Russia, 1999-2000 (Technical Document Date: 2000

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russia, 1999-2000 (Technical Document Date: 2000 Date Printed: 11/03/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES- 11 Tab Number: 22 Document Title: Parliamentary And Presidential Elections in Russia, 1999-2000 (Technical Document Date: 2000 Document Country: Russia IFES ID: R01864 Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Russia International Foundation for Election Systems Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Russia 1999-2000 Duma Election: 19 December 1999 Presidential Election: 26 March 2000 TECHNICAL ASSESSMENT WITH FOR LEGAL AND EDITOR Paul DeGregorio Lewis Madanick Election Specialist Program Officer, IFES Jorge I. Tirado, JD, CSI Dr. Daphne Skillen IFES Consultant Mass Media Program Manager, IFESIRussia The International Foundation for Election Systems Table of Contents TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS ....................................................................................................................... V EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................................................. VI FOREWORD ..................................................................................................................................................... XI CHAPTER 1: CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS FOR THE ELECTION SYSTEM .............................................................. 1 CHAPTER 2: FEDERAL LAWS GOVERNING ELECTIONS .................................................................................... 3 THE BASIC GUARANTEES LAW ...................................................................................................................3 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAW .................. ..................................................................................7 The Right to Vote and to Be Electe Culling the Elections Election Administrati THE DUMA ELECTION LAW ..................................................................................................................... 10 COMPARISON TO 1995 LAW ..................................................................................................................... 12 INTERRELATION OF LAWS GOVERNING ELECTIONS ....................................................................13 OTHER FEDERAL LAWS ................. ..........................................................................................................14 Decrees and Directives ofthe President of the Russian Federation ............ ............................ 19 Acts of the Governmenl ofthe Russian Federation 19 CHAPTER 3: ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES FOR THE CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS..................................... 21 THE CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION (CEC) ...................................................................................22 SUBORDINATE ELECTION COMMISSIONS ...................... .................................................................22 Subject Election Commissions (SECs) .......................................................................................... 22 District Election Commissions (DECs) ......................................................................................... 23 Territorial Election Commissions (TECs) 23 Precinct Election Commissions (PECs) 24 INDEPENDENCE OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ...................... .. ...................................................24 TRAINING OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ......................................................................................... 27 A NEW TRAINING VIDEO ...........................................................................................................................27 CHAPTER 4: ELECTION MONITORING AND TRANSPARENCY ISSUES ........................................................... 31 DOMESTIC OBSERVERS ....................... ....................................................................................................31 Rights Extended to Donlestic Observers............................................................................................................. 33 INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS .......................... .......................................................................... 34 OBSERVERS AND TRANSPARENCY IN THE ELECTION PROCESS................................................ 35 CONFLICTS BETWEEN FEDERAL AND LOCAL ELECTION LAWS .............................................. 36 CHAPTER 5: NOMINATION AND REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES ................................................................. 39 POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS AND BLOCS ................... ... ................................................................. 40 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION NOMINATION PROCES 40 THE CIRCULATION OF PETITIONS IN SUPPORT OF THE ...................... ............ 42 Candidates Registered for the Presidential Election ofMarch 26. 2000 ...................... .. .......... 43 Affiliation ofthe Candidate 44 THE DUMA NOMINATION PROCESS .........................................................................................................45 Qual~jkationand Procedure 45 Candidate Registration and Arbitrary Decisions .........................................................................46 CHAPTER 6: MASS MEDIA AND PRE-ELECTORAL CAMPAIGNING ................................................................. 49 BACKGROUND ............... ..............................................................................................................................49 MEDIA COVERAGE ............................ ............ ..................................................................................................50 GOVERNMENT PRESSURE ..................... ................................................................................................51 THE LEGAL ENVIRONMENT........... ... .....................................................................................................53 SANCTIONS, PENALTIES AND ADJUDICATION OF GRIEVANCES ............... .. ...................... 55 CHAPTER 7: CAMPAIGN FINANCE ...................................................................................................................... 61 THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK-AN OVERVIEW .........................................................................................62 Campaign Finance Provisions in the Basic Guarantees Law ................................................... 