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No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER May 2014
EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER May 2014 EUROPEAN YOUTH EVENT (EYE) ATTENDED BY SAKHAROV LAUREATES Olivier Basille, representing 2005 Sakharov Prize Laureate Reporters Without Borders, and Kirill Koroteev representing Memorial, the 2009 Laureate, took part in the EYE in Strasbourg from 9-11 May. The event brought together 5,000 Europeans aged 16-30. Basille urged Europe's youth to get involved in the promotion of human rights saying that "courage has to be learnt; people should not be afraid to adopt non-anonymity when tackling issues that require courage"; he also highlighted the importance of social media for democracy, and the need to fight restrictive media laws. Koroteev suggested that young people use social media to spread the word about rights contraventions, and that the EU not condone violations: "those who do not take measures against those who do not respect human rights are considered supporters of the wrongdoings of non-democratic regimes". Memorial to register as a foreign agent; criticises the Justice Ministry's proposal to close NGOs extra-judicially and expresses concerns about the possibility of turning off social media 23-03-2014: A District Court of Moscow confirmed the Prosecutor's order that Memorial Human Rights Centre, the 2009 Sakharov Laureate, is obliged to register as a "foreign agent". The decision came on the same day as the adoption by the Russian Duma of provisions that will allow the Ministry of Justice to register NGOs as “foreign agents” at its own initiative, without a court decision. 2009 Sakharov Prize Laureates Lyudmila Alexeyeva and Memorial have spoken out against the proposal. -
Russia Chechnya
Russia Chechnya Population: 1,200,000 (Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the Russian Federation, 2007, Inter-Agency Transitional Workplan for the North Caucasus. The population of Chechnya according to the 2002 Russian census was approximately 1,100,000.) Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Overview: Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov was promoted to the Chechen premiership in March 2006 and continued to strengthen his hold on power in the republic. Critics like investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was murdered in October, have claimed that Kadyrov and his security forces torture suspected rebels, many of whom disappear without a trace. Rebel violence declined as Kadyrov consolidated his position, and two important rebel leaders were killed during the year, but the larger region remained unstable. Chechnya, a small, partly mountainous North Caucasus republic, has a history of armed resistance to Russian rule dating to the czarist period. In February 1944, the Chechens were deported en masse to Kazakhstan after Soviet leader Joseph Stalin accused them of collaborating with Nazi German forces. Officially rehabilitated in 1957 and allowed to return to their homeland, they remained politically suspect and were excluded from the region’s administration. After winning election as Chechnya’s president in October 1991, former Soviet air force Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev proclaimed Chechnya’s independence. Moscow responded with an economic blockade. In 1994, Russia began assisting Chechens opposed to Dudayev, whose rule was marked by growing corruption and the rise of powerful clans and criminal gangs. Russian President Boris Yeltsin sent 40,000 troops into Chechnya by mid-December of that year and attacked the capital, Grozny. -
Russia's Many Foreign Policies
Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy. -
P6 TA(2006)0448 Murder of the Russian Journalist Anna
P6_TA(2006)0448 Murder of the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya European Parliament resolution on EU-Russia relations following the murder of the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya The European Parliament, - having regard to the objectives of consolidating democracy and political freedoms in the Russian Federation, as laid down in the EU-Russia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) which entered into force on 1 December 1997, with negotiations on a new agreement due to start before the end of 2006, - having regard to its previous resolutions and declarations concerning freedom of the press and freedom of speech in Russia, and in particular its resolution on EU-Russia relations of 26 May 20051, - recalling the obligations of the Russian Federation with respect to human rights, in particular in light of the fact that Russia currently chairs the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, - having regard to Rule 103(2) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya was killed in the elevator of her apartment block on Saturday, 7 October 2006, being shot in a manner consistent with a contract killing, B. whereas Anna Politkovskaya published many articles and several books on the human rights situation in Russia, and in Chechnya and the Northern Caucasus in particular, C. whereas Anna Politkovskaya was also a dedicated defender of human rights in Russia and gave effective support to the victims of human rights violations, particularly in Chechnya, D. whereas this murder follows that of Andrei Kozlov, the deputy chairman of the Russian Central Bank, who was trying to reform Russia's banking system; whereas, also, the commercial director of the Itar-Tass press agency, Anatoly Voronin, was killed in his apartment on 16 October 2006, E. -
Post-Soviet States: People, Power, and Assets Oral History Archive
