, the Slovaks’ more ambiguous relationship with communism made them disposed to a more gradual reform. The ensuing divergence of elite opinions on economic reform further exacerbated the political and constitutional dilemmas of post- communist Czechoslovakia. CEU eTD Collection ii TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1 – THEORY OF ELITES...................................................................................... 6 1.1 Elite
    [Show full text]
  • The British Academy Brian Barry Prize Essay: the Ethics of Political Alliance
    Jonathan White The British Academy Brian Barry prize essay: the ethics of political alliance Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: White, Jonathan (2018) The British Academy Brian Barry prize essay: the ethics of political alliance. British Journal of Political Science. ISSN 0007-1234 © 2017 Cambridge University Press This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/84651/ Available in LSE Research Online: October 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. The British Academy Brian Barry Prize Essay: The Ethics of Political Alliance Jonathan White (LSE) Forthcoming, British Journal of Political Science Usually pictured in relations of opposition, political parties are sometimes inclined to make alliance. The paper examines the ethical questions such arrangements give rise to. It considers first the formal characteristics of alliance as a distinctive form of association, moving on to examine what reasons for alliance are good reasons.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberal Party Colours
    Conservatives have blue, Labour have red and Liberal Democrats have yellow – but it wasn’t always like that. Graham Lippiatt examines the history of: LIBERal PARTY ColoURS lections of sorts have been than the intrinsic usefulness This was the case in Liverpool and held in the United Kingdom of the message itself.5 Some of Cumbria and across many parts of Esince the days of the knights this has been driven by election south-east England. The Liberal of the shires and burgesses of the legislation such as the use of party colours in Greenwich (then a two- boroughs.1 These elections were logos on ballot papers6 but it has member parliamentary borough in taking place before universal literacy come about principally as society, Kent), which Gladstone represented (in England; Scotland always had communication technology and from 1868 to 1880, were blue. When much higher literacy rates), even politics have changed and the Gladstone fought Greenwich in among the limited electorates nature of political communication 1874 he fought in blue and his two before the Great Reform Acts and organisation has changed Conservative opponents used of 18322 and during the advances with them. The Conservative crimson, while his Radical running towards the mass democratic state Party tree, the Labour rose or the mate, in honour of his support for of the twentieth century. So it Liberal Democrat freebird will Irish home rule, adopted green.8 was important to ensure that rival be the ubiquitous symbols of each More recently, Liberal colours candidates were properly identified, organisation and candidates and were traditionally blue in Berwick particularly in the days before the literature will be adorned in the on Tweed until changed by Alan secret ballot and the printed ballot same blue, red or yellow colours.
    [Show full text]