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Organised Crime and the Special Services of the Commonwealth of Independent States June 2007 Contents
Service for Analysis and Prevention The Swiss Federal Office of Police Strategic Analysis Report [Confidential] Organised Crime and the Special Services of the Commonwealth of Independent States June 2007 Contents • Key points • Organised Crime and the Special Services of Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS): 1. The historical relations between security services and criminal structures 2. Criminal groups today 3. Special services today: the FSB-isation of the country? 4. The relations between organised crime groups and the security services 5. The situation in Switzerland 6. Counter-measures Key points The Federal Law on Internal Security Protection Measures (BWIS) mandates the Service for Analysis and Prevention (DAP) to develop measures to promptly discern and prevent the threats of illicit operations by foreign intelligence agencies (Item 3 of Article 2). Over the past few years, DAP has been receiving a growing number of indications that members of organised crime groups from CIS countries maintain liaisons with the intelligence services of their countries. German Intelligence even mentions a “symbiosis” between organised crime and secret services. Since Vladimir Putin’s entry to power, the Russian security services, especially the Federal Security Service (FSB), have been significantly reinforced. Considering Russia’s economic growth and the expansion of the country’s influence in the sphere of energy, it is necessary to examine the role of security services and organised crime within that sphere. It must also be established whether they still preserve their connections, how those connections are made, and how they function in the Swiss territory. This report contains a brief historical overview of the relations between the KGB and organised crime in the Soviet era and presents information on the current state of relations between organised crime groups and the security services of former members of the USSR, especially with regard to Switzerland. -
The Russian Left and the French Paradigm
The Russian Left and the French Paradigm JOAN BARTH URBAN T he resurgence of the post-Soviet Russian communists was almost as unex- pected for many in the West as was Gorbachev's liberalization of the Sovi- et political order. Surprise was unwarranted, however. In the Russian Federation of the early 1990s, hyperinflation triggered by price liberalization and institu- tional breakdown, on top of general economic collapse, deprived a great major- ity of Russian citizens of their life savings and social safety net. It required lit- tle foresight to envision that alienated, militant members of the Soviet-era communist party apparat would have little difficulty rallying electoral support for their reconsituted, restorationist Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). As it turned out, the CPRF's share of the State Duma's party-list vote rose from 12.4 percent in 1993, to 22.3 percent in 1995, to 24.3 percent in 1999, thereby giving the communists a near monopoly on the oppositionist voice in Russian politics. In this essay, 1 will assess the CPRF's prospects a decade from now. But first it may be instructive to glance back at the failure of most Sovietologists to antic- ipate the likelihood of massive change in the Soviet Union after the passing of the Brezhnev-era generation of leaders. In the early 1980s, the radical reforms of the communist-led Prague Spring of 1968 were still fresh in our memories, even as Solidarity challenged the foundations of communist rule in Poland, the pow- erful Italian Communist Party was rapidly becoming social democratic and in China economic reforms were gaining momentum. -
Conference Paper (Aburamoto)
Paper presented at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic Eurasian Studies on August 10, 2013 The Role of Regional Elites in Establishing the “United Russia”: Saratov, Samara, and Ul’yanovsk from the Mid-2000s to 2011 Mari Aburamoto JSPS Research Fellow 1. Introduction Russia’s ruling party, “The United Russia” (abbreviated as UR) has provoked the interest of a number of scholars and observers. Some have even described UR as a dominant party (Gel’man 2008, Reuter and Remington 2009). In the 2011 Duma election, however, the situation changed slightly: UR’s mobilization capacity appeared to reach its limits and votes for UR radically decreased compared to the election of 2007. How can this change be explained? UR’s deterioration trend has long been observed in Russia’s regional and local elections. The decline in UR’s popularity should therefore be observed by focusing on the regional and local levels (Panov and Ross 2013). In order to understand the real changes afoot in regional politics, this paper focuses mainly on the configuration of the regional elite groups. Such an approach is also appropriate for understanding the nature of UR. For, as Reuter and Remington (2009) point out, UR’s rise to power was facilitated by organizing the support of regional elites. This paper reveals that the role of regional elites and the elite alignment in each region—that is, the (non-)existence of conflicts between the governor and the mayors and the relative strength of communists as a leading opposition group—both affect UR’s relative strength in each region. -
Discourse on NATO in Russia During the Kosovo War
