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The Russian Left and the French Paradigm
The Russian Left and the French Paradigm JOAN BARTH URBAN T he resurgence of the post-Soviet Russian communists was almost as unex- pected for many in the West as was Gorbachev's liberalization of the Sovi- et political order. Surprise was unwarranted, however. In the Russian Federation of the early 1990s, hyperinflation triggered by price liberalization and institu- tional breakdown, on top of general economic collapse, deprived a great major- ity of Russian citizens of their life savings and social safety net. It required lit- tle foresight to envision that alienated, militant members of the Soviet-era communist party apparat would have little difficulty rallying electoral support for their reconsituted, restorationist Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). As it turned out, the CPRF's share of the State Duma's party-list vote rose from 12.4 percent in 1993, to 22.3 percent in 1995, to 24.3 percent in 1999, thereby giving the communists a near monopoly on the oppositionist voice in Russian politics. In this essay, 1 will assess the CPRF's prospects a decade from now. But first it may be instructive to glance back at the failure of most Sovietologists to antic- ipate the likelihood of massive change in the Soviet Union after the passing of the Brezhnev-era generation of leaders. In the early 1980s, the radical reforms of the communist-led Prague Spring of 1968 were still fresh in our memories, even as Solidarity challenged the foundations of communist rule in Poland, the pow- erful Italian Communist Party was rapidly becoming social democratic and in China economic reforms were gaining momentum. -
Conference Paper (Aburamoto)
Paper presented at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic Eurasian Studies on August 10, 2013 The Role of Regional Elites in Establishing the “United Russia”: Saratov, Samara, and Ul’yanovsk from the Mid-2000s to 2011 Mari Aburamoto JSPS Research Fellow 1. Introduction Russia’s ruling party, “The United Russia” (abbreviated as UR) has provoked the interest of a number of scholars and observers. Some have even described UR as a dominant party (Gel’man 2008, Reuter and Remington 2009). In the 2011 Duma election, however, the situation changed slightly: UR’s mobilization capacity appeared to reach its limits and votes for UR radically decreased compared to the election of 2007. How can this change be explained? UR’s deterioration trend has long been observed in Russia’s regional and local elections. The decline in UR’s popularity should therefore be observed by focusing on the regional and local levels (Panov and Ross 2013). In order to understand the real changes afoot in regional politics, this paper focuses mainly on the configuration of the regional elite groups. Such an approach is also appropriate for understanding the nature of UR. For, as Reuter and Remington (2009) point out, UR’s rise to power was facilitated by organizing the support of regional elites. This paper reveals that the role of regional elites and the elite alignment in each region—that is, the (non-)existence of conflicts between the governor and the mayors and the relative strength of communists as a leading opposition group—both affect UR’s relative strength in each region. -
Discourse on NATO in Russia During the Kosovo War
Discourse on NATO in Russia during the Kosovo War VLADIMIR BROVKIN Tell me what you think about NATO and I’ll tell you who you are. n contemporary Russia, views on NATO define one’s political philosophy and Ione’s view of Russia vis-à-vis the West generally. But these attitudes are insep- arably intertwined with domestic Russian politics and the struggle for power. According to conventional wisdom today, Russia views NATO with hostility, ir- reparable damage having been done to the Russian perception by the 1999 expan- sion to include three new members; the modernization of American high-tech weaponry; and most important, the NATO bombing campaign in Serbia. No doubt these policies contributed to the strong anti-American feelings prev- alent in Russia during the bombing campaign. Rather than focusing on what the West has done to alienate benevolent Russians, however, a more productive ap- proach to explaining stormy Russia–NATO relations over the past year is to view them in the context of Russian domestic politics, on the assumption that whatev- er Russian actors did vis-à-vis the West and NATO during the period was a reflec- tion of Russian domestic priorities. Indeed President Yeltsin has changed his tune on NATO at least three times in response to his political struggles during that tur- bulent year. From Partnership for Peace, he led Russia to a near-confrontation over “NATO aggression,” and then again to business as usual at the G-8 summit. In this article, I attempt to untangle the web of contradictory policies and state- ments and place Russian policy toward NATO into the domestic context. -
Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia
Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia By Colin Johnson B.A., Rhodes College, 2010 M.A., Brown University, 2012 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island 2018 © Copyright 2018 by Colin Johnson This dissertation by Colin Johnson is accepted in its present form by the department of Political Science as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Linda J. Cook, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Melani Cammett, Reader Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Douglas Blum, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Andrew G. Campbell, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Colin Johnson Department of Political Science, Brown University Education d Brown University, Providence, RI. • Ph.D. in Political Science (2018). • M.A. in Political Science (2012). Rhodes College, Memphis, Tennessee. • B.A. in International Studies, Minor in Russian Studies, cum laude (2010). Grants and Fellowships d External • International Advanced Research Opportunity Fellowship, IREX (Sept. 2013–June 2014). • Critical Language Scholarship Program, Kazan, Russia, U.S. Dept. of State (June– Aug. 2010). Brown University -
Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation
Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation: Russian elections in retrospect 12/1997 Osteuropa-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin Arbeitspapiere des Bereichs Politik und Gesellschaft Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation: Russian elections in retrospect Heft 8/1997 © 1998 by Sergei Medvedev Osteuropa-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin Arbeitsbereich Politik und Gesellschaft Herausgeber: Klaus Segbers Redaktion: Simone Schwanitz ISSN 1434 – 419X 1 INTRODUCTION: THE TWIN PEAKS OF RUSSIAN DEMOCRACY 5 2 ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY 6 2.1 Per aspera ad electio 6 2.2 A democratic society? 7 2.3 A democratic regime? 9 2.4 A democratic ideology? 12 2.5 Russia’s “imitation democracy” 13 3 ELECTIONS AND FEDERALISM 14 3.1 A democratic mandate 14 3.2 The two-party game 15 3.3 A victory for the “third force” 16 3.4 The new role of the Federation Council 18 3.5 The new center-periphery relationship 21 4 CONCLUSION: DEMOCRACY AS VICTIM TO GEOGRAPHY 22 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY 26 Appendix A Appendix B 1 Introduction: The Twin Peaks of Russian democracy Russia’s democracy is in its juvenility (indeed, some would say infancy). However, it can already boast a good electoral record. A four-year election cycle has been established, during which federal and local bodies of the legislative (the State Duma and regional Assemblies), and the executive (the President of Russia and regional governors) are being re-elected. The country is currently in the mid-way between the two peaks of this cycle–the 1995-96 apex, and the one of 1999-2000. Staying right in the middle is a good point to observe the phenomenon of postcommunist elections in Russia, before we are overwhelmed by the approaching Duma elections in December 1999, and the presidential elections in June 2000, especially given that the latter campaign has already started, as signaled by Boris Yeltsin’s moves in the spring of 1998 (replacement of the Government and the resignation of Victor Chernomyrdin as his possible challenger in 2000). -
Report on the Russian Presidential Elections March 26, 2000
106th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2nd Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe REPORT ON THE RUSSIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS MARCH 26, 2000 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe WASHINGTON:2000 Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 234 Ford House Office Building Washington, DC 20515-6460 (202) 225-1901 [email protected] http://www.house.gov/csce/ LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado, Co-Chairman FRANK R. WOLF, Virginia KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas MATT SALMON, Arizona SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan JAMES C. GREENWOOD, Pennsylvania SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania TIM HUTCHINSON, Arkansas STENY H. HOYER, Maryland FRANK R. LAUTENBERG, New Jersey BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland BOB GRAHAM, Florida LOUISE MCINTOSH SLAUGHTER, New York RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin MICHAEL P. FORBES, New York CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HAROLD HONGJU KOH, Department of State EDWARD L. WARNER III, Department of Defense PATRICK A. MULLOY, Department of Commerce COMMISSION STAFF DOROTHY DOUGLAS TAFT, Chief of Staff RONALD J. MCNAMARA, Deputy Chief of Staff BEN ANDERSON, Communications Director OREST DEYCHAKIWSKY, Staff Advisor JOHN F. FINERTY, Staff Advisor CHADWICK R. GORE, Staff Advisor ROBERT HAND, Staff Advisor JANICE HELWIG, Staff Advisor MARLENE KAUFMANN, Counsel KAREN S. LORD, Counsel for Freedom of Religion MICHELE MADASZ, Office Administrator MICHAEL OCHS, Staff Advisor ERIKA B. SCHLAGER, Counsel for International Law MAUREEN WALSH, General Counsel ii ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. -
Russia Presidential Pre-Election Assessment Report March 20, 2000
I R I Advancing Democracy Worldwide RUSSIA PRESIDENTIAL PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT REPORT MARCH 20, 2000 INTRODUCTION For the second time in just over three months, the Russian electorate will go to the polls in a national election. On March 26, 2000, Russia will hold its third democratic election for president and complete an election cycle that began with the State Duma election of December 19, 1999. This election is being held earlier than was initially scheduled (June 2000) due to the surprise resignation of then-President Boris Yeltsin on December 31, 1999. In preparation for the post-Yeltsin era, the Kremlin has undertaken a well-orchestrated campaign to ensure the transfer of power to its own hand-picked candidate. The State Duma election was used by the Kremlin as a means to remove all serious opponents for the presidential election. Prior to the start of the campaign for the State Duma in August 1999, presidential aspirants former Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov were polling 22 percent and 9 percent respectively (polls by Public Opinion Foundation.) Considering both potential candidates were leaders of the broad-based Fatherland-All Russia alliance and had no intention of running against each other, either of their candidacies was considered extremely formidable. Now eight months later, neither Primakov nor Luzhkov is running and the Kremlin’s candidate of choice – acting President Vladimir Putin – sits atop the polls with an approval rating around 59 percent (VCIOM -- All Russia Center for Public Opinion.) If nothing else has been proven in this campaign cycle, it is that the Kremlin is still the most formidable campaign organization in Russia. -
The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1. -
PUTIN's PATH to POWER (Forthcoming in POST-SOVIET