62 Campaign Finance Provisions in the Duma Election Law 63 Campaign Finance Provisions in the Presidential Election Law 63 CAMPAIGN FUNDS OF REGISTERED CANDIDATES......................................................................... 65 USE OF ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN FUNDS ................................................................................................65 CONTROL AND TRANSPARENCY MECHANISMS ................................................................................66 RESPONSIBILITY FOR VIOLATION OF FINANCIAL REGULATIONS ............... ......................67 ELECTION CAMPAIGN PRACTICE - DUMA AND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS .......................67 ADDITIONAL RECOMMENDATIONS ...................... .. .........................................................................72 CHAPTER 8: TECHNICAL ASSESSMENT OF THE AUTOMATED ELECTIONS SYSTEM .VOTER REGISTRATION........................................................................................................................... 75 BACKGROUND ............ .................................................................................................................................76 THE RUSSIAN SYSTEM ........................... ................................................................................................77 77 77 78 THE NEED FOR A NATIONAL CONTINUOUS POPULATION REGISTER ........................... ..... 79 INTRODUCTION TO POPULATION REGISTRATION .......................................................................... 80 Population Registratio 0 Histo 0 Civil 0 Responsibility for Registration: Citizen or the State? ................................................................... 81 Possible Scenario for a Population Registration Framewor I Computerization Alternatives 2 Performance Criteriafor a 3 The Experience of Other Countries ............................................................................................... 83 Populution Register Challenges .................................................................................................... 84 POPULATION REGISTRATION AND TRANSPARENCY ISSUES ................. .............................86 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................................87 CHAPTER9: GENERAL ISSUES RELATING TO THE CAMPAIGNS ................................................................... 91 CHAPTER 10: THE VOTING PROCESSES AND POLLING DAY PROCEDURES................................................ 97 BALLOTS AND BALLOT SECURITY ............................................................................... .................. 97 VOTING OUTSIDE THE POLLING STATION AND USE OF MOBILE BALLOT BOXES ..............98 EARLY VOTING .................................................................................................................................................98 ABSENTEE VOTING .........................................................................................................................................98 STANDARD PROCESSING OF VOTERS AT THE POLLS .....................................................................99 POLLING STATION SIZE AND VOTING BOOTHS .............................................................................
Recommended publications
  • ENGLISH Only
    FOM.GAL/3/19/Rev.1 4 July 2019 ENGLISH only Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe The Representative on Freedom of the Media Harlem Désir 4 July 2019 Regular Report to the Permanent Council for the period from 22 November 2018 to 4 July 2019 1 Introduction Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I have the honour to present to you my latest report to the Permanent Council, which covers the period from November last year until today. In introducing this report I would like to focus on two key issues that we are facing when it comes to freedom of the media and freedom of expression. The first and greatest challenge facing journalists and other media actors which I wish to address is safety. I would like to warn, in particular, against the risk of normalization and indifference. Just two weeks ago, Vadim Komarov, a journalist from Cherkasy in Ukraine, died from his wounds following a brutal attack in May. His death did not generate much international attention or outrage, but it is no less revolting and sends a clear and sordid message of intimidation to many of his colleagues working on the same issues in the country. Komarov was investigating corruption and abuses of power in his city for many years and had been attacked in the past. He was the second journalist killed this year in the OSCE region. In April, 29-year-old journalist Lyra McKee was shot while covering riots in Northern Ireland, in the United Kingdom. She was a passionate and talented young journalist, known for her investigative reporting on the political history in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Left and the French Paradigm
    The Russian Left and the French Paradigm JOAN BARTH URBAN T he resurgence of the post-Soviet Russian communists was almost as unex- pected for many in the West as was Gorbachev's liberalization of the Sovi- et political order. Surprise was unwarranted, however. In the Russian Federation of the early 1990s, hyperinflation triggered by price liberalization and institu- tional breakdown, on top of general economic collapse, deprived a great major- ity of Russian citizens of their life savings and social safety net. It required lit- tle foresight to envision that alienated, militant members of the Soviet-era communist party apparat would have little difficulty rallying electoral support for their reconsituted, restorationist Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). As it turned out, the CPRF's share of the State Duma's party-list vote rose from 12.4 percent in 1993, to 22.3 percent in 1995, to 24.3 percent in 1999, thereby giving the communists a near monopoly on the oppositionist voice in Russian politics. In this essay, 1 will assess the CPRF's prospects a decade from now. But first it may be instructive to glance back at the failure of most Sovietologists to antic- ipate the likelihood of massive change in the Soviet Union after the passing of the Brezhnev-era generation of leaders. In the early 1980s, the radical reforms of the communist-led Prague Spring of 1968 were still fresh in our memories, even as Solidarity challenged the foundations of communist rule in Poland, the pow- erful Italian Communist Party was rapidly becoming social democratic and in China economic reforms were gaining momentum.