Post-Soviet States: People, Power, and Assets Oral History Archive Interviewee: Mark O. Henry Interviewer: Rebecca Adeline Johnston Date: December 9, 2019 Location: Woburn, MA Abstract Mark O. Henry is co-founder and Chief Financial Officer of Boston-based Bach Pharma. An accountant by training, he has worked as a CPA for Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., a vice president at State Street Bank in Boston, and in numerous business ventures. Much of his career in the pharmaceutical industry has been aimed at establishing a market in the United States for Russian therapeutics. Most prominent in his work is a monosodium luminol product marketed as Galavit in Russia and as GVT in the United States. In this interview, Mr. Henry discusses his experiences working with the Russian and American medical communities beginning in the late 1990s and which remain ongoing. This transcript is lightly edited for clarity. Audio for this interview is not available. Redacted portions are marked as such. Interviewer questions and remarks are presented in bold. Interview Transcript I wanted to start with asking a bit about yourself—where you're from, some of the highlights of your very varied and rich career in accounting and business, up to the point where you started working in Russia. I graduated with a bachelor of science degree in accounting, became a CPA for KPMG. One of my first assignments that I ever had was in South America, specifically in Columbia, South America. I was helping United Fruit Company at the time sell bananas to Russia, which was prohibited from the United States because of the 1947 ban on trade with Russia that the Congress of the United States had passed. -
2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity
CI-18/COUNCIL-31/6/REV 2 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity INTRODUCTION This report is submitted to the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) in line with the Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the issue of Impunity adopted by the Council at its 26th session on 27 March 2008, and renewed at subsequent sessions in 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2016. In its latest Decision, adopted in November 2016, the IPDC Council urged Member States to “continue to inform the Director-General of UNESCO, on a voluntary basis, on the status of the judicial inquiries conducted on each of the killings condemned by the Director-General”. The present report provides an analysis of the cases of killings of journalists and associated media personnel that were condemned by the Director-General in 2016 and 2017. It also takes stock of the status of judicial enquiries conducted on each of the killings recorded by UNESCO between 2006 and 2017, based on information provided by Member States. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary 2 2. Background and Context 2 3. Journalists’ killings in 2016 and 2017: key findings 7 3.1 Most dangerous regions 8 3.2 Rise in number of women journalists among fatalities 9 3.3 Highest number of killings among TV journalists 11 3.4 Majority of victims are local journalists 11 3.5 Freelance and staff journalists 12 3.6 More killings occurring in countries with no armed conflict 12 4. Member States’ responses: status of the judicial enquiries on cases of journalists killed from 2006 to end 2017 13 4.1 Decrease in Member State response rate to Director-General’s request 18 4.2 Slight reduction in impunity rate, but 89% of cases remain unresolved 19 4.3 Member States reporting on measures to promote safety of journalists and to combat impunity 22 5. -
Freedom of the Press 2005
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 A Global Survey of Media Independence EDITED BY KARIN DEUTSCH KARLEKAR FREEDOM HOUSE NEW YORK WASHINGTON, D.C. ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. LANHAM BOULDER NEW YORK TORONTO OXFORD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, MD 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com P.O. Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, United Kingdom Copyright © 2005 by Freedom House All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1551-9163 ISBN 0-7425-4028-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-7425-4029-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Table of Contents Acknowledgments, vii The Survey Team, ix Survey Methodology, xvii Press Freedom in 2004, 1 Karin Deutsch Karlekar Global and Regional Tables, 11 Country Reports and Ratings, 19 Freedom House Board of Trustees, 225 About Freedom House, 226 Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2005 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. The following section, entitled “The Survey Team,” contains a detailed list of writers and advisers without whose efforts and input this project would not have been possible. -
Michael Mcfaul