PUTIN’S PATH TO POWER (forthcoming in POST-SOVIET AFFAIRS) By Peter Rutland1 Abstract: Based on a close monitoring of the election campaign and the reports of Russian political scientists, the author analyzes the remarkable rise to power of President Vladimir Putin. Putin's ascent is a logical outcome of certain systemic features of the Yeltsin regime, such as patronage, populism, and the concentration of power in presidential hands. At the same time, Putin has a reformist agenda, since he recognizes that given new global realities, some structural features of Yeltsin's system of rule must be changed if Russia is to recover some of its lost strength and prosperity. This spring saw the first peaceful, democratic transfer of power from one leader to another in Russia’s 1000-year history. But Vladimir Putin remains an enigmatic figure. Is he liberal or authoritarian? Is he building a new Russia, or seeking a return to its Soviet past? Most Western commentary has treated Putin’s rise to power as evidence that Russia has slipped back into its authoritarian ways. However, the real story is more complex, and more hopeful. Russia has survived a period of tremendous instability and uncertainty, and its prospects for future progress look more favorable than at any time in the past decade. Putin arguably has a clear agenda for rebuilding the Russian state in the context of a highly competitive global economy. That Russian is run by a KGB veteran is less surprising than the fact that this ex-spy has embraced the philosophy of democracy and markets as the founding principles of the modern state which Russia must become. -
Rethinking Russian Federalism
Rethinking Russian Federalism The Politics of Intergovernmental Relations and Federal Reforms at the Turn of the Millennium Johnny Rodin Stockholm University Contents Preface .......................................................................................................................5 1. Introduction...........................................................................................................7 1.1. Aim and Approaches ....................................................................................10 1.2. Research Questions.......................................................................................12 1.3. Outline of Study............................................................................................14 2. Definitions and Theoretical Points of Departure .............................................17 2.1. Intergovernmental Relations and How They Vary .......................................17 2.2. Intergovernmental Relations and Why They Vary .......................................20 2.2.1. Ideas, Institutions, Policy Paradigms and Behaviour............................21 2.2.2. Policy Paradigm Shifts..........................................................................24 2.3. Conclusions...................................................................................................26 3. Method and Material..........................................................................................27 3.1. Research Design ...........................................................................................27 -
The Representation of Political and Economic Elites in the Russian Federation Council
THE REPRESENTATION OF POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ELITES IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION COUNCIL CAMERON ROSS READER, POLITICS, SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY OF DUNDEE ROSTISLAV TUROVSKY FACULTY OF APPLIED POLITICAL SCIENCE HIGHER SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS Abstract Today’s Russian Federation Council, the upper chamber of the bicameral parliament, effectively represents the federal government in the regions rather than providing the regions representation in federal policy-making. The system of choosing members has evolved considerably over time, from direct elections in the early to mid-1990s, to appointments today by the regional executive and legislative branches. In practice, the appointment process is neither democratic, nor representative, instead giving strong benefits to the ruling United Russia party, whose members dominate the chamber. Businesspeople make up a third of the members, but Russia’s largest energy and metals companies do not see the rubber stamp body as a way to influence policy-making.1 1 Part of this research was conducted with financial support from the Russian Humanitarian Scientific Fund, project 10-03-00074a. The authors acknowledge the contribution of Marina Lizogub and Elisabeth Rodina in this research project and thank them for their help in com- piling the database. 59 60 Demokratizatsiya ccording to Article 1 of the December 1993 Constitution the Russian AFederation is “a democratic federative rule-of-law state with a repub- lican form of government.”2 However, there are major concerns over the current regime’s commitment to the principles of federalism. Since the inauguration of Vladimir Putin as Russian President in May 2000, federal- ism has come under attack and we have witnessed a concerted effort to rein in the power of the regional governors and presidents. -
IFES Conducts Nationwide Poll Worker Training Program In
FEBRUARY 2000 IFES Conducts Nationwide Poll Worker Training Europe ACEEEO ............................................... p. 2 Program in Kyrgyzstan Albania ................................................... p. 2 Belarus ................................................... p. 3 On 20 February, elections were held in Kyrgyzstan Bosnia and Herzegovina ........................ p. 3 for the Legislative Assembly (including a party list Moldova ................................................ p. 5 ballot), the Assembly of People’s Representatives, Russian Federation ................................. p. 7 and for oblast and rayon level councils in areas out- Ukraine .................................................. p. 10 side Bishkek. IFES activities over the last several Yugoslavia (Kosovo) ............................... p. 11 months focused on these elections, and activities intensified during the month of February. Poll Caucasus/Central Asia worker training for members of Precinct Election Armenia .................................................. p. 12 Commissions was completed during the week prior Azerbaijan .............................................. p. 13 to polling day, during which time polling day proce- Georgia .................................................. p. 14 dures were also emphasized. In coordination with Kazakhstan ............................................. p. 14 the NGO Polisa, the distribution of the IFES Train- Kyrgyzstan .............................................. p. 16 ing Manual, the Violations Handbook,