    [Show full text]
  • Conference Paper (Aburamoto)
    Paper presented at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic Eurasian Studies on August 10, 2013 The Role of Regional Elites in Establishing the “United Russia”: Saratov, Samara, and Ul’yanovsk from the Mid-2000s to 2011 Mari Aburamoto JSPS Research Fellow 1. Introduction Russia’s ruling party, “The United Russia” (abbreviated as UR) has provoked the interest of a number of scholars and observers. Some have even described UR as a dominant party (Gel’man 2008, Reuter and Remington 2009). In the 2011 Duma election, however, the situation changed slightly: UR’s mobilization capacity appeared to reach its limits and votes for UR radically decreased compared to the election of 2007. How can this change be explained? UR’s deterioration trend has long been observed in Russia’s regional and local elections. The decline in UR’s popularity should therefore be observed by focusing on the regional and local levels (Panov and Ross 2013). In order to understand the real changes afoot in regional politics, this paper focuses mainly on the configuration of the regional elite groups. Such an approach is also appropriate for understanding the nature of UR. For, as Reuter and Remington (2009) point out, UR’s rise to power was facilitated by organizing the support of regional elites. This paper reveals that the role of regional elites and the elite alignment in each region—that is, the (non-)existence of conflicts between the governor and the mayors and the relative strength of communists as a leading opposition group—both affect UR’s relative strength in each region.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity
    CI-18/COUNCIL-31/6/REV 2 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity INTRODUCTION This report is submitted to the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) in line with the Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the issue of Impunity adopted by the Council at its 26th session on 27 March 2008, and renewed at subsequent sessions in 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2016. In its latest Decision, adopted in November 2016, the IPDC Council urged Member States to “continue to inform the Director-General of UNESCO, on a voluntary basis, on the status of the judicial inquiries conducted on each of the killings condemned by the Director-General”. The present report provides an analysis of the cases of killings of journalists and associated media personnel that were condemned by the Director-General in 2016 and 2017. It also takes stock of the status of judicial enquiries conducted on each of the killings recorded by UNESCO between 2006 and 2017, based on information provided by Member States. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary 2 2. Background and Context 2 3. Journalists’ killings in 2016 and 2017: key findings 7 3.1 Most dangerous regions 8 3.2 Rise in number of women journalists among fatalities 9 3.3 Highest number of killings among TV journalists 11 3.4 Majority of victims are local journalists 11 3.5 Freelance and staff journalists 12 3.6 More killings occurring in countries with no armed conflict 12 4. Member States’ responses: status of the judicial enquiries on cases of journalists killed from 2006 to end 2017 13 4.1 Decrease in Member State response rate to Director-General’s request 18 4.2 Slight reduction in impunity rate, but 89% of cases remain unresolved 19 4.3 Member States reporting on measures to promote safety of journalists and to combat impunity 22 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
    4. Domestic developments in Russia Nodari Simonia I. Introduction The system of international relations is shaped by the totality of states’ foreign policies. In the long run the foreign policy of each country is determined by the state of its home affairs at the particular stage of its development. The state of peace means reasonable and mutually acceptable compromise among the mem- bers of the world community—compromise that takes into account the diversity of domestic situations of different countries and dampens its explosive influence. This is why in analysing the foreign policy of any state it is vital to recognize the roots that feed it. Russia, which is still in the early stages of the formation of its new statehood, is faced with the choice of the set of values that will determine its further evolu- tion. Both inside and outside Russia there is heated controversy between the proponents of a ‘Western’ and an ‘Asian’ orientation. There are also voices which stand up for some ‘special’ Russian way of development which, to be more precise, can be defined as a special synthesis of separate elements of Western and Asian development models with the Russian ‘soil’, but they are few and far between and their voices are usually lost in the noisy chorus of adherents of extreme positions. The international community, and especially the West, has not yet managed properly to comprehend Russian realities. This is not an easy matter. The dyna- mism of change in Russia—not only in the political sphere but also in the social and economic spheres—is so intense that sometimes even a native observer might fail to keep pace with it.