Michael McFaul Director, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, the Freeman Spogli Institute and the Woods Institute Political Science Curriculum Vitae available Online Bio BIO Michael McFaul is Director at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, the Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies in the Department of Political Science, and the Peter and Helen Bing Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. He joined the Stanford faculty in 1995. Dr. McFaul also is as an International Affairs Analyst for NBC News and a columnist for The Washington Post. He served for five years in the Obama administration, first as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council at the White House (2009-2012), and then as U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation (2012-2014). He has authored several books, most recently the New York Times bestseller From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s Russia. Earlier books include Advancing Democracy Abroad: Why We Should, How We Can; Transitions To Democracy: A Comparative Perspective (eds. with Kathryn Stoner); Power and Purpose: American Policy toward Russia after the Cold War (with James Goldgeier); and Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin. His current research interests include American foreign policy, great power relations, and the relationship between democracy and development. Dr. McFaul was born and raised in Montana. He received his B.A. in International Relations and Slavic Languages and his M.A. -
IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice
Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice May, 16-18, 2017 Hangzhou, China and Montréal, Québec, Canada Chief Editors: Ye Ning, Joseph-G. Turi, and Cheng Le Editors: Lisa Hale, and Jin Zhang Cover Designer: Lu Xi Published by The American Scholars Press, Inc. The Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law, Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language, and Justice is published by the American Scholars Press, Inc., Marietta, Georgia, USA. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher. Copyright © 2017 by the American Scholars Press All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-0-9721479-7-2 Printed in the United States of America 2 Foreword In this sunny and green early summer, you, experts and delegates from different parts of the world, come together beside the Qiantang River in Hangzhou, to participate in The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. On the occasion of the opening ceremony, it gives me such great pleasure on behalf of Zhejiang Police College, and also on my own part, to extend a warm welcome to all the distinguished experts and delegates. At the same time, thanks for giving so much trust and support to Zhejiang Police College. Currently, the law-based governance of the country is comprehensively promoted in China. As Xi Jinping, Chinese president, said, “during the entire reform process, we should attach great importance to applying the idea of rule of law and the way of rule of law to play the leading and driving role of rule of law”. -
The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia
The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Edited by Frances G. Burwell & Svante E. Cornell The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Frances G. Burwell Svante E. Cornell Editors © 2012 Institute for Security and Development Policy and the Atlantic Council of the United States “The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia” is a monograph published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy in cooperation with the Atlantic Council of the United States. The Institute for Security and Development Policy is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute also runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. Since its founding in 1961-1962, the Atlantic Council of the United States has been a preeminent, non partisan institution devoted to promoting transatlantic cooperation and international security. Now in its 50th year, the Atlantic Council is harnessing that history of transatlantic leadership and applying its founders’ vision to a broad spectrum of modern global challenges from violent extremism to financial instability and from NATO’s future to energy security. The Council is home to ten programs and centers, broken down both functionally and regionally, which seamlessly work together to tackle today’s unique set of challenges. -
General Conclusions and Basic Tendencies 1. System of Human Rights Violations
REVIEW-CHRONICLE OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BELARUS IN 2003 2 REVIEW-CHRONICLE OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BELARUS IN 2003 INTRODUCTION: GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND BASIC TENDENCIES 1. SYSTEM OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS The year 2003 was marked by deterioration of the human rights situation in Belarus. While the general human rights situation in the country did not improve, in its certain spheres it significantly changed for the worse. Disrespect for and regular violations of the basic constitutional civic rights became an unavoidable and permanent factor of the Belarusian reality. In 2003 the Belarusian authorities did not even hide their intention to maximally limit the freedom of speech, freedom of association, religious freedom, and human rights in general. These intentions of the ruling regime were declared publicly. It was a conscious and open choice of the state bodies constituting one of the strategic elements of their policy. This political process became most visible in formation and forced intrusion of state ideology upon the citizens. Even leaving aside the question of the ideology contents, the very existence of an ideology, compulsory for all citizens of the country, imposed through propaganda media and educational establishments, and fraught with punitive sanctions for any deviation from it, is a phenomenon, incompatible with the fundamental human right to have a personal opinion. Thus, the state policy of the ruling government aims to create ideological grounds for consistent undermining of civic freedoms in Belarus. The new ideology is introduced despite the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus which puts a direct ban on that.