Discourse on NATO in Russia during the Kosovo War VLADIMIR BROVKIN Tell me what you think about NATO and I’ll tell you who you are. n contemporary Russia, views on NATO define one’s political philosophy and Ione’s view of Russia vis-à-vis the West generally. But these attitudes are insep- arably intertwined with domestic Russian politics and the struggle for power. According to conventional wisdom today, Russia views NATO with hostility, ir- reparable damage having been done to the Russian perception by the 1999 expan- sion to include three new members; the modernization of American high-tech weaponry; and most important, the NATO bombing campaign in Serbia. No doubt these policies contributed to the strong anti-American feelings prev- alent in Russia during the bombing campaign. Rather than focusing on what the West has done to alienate benevolent Russians, however, a more productive ap- proach to explaining stormy Russia–NATO relations over the past year is to view them in the context of Russian domestic politics, on the assumption that whatev- er Russian actors did vis-à-vis the West and NATO during the period was a reflec- tion of Russian domestic priorities. Indeed President Yeltsin has changed his tune on NATO at least three times in response to his political struggles during that tur- bulent year. From Partnership for Peace, he led Russia to a near-confrontation over “NATO aggression,” and then again to business as usual at the G-8 summit. In this article, I attempt to untangle the web of contradictory policies and state- ments and place Russian policy toward NATO into the domestic context. -
Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia
Political Machines and Regional Variation in Migration Policies in Russia By Colin Johnson B.A., Rhodes College, 2010 M.A., Brown University, 2012 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island 2018 © Copyright 2018 by Colin Johnson This dissertation by Colin Johnson is accepted in its present form by the department of Political Science as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Linda J. Cook, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Melani Cammett, Reader Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Douglas Blum, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date ________________ ________________________________________ Dr. Andrew G. Campbell, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Colin Johnson Department of Political Science, Brown University Education d Brown University, Providence, RI. • Ph.D. in Political Science (2018). • M.A. in Political Science (2012). Rhodes College, Memphis, Tennessee. • B.A. in International Studies, Minor in Russian Studies, cum laude (2010). Grants and Fellowships d External • International Advanced Research Opportunity Fellowship, IREX (Sept. 2013–June 2014). • Critical Language Scholarship Program, Kazan, Russia, U.S. Dept. of State (June– Aug. 2010). Brown University -
Briefing to the Human Rights Committee, October 2009
Public AI Index: EUR 46/025/2009 Amnesty International Russian Federation Briefing to the Human Rights Committee October 2009 Introduction Amnesty International submits this summary of concerns for the consideration of the Human Rights Committee, in advance of its examination of Russia’s sixth periodic report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The briefing outlines some of Amnesty International’s concerns about the failure of the Russian authorities to fulfil their obligations under the ICCPR. It highlights, in particular, concerns in relation to the following issues: Equal rights of men and women, violence against women (Articles 2,3, 7 and 26) Non-discrimination, prohibition of advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred (Articles 2 and 26) Indiscriminate attacks / killings of civilians during the Georgia-Russia conflict (Article 6 and 7) Enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions in the North Caucasus (Articles 6,7 and 9) Torture and other ill-treatment / treatment of persons deprived of their liberty / right to a fair trial (Articles 7, 10 and 14) Attacks, including killings, of human rights defenders, lawyers and journalists (Articles 6 and 19) Freedoms of expression, assembly and association (Articles 19, 21 and 22) More detailed information published by Amnesty International on these and other concerns about ongoing human rights violations in the Russian Federation can be found in a number of recent reports by Amnesty International – including: Russian Federation: Rule without law. Human rights violations in the North Caucasus, AI Index: EUR 46/012/2009, 1 July 2009, www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR46/012/2009/en. -
Working Paper No. 2
Islands of Globalization: Regional Russia and the Outside World By Andrei S. Makarychev Working Paper No. 2 contents Foreword 5 Introduction 7 1. Regionalism in Russia and the West: some conceptual gaps 11 2. Explaining the disproportions between the regions 15 2.1. Export-oriented regions 16 2.2. Ethnic republics 17 2.3. Border regions 18 3. Globalization: four domestic perspectives 25 3.1. Federal center perspectives 25 3.2. Regional perspectives 27 3.3. The larger regions’ perspectives 32 3.4. Municipal perspectives 32 4. Obstacles and opportunities 37 4.1. Obstacles for globalization on the regional level 37 4.2. Regions’ worldwide reach: chances for Russia 42 5. Scenarios for the future 53 Foreword The role of Russian regions as international actors has been expanding over the last decade parallel to the shift of power from the federal center to the regional and local levels. As a consequence, the regional influence on Russia’s foreign and security policy has been growing considerably. However, Russia’s entry into the world economy has a very uneven impact on its different regions. Federal and regional leaders are still searching for ways to play on the international level. The nature and the direction of Russia’s further regionalization will depend substan- tially on the international environment. Russia’s federal structure to a large extent will be shaped by the interplay of internal with external factors. This study is the second in a series of working papers written in the context of the ETH-funded project on “Regionalization of Russian Foreign and Security Policy: Interaction between Regional Processes and the Interest of the Central State”. -
Shifting Faces of Terror After 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