    [Show full text]
  • IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice
    Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice May, 16-18, 2017 Hangzhou, China and Montréal, Québec, Canada Chief Editors: Ye Ning, Joseph-G. Turi, and Cheng Le Editors: Lisa Hale, and Jin Zhang Cover Designer: Lu Xi Published by The American Scholars Press, Inc. The Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law, Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language, and Justice is published by the American Scholars Press, Inc., Marietta, Georgia, USA. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher. Copyright © 2017 by the American Scholars Press All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-0-9721479-7-2 Printed in the United States of America 2 Foreword In this sunny and green early summer, you, experts and delegates from different parts of the world, come together beside the Qiantang River in Hangzhou, to participate in The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. On the occasion of the opening ceremony, it gives me such great pleasure on behalf of Zhejiang Police College, and also on my own part, to extend a warm welcome to all the distinguished experts and delegates. At the same time, thanks for giving so much trust and support to Zhejiang Police College. Currently, the law-based governance of the country is comprehensively promoted in China. As Xi Jinping, Chinese president, said, “during the entire reform process, we should attach great importance to applying the idea of rule of law and the way of rule of law to play the leading and driving role of rule of law”.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
    Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens
    [Show full text]
  • Discourse on NATO in Russia During the Kosovo War
    Discourse on NATO in Russia during the Kosovo War VLADIMIR BROVKIN Tell me what you think about NATO and I’ll tell you who you are. n contemporary Russia, views on NATO define one’s political philosophy and Ione’s view of Russia vis-à-vis the West generally. But these attitudes are insep- arably intertwined with domestic Russian politics and the struggle for power. According to conventional wisdom today, Russia views NATO with hostility, ir- reparable damage having been done to the Russian perception by the 1999 expan- sion to include three new members; the modernization of American high-tech weaponry; and most important, the NATO bombing campaign in Serbia. No doubt these policies contributed to the strong anti-American feelings prev- alent in Russia during the bombing campaign. Rather than focusing on what the West has done to alienate benevolent Russians, however, a more productive ap- proach to explaining stormy Russia–NATO relations over the past year is to view them in the context of Russian domestic politics, on the assumption that whatev- er Russian actors did vis-à-vis the West and NATO during the period was a reflec- tion of Russian domestic priorities. Indeed President Yeltsin has changed his tune on NATO at least three times in response to his political struggles during that tur- bulent year. From Partnership for Peace, he led Russia to a near-confrontation over “NATO aggression,” and then again to business as usual at the G-8 summit. In this article, I attempt to untangle the web of contradictory policies and state- ments and place Russian policy toward NATO into the domestic context.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Media Policy in the First and Second Checen Campaigns
    Laura Belin (doctoral candidate, University of Oxford) e-mail: [email protected] Paper given at the 52nd conference of the Political Studies Association Aberdeen, Scotland, 5-8 April 2002 RUSSIAN MEDIA POLICY IN THE FIRST AND SECOND CHECHEN CAMPAIGNS The military campaign in Chechnya from December 1994 to August 1996 became the "first real test of journalists' freedoms" since the end of the Soviet Union1 and loomed large in perceptions about the Russian media for the rest of the 1990s. Though some journalists had condemned "shock therapy" in 1992 and the shelling of the parliament in 1993, the Chechen war prompted the journalistic community to desert Boris Yel'tsin en masse for the first time. Moscow-based television networks were the public's main source of information on the fighting.2 The private network NTV exposed official lies about how the war was waged. Newscasts on state-owned Russian Television (RTR), which reached a nationwide audience on Channel 2, soon followed NTV's lead. Virtually all privately owned newspapers also raised their voices against the military campaign. The predominant slant of war coverage became a source of pride for many journalists. Though damning news reports did not end the bloodshed, steadfast public opposition to the war impelled Yel'tsin to pursue a ceasefire agreement while running for reelection in 1996.3 Both supporters and opponents of the military campaign believed that media coverage fostered and sustained the majority view. Yel'tsin rarely retreated from unpopular policies, but his turnaround on Chechnya arguably demonstrated that journalists had helped bring some degree of transparency and therefore accountability to 1 Frank Ellis, From Glasnost to the Internet: Russia's New Infosphere, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999, p.
    [Show full text]
  • General Conclusions and Basic Tendencies 1. System of Human Rights Violations
    REVIEW-CHRONICLE OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BELARUS IN 2003 2 REVIEW-CHRONICLE OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BELARUS IN 2003 INTRODUCTION: GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND BASIC TENDENCIES 1. SYSTEM OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS The year 2003 was marked by deterioration of the human rights situation in Belarus. While the general human rights situation in the country did not improve, in its certain spheres it significantly changed for the worse. Disrespect for and regular violations of the basic constitutional civic rights became an unavoidable and permanent factor of the Belarusian reality. In 2003 the Belarusian authorities did not even hide their intention to maximally limit the freedom of speech, freedom of association, religious freedom, and human rights in general. These intentions of the ruling regime were declared publicly. It was a conscious and open choice of the state bodies constituting one of the strategic elements of their policy. This political process became most visible in formation and forced intrusion of state ideology upon the citizens. Even leaving aside the question of the ideology contents, the very existence of an ideology, compulsory for all citizens of the country, imposed through propaganda media and educational establishments, and fraught with punitive sanctions for any deviation from it, is a phenomenon, incompatible with the fundamental human right to have a personal opinion. Thus, the state policy of the ruling government aims to create ideological grounds for consistent undermining of civic freedoms in Belarus. The new ideology is introduced despite the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus which puts a direct ban on that.
    [Show full text]
  • S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report
    Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia
    Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia By Colin Johnson B.A., Rhodes College, 2010 M.A., Brown University, 2012 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island 2018 © Copyright 2018 by Colin Johnson This dissertation by Colin Johnson is accepted in its present form by the department of Political Science as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Linda J. Cook, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Melani Cammett, Reader Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Douglas Blum, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Andrew G. Campbell, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Colin Johnson Department of Political Science, Brown University Education d Brown University, Providence, RI. • Ph.D. in Political Science (2018). • M.A. in Political Science (2012). Rhodes College, Memphis, Tennessee. • B.A. in International Studies, Minor in Russian Studies, cum laude (2010). Grants and Fellowships d External • International Advanced Research Opportunity Fellowship, IREX (Sept. 2013–June 2014). • Critical Language Scholarship Program, Kazan, Russia, U.S. Dept. of State (June– Aug. 2010). Brown University
    [Show full text]