SHIFTING FACES OF TERROR AFTER 9/11: FRAMING THE TERRORIST THREAT A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elena Pokalova Dissertation written by Elena Pokalova B.A., Ural State Pedagogical University, 2002 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by Andrew Barnes, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon Hancock, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Karl C. Kaltenthaler, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by Steven Hook, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Political Science John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................ vii Note on Transliteration ....................................................................................................viii List of Frequently Used Abbreviations.............................................................................. ix 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... -
Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation
Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation: Russian elections in retrospect 12/1997 Osteuropa-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin Arbeitspapiere des Bereichs Politik und Gesellschaft Sergei Medvedev Democracy, Federalism and Representation: Russian elections in retrospect Heft 8/1997 © 1998 by Sergei Medvedev Osteuropa-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin Arbeitsbereich Politik und Gesellschaft Herausgeber: Klaus Segbers Redaktion: Simone Schwanitz ISSN 1434 – 419X 1 INTRODUCTION: THE TWIN PEAKS OF RUSSIAN DEMOCRACY 5 2 ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRACY 6 2.1 Per aspera ad electio 6 2.2 A democratic society? 7 2.3 A democratic regime? 9 2.4 A democratic ideology? 12 2.5 Russia’s “imitation democracy” 13 3 ELECTIONS AND FEDERALISM 14 3.1 A democratic mandate 14 3.2 The two-party game 15 3.3 A victory for the “third force” 16 3.4 The new role of the Federation Council 18 3.5 The new center-periphery relationship 21 4 CONCLUSION: DEMOCRACY AS VICTIM TO GEOGRAPHY 22 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY 26 Appendix A Appendix B 1 Introduction: The Twin Peaks of Russian democracy Russia’s democracy is in its juvenility (indeed, some would say infancy). However, it can already boast a good electoral record. A four-year election cycle has been established, during which federal and local bodies of the legislative (the State Duma and regional Assemblies), and the executive (the President of Russia and regional governors) are being re-elected. The country is currently in the mid-way between the two peaks of this cycle–the 1995-96 apex, and the one of 1999-2000. Staying right in the middle is a good point to observe the phenomenon of postcommunist elections in Russia, before we are overwhelmed by the approaching Duma elections in December 1999, and the presidential elections in June 2000, especially given that the latter campaign has already started, as signaled by Boris Yeltsin’s moves in the spring of 1998 (replacement of the Government and the resignation of Victor Chernomyrdin as his possible challenger in 2000). -
2000 Presidential Election Represented a Benchmark in the Ongoing Evolution of the Russian Federation's Emergence As a Representative Democracy
. HD/~SO/VEIPV/JJ 1,..lfrJJ/ NM I L mctiuet and. hL5 rlr;titi e- (Y cu:Led. Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights RUSSIAN FEDERATION Presidential Election 26 March 2000 FINAL REPORT Warsaw 19 May 2000 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMRY ................................................................................................................. 2 III. POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT ........................................................................................................5 A. DUMA ELECTIONS: A "PRIMARY" FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE IN 2000......................................... 6 B. EROSION OF POLITICAL PLURALISM .. ........... ............................................. ..................................... ... 6 C. SHIFTING ALLIANCES OF REGIONAL LEADERS .......................................... ....... .................. ............... 7 D. FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO POLITICAL SHIFTS ................................................................................ 8 IV. ELECTION ADMIISTRATION ...................................................................................................11 A. TRANSPARENCY MECHANISMS: NON-VOTING MEMBERS AND DOMESTIC OBSERVERS................... 11 B. RiGHTS OF OBSERVERS.................................................................................................................... 12 C. INDEPENDENCE OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ........................... -
Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society. -
Russian Telecoms Proxies Six Months Through 20 March 2000 (20-Day Moving Average) 400
RussiaRussia ReviewReview GRIFFIN CAPITAL 20 March 2000 IN BRIEF Contents “Panem et circenses” [Bread and Circuses] IN BRIEF ..................................................... 1 Juvenal X 81 POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT .................. 3 MACROECONOMY ..................................... 5 MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS ............... 13 ENERGY ...................................................... 24 SPORTS ...................................................... 25 UPCOMING EVENTS ................................... 27 INDEX TO THIS ISSUE ................................. 28 with NATO as to pursue his ruthless crackdown in Chechnya. Not since the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 has a Russian leader been less bound by ideology. Putin the pragmatist will focus his country’s con- siderable resources on the task of rebuilding the Putin Rallies the Troops - and Voters (Reuters) weakened former Superpower as an assertive, if not dominant, economic and political player. We’re All Aboard and Ready to Go He has the broad support of an electorate whose national pride was wounded by the West’s Described by its prominent passenger as a “pow- assertiveness in Kosovo and Russia’s reduced erful and obedient machine”, a Sukhoi jet fighter status on the global stage. today spirited presidential campaigner Vladimir Putin to a pre-election morale and image boost- And with less than a week before the election, ing appearance in Grozny, the devastated capi- Putin pledged to start withdrawing troops from tal of Russia’s war torn province of Chechnya. Chechnya. Russian